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Full text of "The American historical review"








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REFERENCE 



GENEALOGY COLL-ECTOW 



ALLEN COUNTY ('Mill II I II1MAIH 



3 1833 01741 6899 



ENEALOGY 
373.006 
WVT39292A 
1902-1903 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2012 



http://archive.org/details/americanhistoricv8jame 



THE 

AMERICAN HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 



BOARD QF EDITORS 
GEORGE B. ADAMS ANDREW C. McLAUGHLIN 

ALBERT BUSHNELL HART WILLIAM M. SLOANE 

J. FRANKLIN JAMESON H. MORSE STEPHENS 

MANAGING EDITOR 

andrew c. Mclaughlin 



VOL. .VIII 
OCTOBER 1902 TO JULY 1903 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 
1903 



Copyright, 1903 
By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 



PRESS OF 

The New Era printing Company, 
Lancaster, Pa. 



595677 



CONTENTS OF VOL. VIII 



Number i. October, 1902. 



ARTICLES 

Eleanor Ferris 



The Financial Relations of the Knights Templars 

to the English Crown 
Habeas Corpus in the Colonies. 
John Quincy Adams and the Monroe Doc 

trine, II. . 
Lincoln and the Patronage . . . -S3 

The Authorship of the Journal d'Adrien 

•Duquesnoy ...... 70 

DOCUMENTS — English Policy toward America in 1790-1791, II.; Two Letters 
of Richard Cromwell, 1659; A Letter of Marquis de La Fayette, 1781 ; A 
Letter of Alexander H. Stephens, 1854 ....... 78 

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 98 

NOTES AND NEWS 186 



A. H. Carpenter 

WORTHINGTON C. FORD 

Carl R. Fish 
Fred M. Fling 



Number 2. January, 1903. 



ARTICLES 

James H. Robinson 
Herbert D. Foster 



The Study of the Lutheran Revolt 

Geneva before Calvin (1387-1536). The Ante 

cedents of a Puritan State . 
The Constitution and Finance of the Royal Afri 
can Company of England from its Founda 
tion till 1720 ..... 
The Plantation Type of Colony. 
The State of Franklin .... 
An Unpublished Manuscript on the Rising o 
1 647-1 648 in Naples. 
DOCUMENTS— A Letter of William Bradford and Isaac Allerton, 1623 ; Letters 
of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall, 1769-1777 .... 

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 

NOTES AND NEWS 



W. R. Scott 



L. D. Scisco 
George H. Alden 
Daniel C. Knowlton 



205 



217 



241 
260 

271 

290 

294 
33i 
392 






IV 



ARTICLES 



Contents 
Number 3. April, 1903. 



The Meeting of the American Historical Associa 

tion at Philadelphia .... 
The Origin of Property in Land 
American Business Corporations before 1789 
American Constitutional Precedents in the French 

National Assembly .... 
Henry I.'s Writ regarding the Local Courts 

DOCUMENTS— George Rogers Clark and the Kaskaskia Campaign, 1777-1778 
A Letter from De Vergennes to La Fayette, 1780 ; Portions of Charles Pinck 
ney's Plan for a Constitution, 1787 ; A Letter of James Nicholson, 1803 

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 

NOTES AND NEWS 



Gaillard T. Lapsley 
Simeon E. Baldwin 
Henry E. Bourne 

George B. Adams 



409 
426 

449 

466 
487 



491 
5H 
594 



Number 4. July, 1903. 

ARTICLES 

Charles H. Haskins The Early Norman Jury . . . . .613 

Earle W. Dow Some French Communes, in the Light of their 

Charters ....... 641 

Fred M. Fling The Youth of Mirabeau ..... 657 

J. Franklin Jameson St. Eustatius in the American Revolution . . 683 

DOCUMENTS — Correspondence of the Comte de Moustier with the Comte de 

Montmorin, 1 787-1789 .......... 709 

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 734 

COMMUNICATION — The International Congress of Historical Sciences . . 809 

NOTES AND NEWS 813 

INDEX 829 



CONTENTS OF VOL. VIII 



Number i. October, 1902. 



ARTICLES 

Eleanor Ferris 



The Financial Relations of the Knights Templars 

to the English Crown 
Habeas Corpus in the Colonies. 
John Quincy Adams and the Monroe Doc 

trine, II. . 
Lincoln and the Patronage 

The Authorship of the Journal d'Adrien 

Duquesnoy ..... 

DOCUMENTS — English Policy toward America in 1790-1791, II.; Two Letters 

of Richard Cromwell, 1659; A Letter of Marquis de La Fayette, 1781 ; A 

Letter of Alexander H. Stephens, 1854 ....... 

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 

NOTES AND NEWS ■ 



A. H. 'Carpenter 

WORTHINGTON C. FORD 

Carl R. Fish 
Fred M. Fung 



28 
53 

70 

78 

98 

186 



Number 2. January, 1903. 



ARTICLES 

James H. Robinson 
Herbert D. Foster 



The Study of the Lutheran Revolt . 
Geneva before Calvin (1387-1536). The Ante- 
cedents of a Puritan State .... 

The Constitution and Finance of the Royal Afri- 
can Company of England from its Founda- 
tion till 1720 ...... 

The Plantation Type of Colony. 

The State of Franklin ..... 

An Unpublished Manuscript on the Rising of 
1647-1648 in Naples. . 

DOCUMENTS— A Letter of William Bradford and Isaac Allerton, 1623 ; Letters 
of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall, 1769-1777 ..... 

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 



W. R. Scott 



L. D. Scisco 
George H. Alden 
Daniel C. Knowlton 



205 



217 



241 
260 
271 

290 

294 
111 



NOTES AND NEWS 392 



IV 



Contents 



NUMKIiR 



Al'RIL, I903. 



ARTICLES 



The Meeting of the American Historical Associa- 
tion at Philadelphia . . . ■ 
The Origin of Property in Land 
American Business Corporations before 1789 
American Constitutional Precedents in the P rench 

National Assembly .... 
Henry I.'s Writ regarding the Local Courts 

DOCUMENTS— George Rogers Clark and the Kaskaskia Campaign, 1777-1778 
A Letter from De Vergennes to La Fayette, 1780 ; Portions of Charles Pinck 
ney's Plan for a Constitution, 1787 ; A Letter of James Nicholson, 1803 

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 

NOTES AND NEWS 



Gaili.ard T. Lapsley 
Simeon E. Baldwin 
Henry E. Bourne 

George B. Adams 



409 
426 

449 

466 
487 



491 
5H 
594 



Number 4. July, 1903. 

ARTICLES 

Charles H. Haskins The Early Norman Jury ..... 613 

Earle W. Dow Some French Communes, in the Light of their 

Charters ....... 641 

Fred M. Fling The Youth of Mirabeau ..... 657 

J. Franklin Jameson St. Eustatius in the American Revolution . . 683 

DOCUMENTS — Correspondence of the Comte de Moustier with the Comte de 

Montmorin, 1 787-1 789 .......... 709 

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 734 

COMMUNICATION — The International Congress of Historical Sciences . 809 

NOTES AND NEWS 813 

INDEX 829 



Volume VIII~\ October, 1902. [Number 1 



»e 



imatt fRiitfltial %mm 



THE FINANCIAL RELATIONS OF THE KNIGHTS 
TEMPLARS TO THE ENGLISH CROWN 1 

THE order of the Knights Templars is familiar to all readers of 
the history or romance of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries 
for its courage, military prowess, wealth, and somewhat arrogant 
pride. The Templars together with the Knights of the Hospital of 
St. John long formed the most stable element in the Holy Land 
and their military services there have received full recognition. But 
the order also rendered important services to Christendom in a very 
different field of action. In the unwarlike atmosphere of the count- 
ing-room, the soldiers of the Temple, for over a century, handled 
much of the capital of western Europe, becoming expert ac- 
countants, judicious administrators, and pioneers in that develop- 
ment of credit and its instruments, which was destined to revolu- 
tionize the methods of commerce and finance. This civil aspect of 
the Knights Templars is comparatively little known. The custom 
of storing treasure at the New Temple in London is described and 
illustrated by Mr. Addison whose history of the order appeared in 
1842. 2 Professor Cunningham, in the third edition of his Growtlt 

1 The following contractions are used in the foot-notes that follow : 

Bond is the abbreviated reference to Extracts from the Liberate Rolls, by E. A. 
Bond Archceologia, XXVIII. London, 1840. 

Delisle is for " Memoire sur les Operations Financieres des Templiers. Memoires de 
l'lnstitut National de France." Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, XXXIII. 
Paris, 1888. 

R. C. is for Record Commission. 

Rot. Clans, is for Rotuli Litterarum Clansarnm, 1204-1227. Ed. T. D. Hardy. 
Record Commission. 2 vols. London, 1833-1844. 

Rot. Pat. is for Rotuli Litterarum Patentium, 1201-1216. Ed. T. D. Hardy. 
Record Commission. London, 1835. 

R. S. is for " Rolls Series." 

Rymer is for Fosdera, ed. Thomas Rymer. Record Commission, 4 vols. London } 
1816-1869. 

1 History of the Knights Templars, pp. 122-125. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — I I 



2 E. Ferris 

of English Industry and Com in are, has credited the Templars with 
a share in the financial operations of the thirteenth century. 1 In 
1889, M. Leopold Delisle made " Les Operations Financieres des 
Templiers " the subject of a memoire before the Academie des In- 
scriptions et Belles-Lettres, 2 in which, after illustrating the employ- 
ment of the order in financial affairs by the popes and by many of 
the princes, prelates, and magnates of western Europe, he has dealt 
exhaustively with the financial relations between the French kings 
and the Templars. It is the object of the present study to set forth, 
as precisely as may be, the exact nature and extent of the financial 
relations between the Templars and the English Crown. The 
subject is deserving of investigation both because of the slight con- 
tribution it may yield to the fiscal history of England in the 
thirteenth century, and because the civil services which the order 
had long been rendering at the time of its dissolution ought to be 
taken into account in a final estimate of its place in" history. 

Every financial transaction is a matter of receipt or disburse- 
ment according to the point of view. If one take one's stand in 
the Temple treasury in London, the relations of the order with the 
outside world resolve themselves, so far as money is concerned, into 
these two general classes. Under receipt the Temple is to be con- 
sidered as a place of safe-deposit for those who had valuable pos- 
sessions and as a royal treasury where funds were stored and taxes 
paid in. The outlook is towards the exchequer at Westminster 
where the fiscal system of the realm centered, and beyond to the 
various sources from which the king's revenue was derived. Under 
the second head of disbursements the relations to be examined are 
more directly with the king. In addition to loans and payments 
made at the king's order, are to be considered some more complex 
banking operations, in the development of which the Templars were, 
in M. Delisle's opinion, the rivals, if not the precursors, of the 
Italian societies of merchants. 

The fact of any connection between the order of soldier monks, 
devoted to the rescue and defense of the holy sepulchre, and the 
financial affairs of Christendom is to be accounted for, possibly, by 
the common medieval practice of depositing objects of value in 
consecrated places for security during times of trouble and tumult. 
In addition to the spiritual protection of a hallowed spot, the houses 
of the Templars possessed the great practical advantages of having 
been built by men who were excellent engineers and of being de- 
fended by the bravest soldiers of the age. 3 

1 1'. 274. 

*Mlmoires de V Institut National de France, XXXIII. 

3 Delisle, p. 2. 



Relations of Knights Templars to Englisli Crown 3 

To speak only of England, all classes of persons who possessed 
treasure seem, during the thirteenth century, to have availed them- 
selves of the New Temple l for purposes of what would to-day be 
called safe-deposit. In the absence of any records kept by the 
Templars, there is evidence of this custom of storing gold, silver, 
jewels, and the like at the Temple on the part of individuals only 
when circumstances happened to give publicity to the fact. Many 
thirteenth century chroniclers record such deposits incidentally in 
narrating the story of their sequestration or confiscation. This was 
the case with the 40,000 marks entrusted to the Templars by 
Falkes de Breaute, the Norman adventurer who had served John 
but fell into conspiracy and rebellion against the government of 
Henry III. In 1226, the masters of the order in both France and 
England were directed to sequestrate this sum as an indemnity for 
his depredations. 2 So also it appears that Hubert de Burgh had 
deposited his treasure at the New Temple, since Henry III. confis- 
cated it there in 1232. 3 The departing Poitevins left a large sum at 
the Temple when they were forced to leave England in 1258. 4 
Five years later, Edward, the heir to the throne, seized £10,000 
which had been deposited at the Temple by the merchants and 
magnates of the land. 5 In 1 278, the bishop of Rochester's chest 
was sequestrated at the Temple on the ground of debt. 6 Just be- 
fore the downfall of the order, Edward II. seized and gave to 
Piers Gaveston £50,000 which had been placed in the custody of 
the Templars by Bishop Langton, his father's treasurer. 7 Thus, 
justly or unjustly, the thirteenth century kings of England, from 
time to time, replenished their funds by confiscating the treasure 
entrusted to the Templars. These unfortunate depositors are 
doubtless but a small proportion of the many, whose treasures, 
safely guarded and restored intact, were unrecorded in the annals of 
the time. 

"' About the beginning of Henry the Second's reign, the Knights Templars, leaving 
their home in Holburne, situate on the south part of that street where Southampton 
House lately stood, . . . did, for their more conveniency, set up another habitation for 
themselves over against the end of a street heretofore called New Street but now Chancery 
Lane ; which had thereupon the name of the New Temple and contained all that space 
of ground from the White Fryers westwards unto Essex House, without Temple Barr. " — 
Dugdale, Originates Juridicales, 144. 

2 Rot. Claw., II. 214. 

3 Matthew Paris (R. S.), III. 232; Roger of Wendover (R. S.), HI- 41 ; Calendar 
of Documents rel. to Scot/and (ed. J. Bain), I. No. 1 163. 

« Matthew Paris (R. S. ), V. 704 ; Stubbs, Const. Hist, (fourth edition), II. 81. 

5 Annates Monastic! (R. S.), III. 222; Gervase of Canterbury (R. S. ), II. 222 ; 
Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, I. 94. 

6 Calendar of Close Rolls, 1 272-1 279, pp. 446-447. 

7 Walter of Hemingburgh (Eng. Hist. Soc. ), II. 273 ; Stubbs, Const. Hist., II. 335. 



4 E. Ferris 

The Temple was also, quite naturally, used as a place of deposit 
for papal subsidies, 1 and for bequests and grants in aid of the Holy 
Land. Notices in the records of the period from Henry II. 's reign 
to that of Edward II. furnish abundant evidence that this was 
the usual practice. 2 Thus the custom of storing treasure at the New 
Temple may be regarded as established by the beginning of the 
thirteenth century. There were deposited the wealth*of the mag- 
nates of the land, lay and ecclesiastical, the surplus capital of the 
merchants, and the papal subsidies. 

By far the largest depositors on the books of the Templars were 
doubtless the English kings who regularly made use of the Temple 
as one of the royal treasuries. " It is to be understood," says 
Madox, " that the king had several treasuries, for though the receipt 
of the Exchequer was the principal place where his treasure was 
paid in, yet it was sometimes paid and deposited, at least for the 
present, in the king's wardrobe, in the Tower of London, and in the 
New Temple at London." 3 An early notice of this use of the New 
Temple occurs in a fragment of an exchequer receipt roll for the 
year 1 185. From this it appears that the exchequer was at West- 
minster. From funds received there, the treasury at Winchester 
was replenished, while the balance was deposited in the Temple. 
This was at the Michaelmas term. An accountant who appeared 
in the following February paid in his money directly at the Temple/ 
King John deposited the crown jewels and important records in the 
Temple, as well as money; in 121 5, for example, the account of a 
secret agreement between John and his sister-in-law, Berengaria, was 
placed in the New Temple. 5 Under Henry III. and Edward L, the 
Temple continued to serve as a royal treasury. In 1220, the papal 
nuncio, Master Pandulf, then an important factor in the English 
government, wrote to the treasurer and vice-chancellor to deposit 
the money in hand at the house of the Temple/' In 1276, Ed- 

1 In 1 214, the papal legate was entertained at the New Temple for three days at a 
cost to King John of £6 19s. 5d. Rot. Claus., I. 175. See also Matthew Paris (R. 

s.), iv. 557. 

8 Henry II. in his will of 1182 provided that a bequest for the Holy Land should 
be entrusted to the Templars. Rymer, I. 47. Almost a century later, Richard of Corn- 
wall's bequest for the same object was deposited with them. Compilation de Berard de 
Naples, cited by Delisle, 29, 109. Subsidies for the Holy Land were to be deposited at 
the Temple in 1286. Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1281-1292, pp. 231, 244; in 1291, 
Madox, Exchequer, I. 271, note G; and in 1300, Bond, 215. See also Calendar of 
Patent Rolls, 1301-1307, pp. 27, 63, 234; and Rotuli Parliamentorum, I. 343. 

3 Madox, Exchequer, I. 267. 

1 Receipt Roll of the Exchequer for Michaelmas Term, 1185, pp. vi, 31. 

'' Kyrner, I. 126; Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies (ed. M. A. E. Wood), I. 
31. For other examples in John's reign, see Rot. Pat., 48, 54, 51, 58, 131, 134 ; Cal- 
endat of Documents ret. to Ireland (R. S. ), I. No. 541. 

» Letters, Henry ILL (R. S. ), I. 113 ; see also pp. 118-120. 



Relations of Knights Templars to English Crown 5 

ward I. had a deposit at the Temple from which he withdrew 1,000 
marks. 1 Many texts of the thirteenth century record the paying in 
or actual receipt at the Temple of various specific kinds of taxes, 
such as aids, 2 carucasre, 3 fractional grants of movables, 4 tallage of 
London 6 and of the Jews," the Irish treasure, 7 queen's gold, 8 and 
feudal dues. 9 

A survey of the available evidence concerning the Temple as a 
royal treasury leaves the impression that it was constantly employed 
for this purpose for about a century. The relations between it and 
the exchequer tended to become closer as time went on. In the first 
twelve or fifteen years of Edward I.'s reign, the Temple treasurer 
must constantly have been carrying on his books a large volume of 
accounts relative to the receipt of the royal revenue. Yet, impor- 
tant as these services must have been, it is at this point that the 
chief difference appears between the relation of the order to the fiscal 
system in England and in France. Unfortunately, in the matter of 
records, there is nothing for England comparable to a document 
printed by M. Delisle, which, he is convinced, is a part of a day- 
book kept by the Templars at the Temple in Paris during 1295- 
1296. 10 From this and from other evidence produced by M. Delisle, 
it is clear that, from the time of Louis IX. well into the reign of 
Philip the Fair, the chief royal treasury was at the Temple. The 
treasurer of the Temple was the king's treasurer. France, less 
fortunate than England in her administrative development, owed 
what order and system there were in the management of the fisc to 
the Templars. Yet, if in England the Temple played a compara- 
tively subordinate role, it still seems to have been an integral part 
of the financial system of the government. 

1 Calendar of Close Rolls, 1272-1279, p. 264. For further illustration of this prac- 
tice, see Calendarium Rotulorum Patentium (R. C. ), p. 21 ; Madox, Exchequer, I. 
270, note F. 

2Rymer, I. 87; Rot. Clans., I. 516. 

3 Ibid., I. 437, cf. Dowell, Taxation, I. 37. 

4 Matthew Paris (R. S.), III. 230-232; Ryraer, I. 207 ; cf. Dowell, Taxation, I. 
62, 66; Matthew Paris (R. S. ), III. 221 ; cf. Dowell, Taxation, I. 65,66; Madox, 
Exchequer, I. 270, note D ; cf. Dowell, Taxation, I. 68 ; Deputy Keeper ' s Report, V. 
64, No. 445 ; Calendar of Close Rolls, 1272-1279, pp. 21, 25, 79; Calendar of Patent 
Rolls, 1272-1281, pp. 140-141 ; Ibid., 1281-1292, pp. 70, 184; Hist. MSS. Com., IV. 

395- 

5 Calendar of Close Rolls, 1272-I279, p. 63. 

6 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1272-1281, pp. 52, 99, 100. 

7 Calendar of Documents rel. to Ireland (R. S. ), I. No. 2871 ; No. 3013 ; No. 3189. 

8 Calendarium Rotulorum Patentium ( R. C. ), 21; Madox, Exchequer,!. 270, 
note E. 

* Rot. Pat., 189; Rotuli Selecti, ed. J. Hunter (R. C. ), 1 17; Calendar of Close Rolls, 
1272-1172, p. 943; Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1272-1281, pp. 166-167, 170-171, 208. 
10 Delisle, 73-86, app. xxix ; also pp. 40-73 and app. xxii-xxviii. 



6 E. Ferris 

Individual knights and the order as a whole were commonly 
employed by the English kings in the collection and transporta- 
tion of revenue, missions for which they possessed obvious qualifi- 
cations. Movable property was first taxed in order to provide . 
money for the Crusades. In the ordinances of 1184 and 11S8, 1 it 
is provided that a Templar and a Hospitaller should assist in the 
collection of the money in each district. It would seem from the 
story of Gilbert Hoxton that the Templars were sometimes un- 
worthy of the trust imposed. Gilbert Hoxton was a brother of the 
Temple of Jerusalem whom the Lord King had appointed to collect 
tithes together with his clerks. Money was constantly being added 
to the chest, yet the sum total steadily diminished. It was pres- 
ently found that Brother Gilbert was responsible for this phenomenon 
and we read that, although spared by the King, he was properly 
punished by the master of the Temple. 2 

Both John and Henry III. frequently sent Templars on financial 
errands: 1 In Henry III.'s time, the order of the Templars and that 
of the Hospitallers were employed for the transportation of money 
between England and Ireland, and between England and France. 
In 1228, for example, the indemnity which Henry III. had agreed 
to pay for injuries to the men of St. Emilion was entrusted, on ac- 
count of the dangerous conditions of the roads, to the Templars in 
England, who undertook to see that it was safely brought to Paris. 4 

A Templar was sometimes employed as one of a board for audit- 
ing accounts. 5 In one case, in 1294, a committee of three to adjust 
the conversion from old to new money included both the preceptor 
and treasurer of the Temple in London.'' Thus it seems to have 
been customary to employ Templars in matters of financial ad- 
ministration which involved skill, accuracy, and honesty throughout 
the thirteenth century. They must, therefore, have possessed these 
qualities in the opinion of the government. The order as a whole, 
and individual members, like Aimeric de St. Maur in the first quarter 
of the century or Brother Warin in the last, were honest and efficient 
agents in matters pertaining to finance. 

The first of the functions to be examined under the general head 
of disbursements is in the nature of what would to-day be called 

1 Stubbs, Select Charters, 159 ; Liber Custumarum (R. S. ), 654; Benedict of 
Peterborough (R. S.), II. 31. 

* Benedict of Peterborough (R.S. ), II. 47-48. 

3 Rot. Pat., 122, 123, 142, 159; Rot. Clam., I. 381, 514, 558. 

« Letters, Henry Iff. (R. S. ), I. 336-337. See also Rot. Clans., I. 431; Roles 
Gascons (Ed. Michel), I. No. 3999; Deputy Keeper" 's Report, V. p. 62, No. 409. 

1 [Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland (R. S.), I. No. 2157; II. No. 238; 
Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1272-1281, pp. 379, 451. 

*• Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1292-1301, p. 88. 



Relations of Knights Templars to English Crown 7 

"trusteeship." From the middle of the twelfth to late in the thir- 
teenth century, the Templars occasionally acted as trustees of funds 
placed in their custody for the execution of some specified project, 
which they held for a longer or shorter time and then paid out ac- 
cording to the terms of the trust. Bishop Stubbs has pointed out 
the special qualifications of the military orders for services of this 
sort: 1 — "Their character as corporations, undying and free from the 
evils of old age and infancy, and, perhaps, a trust not misplaced in 
the virtue and honor of the knights." 

The earliest notice of the employment of the Templars as trustees 
comes from the first part of Henry II. 's reign. 2 Louis VII. had taken 
from Stephen certain castles in Normandy which Henry II. was anx- 
ious to recover. He accordingly arranged a marriage between his 
infant son and Louis VII. 's daughter, who was to receive the castles 
as her dower. Until the children should be old enough to marry, it 
was agreed that the castles should be held in trust by the Templars. 
In Henry II. 's will there is an allusion to money entrusted to the 
Templars before 1182. 3 John, in 1214, made them trustees of cer- 
tain sums to be paid to two of his French vassals. 4 To mention 
one of several instances in the reign of Henry III., the Countess 
of Leicester was induced to sign the renunciation clause in the treaty 
between Henry III. and Louis IX. only by the deposit of 15,000 
marks with the Templars in Paris as a guaranty fund, securing her 
dower rights from the Marshall estate. 5 These examples sufficiently 
illustrate the confidence reposed in the order's integrity and stability 
by English kings for over a century." 

The thirteenth century kings of England were in an unfortunate 
position financially. Their needs had increased out of all propor- 
tion to their revenues, yet the king was still expected "to live of 
his own." Grants of supplies made from time to time by the Great 
Council were for emergencies of one sort and another, chiefly, of 
course, for war expenses. The collection of these grants took time ; 
meanwhile expenses must be met. The earlier Norman kings pro- 

1 Itinerarium . . . Ricardi (R. S.), pp. cvi, cvii. 

2 William of Newburgh (R. S. ), I. 158-159. 

3 Rymer, I. 47. 

4 M. Delisle (pp. II-12) has explained that these pensions were awarded by John 
as a stroke of diplomacy to keep to their allegiance some of his vassals whose lands had 
been seized by Philip Augustus. See Rol. Pat., 116, 119, 121. 

5 In 1273, Eleanor entered a claim for the 15,000 marks from Louis IX. 's executors. 
Philip III. wrote that Henry III. had received the money eight years before. See M. 
A. E. Green, Lives of the Princesses of England, II. 58-59 ; 114-115 ; Bemont, Simon 
de Montfort, 330-331, 182, 185, 250-251 ; Deputy Keeper ' s Report, VI. 90, Nos. 1124. 
1 1 30. 

6 See also Calendar of Documents rel. to Scotland (ed. J. Bain), I. Nos. IC03-1005 ; 
Rymer, I. 616; Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1281-1292, p. 247. 



8 E. Ferris 

vided against difficult situations of this sort by the practice of hoard- 
ing ; but the loss of the continental possessions made this solution 
more difficult for John and his successors. In the backward econo- 
mic condition of England, there was no class of subjects upon which 
the king could rely for loans. Thus the question of financing their 
projects was for the English kings of this period an extremely 
serious one. The Jews were systematically drained dry of all the 
gold which the royal license enabled them to absorb. Extortion 
was practised upon the religious corporations. After the middle of 
the century, loans from the Italian merchants become prominent in 
the records. 1 

On the other hand, the Templars were very wealthy. From the 
early days of its foundation, gifts to the order had been considered 
acts of piety calculated to promote the eternal welfare of the giver's 
soul, a subject in which the average man of the Middle Ages was 
most deeply interested. The order, therefore, acquired great estates 
from which large revenues poured into its treasury. That much 
capital was placed in its charge by individuals has already been 
shown. Thus the Templars were in a position to become the bankers 
of the English kings, since they had ready money and were in close 
financial relations with the government. The surprising thing is 
not that the kings borrowed of them, but that they did not borrow 
much oftener and in larger amounts than the evidence indicates. 

Throughout his reign John frequently applied to the Templars 
for money, which they lent him sometimes on security, sometimes, 
apparently, on the royal promise to pay. In the last four years of 
his reign John often stayed at the Temple. 2 The master of the 
order in England, Aimeric de St. Maur, was one of those who 
steadily supported the King to the end. He advised John to sign 
Magna Charta, in which instrument his name appears ; 3 and he was 
named in John's will as an executor with Pandulf, William Bri- 
were, Walter de Lacy, Ealkes de Breaute, and others. 4 John evi- 
dently depended much on his aid and counsel. 5 Aimeric de St. 
Maur lived until about i 2 19 when he was succeeded by Alan Marcel. 6 
The sums which the Templars lent to King John range from the 
comparatively trifling amount of one gold mark, which he borrowed 
in 1213 for an offering on the day of his absolution, 7 to loans of 

1 Bond, pp. 212-225. 

,J - Itincniry of John, in Rot. Pal., Introduction. 

»Stubbs, Select Charters, 296; Matthew Paris (R. S.), II. 584,'58a-590. 

♦Stubbs, Const, //is/., [I, 17; Rymer, I. 144. 

'• Rnl. /'„/., 38, I56, 157. 

9 Deputy Keeper's Report, IV. 156. 

7 h'ol. Clans., I. 148. 



Relations of Knights Templars to English Cr 



own 



one thousand marks at a time which enabled him to bring- Poitevin 
troops to his aid in England in 1215. 1 In the years from 1203 to 
1206, the Templars frequently lent John the money necessary for 
the ransom of his soldiers or agents who had been captured in 
France.. The accommodation seems often to have consisted both in 
supplying the money and in effecting the payment of the ransom 
between, for example, London and Paris, or London and Gascony. 2 
In the summer of 12 16, John twice applied to the Templars for 
money. Brother Aimeric lent 200 marks to Engelard de Cygony 
in July and received a receipt from John in August. 3 In Septem- 
ber, about six weeks before his death, John wrote from Oxford to 
the bailiffs of Bristol that he was trying to borrow 200 marks from 
the Templars with which to reward the town for its aid. 4 The 
Templars, in common with all the other religious corporations, had 
to submit to extortion on John's part; as in 1210 when he raised 
^100,000 from church property by "inestimable and incomparable 
exactions," and the Black Friars, Hospitallers, and Templars were 
heavily taxed. 5 

Henry III.'s borrowings of the Templars were chiefly to meet 
expenses arising from his relations with France. The peace of 
Lambeth which secured the withdrawal of Prince Louis from Eng- 
land involved the payment of 10,000 marks. For this purpose 500 
marks were borrowed from the Templars in 1221, and the issues of 
the manor of Godmanchester were turned over to them until the 
debt should have been discharged. The order furnished money 
for the expenses of an embassy to France in 1225 " ; and, in 1242, 
when Henry III. had been reduced to financial straits by the 
ignominious Gascon expedition, a loan of 500 marks was made to 
him by the Templars in Paris. 8 In the next period of Henry's 
reign the pressure for money was very great. Heavy loans were 
made by the merchants of Florence and Sienna to meet the ex- 
penses of the Pope's Sicilian projects which the King had under- 
taken to finance. 9 In the troubled years from 1260 to [266, money 
was raised on the crown jewels which had been sent to France, 

1 Rot. Clans., I. 194, 198, 221; Rot. Pat., 135, 141, 152, 153; see also pp. II 
and 49. 

2 Rot. de Liberate, ed. Hardy (R. C. ), 54; Rot. Pat., 33, 41, 42, 51, 65, 1 16. 

3 Rot. Pat., 190, 192. 
* Rot. Pat., 196. 

5 Matthew Paris (R. S. ), II. 530; Annates Monastici (R. S.), II. 264. 
6 Stubbs, Const. Hist., II. 25; Rot. Clans., I. 376, 465, 479. A loan of ^250 
was also made in this year. Ibid., I. 514. 
7 Rot. Clans., II. 55. 
8 Roles Gascons (ed. Michel), I. 132. 
sStubbs, Const. Hist., II. 68-73. 



io E. Ferris 

where the Queen placed them in the Temple at Paris. 1 The 
Templars were connected with these operations, but as inter- 
mediaries not as principals. 

The expenses of Edward's expedition to the Holy Land were not 
covered by the twentieth granted in 1 269 and devoted to that pur- 
pose. 2 Large advances were made by the Templars in Paris and in 
the Holy Land. In the first year of his reign, Edward made a 
payment of 2,000 marks on a debt of ,£28,189 8s. 4d., for which 
he was bound to the treasurer of the Temple at Paris. 3 In 1274, 
William of Beaulieu, master of the order, acknowledged the repay- 
ment by Edward of money which he had borrowed of the Templars 
in the Holy Land to the amount of £"24,974 and .£5,333 6s. 8d. 4 
It does not appear that Edward I. borrowed of the Templars so fre- 
quently as his father had done. 5 The Italian societies of merchants 
supplied him with large sums. For example, in 1299, Edward 
guaranteed the agents of the Friscobaldi in London against any loss 
they might incur in connection with a loan of " 2,000 pollard marks 
and other money now current in England," which the King had ap- 
pointed them to receive of Brother Hugh, a Templar. The King 
agreed to pay back the loan to the Templars at a specified rate and 
time." Edward also borrowed of the Hospitallers, as in 1276, when 
they lent him 2,000 marks. 7 

Throughout the thirteenth century, it appears that the Templars 
frequently acted as the bankers of the English kings in the matter 
of loans, though the sums advanced, if Edward I.'s borrowings in the 
Holy Land be excluded, do not make an impressive total as com- 
pared with money derived from other sources. The order showed 
its practical business methods by exacting security and by the 
definite arrangements for repayment which were usually specified in 
the documents. The question as to how the Templars indemnified 
themselves for their services in these and other financial operations 

'Rymer, T. 410, 435, 492, 505. 

2 Deputy Keeper s Report, V. 64, No. 445. 

3 Issues of the Exchequer, translated by F. Devon, pp. xvii, 86 ; Rymer, I. 708. 

4 Delisle, p. 245 ; Rymer, I. 514. Edward's notes, the letter adds, had been de- 
posited at the Temple in Paris and could not be returned because the roads were insecure. 
See also Rymer, I. 516. 

• r » For further examples of loans made to Henry III. by the Templars, see Rot. Claus. r 
\. <)I2; [I. 4; Calendarium Rotulorum Pateniium (R. C. ), 21 ; Deputy Keeper's 
Report, V. 85, No. 879. Sometimes the Templars refused to comply with Henry's de- 
mands. Matthew Paris (R. S. ), V. 364. 

'' Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1292-1301, p. 419. For other loans made by the Tem- 
plars to Edward I., see Calendar of Patent Ro'ls, 1272-1281, p. 375; Madox, Ex- 
chequer, I. 612-613; Calendarium Rotulorum Originalium (R. C), I. 114. 

7 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1272-1281, p. 147. See also Calendarium Rotulorum 
Originalium (R. C), I. 114; Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1301-1307, p. 443. 



Relations of Knights Templars to English Crown 1 1 

can more conveniently be examined after the other matters have 
been considered. 

Frequent notices occur in the records of the thirteenth century 
of payments made through the agency of the Templars. Some of 
these are in the nature of drafts upon a standing account. The 
king would address a letter to the master or to the master and 
brothers of the Temple, authorizing the payment, "from our treas- 
ure entrusted to you to guard," of definite sums to specified per- 
sons or their accredited agents. A few examples from each reign 
will sufficiently illustrate this practice. 

John drew heavily upon his reserves at the New Temple for the 
operations in which he was engaged during the last four years of 
his reign. In the critical period from 121 2 to 12 14, large sums 
were sent to the continent to the Emperor Otto who was John's 
chief ally against Philip Augustus, 1 and to the King's half-brother, 
William Longsword, Earl of Salisbury, who was in command of the 
English forces in Flanders and was captured at Bouvines together 
with Ferrand, Count of Flanders. 2 

In 1235, Henry III. gave his sister Isabella in marriage to the 
Emperor Frederick with the large sum of 30,000 marks as a mar- 
riage portion. The prompt payment of the money indicates the 
cordial relations between King and Emperor at this time. The last 
installment of 10,000 marks was paid to the Emperor's messengers 
by Brother Hugh de Stocton, treasurer of the Temple, from the 
King's deposits there, in June, 1237. 3 Arrangements were made, 
in June, 1274, for providing Edward I. with funds when he should 
arrive in Paris on his way home from the Holy Land. Warin, 
treasurer of the New Temple, was directed to pay, for this purpose, 
2,000 marks to an Italian merchant, Luke de Lucca. 4 These trans- 
actions which the Templars performed for John, Henry III. and 
Edward I. apparently did not, in any case, involve a more com- 
plicated operation than that of cashing an order, on its presentation 
by the proper person at the Temple. 

1 Rot. Claus., I., 124, 179; Rymer, I., 108. 

2 Rot. Claus., I., 136; Rot. Pat., XX. ioo, 103, 104. In May, 1213, io.coo 
marks were withdrawn from the King's deposits at the Temple. Rot. Claus., I. 134. 
In 1214, Pandulf received orders for large sums to be paid from the King's deposits at 
the Temple. Stubbs, Const. Hist., I. 561; Rot. Pat., 107. See also Rot. Pat., 104, 

173- 

3 Stubbs, Const. Hist., II. 52 ; Bond, 236 ; M. A. E. Green, Lives of the Princesses 
of England II. II ; Rymer, I. 232. See also Cal. of Doc. rel. to Ireland (R. S.), 
1171-1251, No. 2871. 

4 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1272-1281, p. 52. Edward I. frequently drew upon his 
deposits at the New Temple through orders to Brother Warin. See Calendar of Patent 
Rolls, 1272-1281, pp. 83, 84, 100, 140, 141. 



1 2 E. Ferris 

In the class of disbursements next to be considered, money was 
transferred from the treasury to the Temple for the purpose of dis- 
charging definite obligations. The king wrote a letter to his 
barons of the exchequer or to his treasurer and chamberlains direct- 
ing the payment to the Templars of a specified sum " to the use " 
of a specified person. The obligations thus discharged consisted of 
debts, including the repayment of some of the loans already con- 
sidered, of gifts, and the execution of financial clauses in formal 
treaties and in more or less informal agreements which bound the 
king to the payment of marriage portions, pensions, and the like. 
It is not possible always to be sure as to just what function the 
Templars performed in these cases. Usually it is clear that their 
services consisted in accomplishing a payment between London and 
the continent without the actual transfer of money ; that is, the 
Templars seem at an early period to have worked out between 
their various commanderies a system of money transfers by bills 
of exchange of which kings, magnates, and also the Italian 
merchants seem freely to have availed themselves. 1 

It has already been observed that sometimes the Templars lent 
the money to meet a certain obligation and arranged for its payment 
to the person concerned. Repayment was sometimes provided for 
under their auspices. This was true of some of the ransoms in 
John's reign, notably those of William Briwere and Gerard de 
Athies. 2 John wrote from Oxford, July 22, 121 5, directing his 
treasurer and chamberlains to pay to the Templars in England 1 , 100 
marks on a debt which he owed Master Gerard Brochard in Poitou. 3 
In 1226, Henry III. bought a ship of the Spanish Templars. On 
July seventh he wrote to the master of the order in Spain that 200 
marks for the price of the ship would be. rendered him at the house 
of the New Temple in London in the hands of the master of that 
house ; should this amount be unsatisfactory, more would be added. 4 
In 1257, a sum of 540 marks which Henry III. had borrowed of 
the merchants of Florence was to be repaid at the New Temple, 
London. The loan was made for the "affair in Sicily." The 

1 For the early history of hills of exchange, see Goldschmidt, Universalgeschichte 
des Uandclsrechts (1891), 403-465, and Endemann, Studien in der Romanisch-canon- 
istischen Wirlhschafts- und Rechlslehre, I. 75-115. 

*Rot. Pat., 41, 42, 65. 

*Rol. Clam., I. 221 ; see also Rot. Pat., 152. In 1242, Henry III. at Bordeaux 
offered to repay the money, which he hoped to borrow of the master of the Temple at 
Paris, cither in London or in Paris. Roles Gascons (ed. Michel), I. No. 994. The 
loan to the Friscobaldi in 1299 was to he repaid at the Temple in Paris. Calendar of 
Patent Rolls, 1292-1301, p. 419. 

* Rot. Claus., II. 154. An order of the same date was made for the payment of 
three marks to Brother Martin of the Temple in Spain for his expenses home. Rot. Clans., 
II 127. 



Relations of Knights Templars to English Crown 1 3 

instrument quoted in Rymer is a bond given by the King's procu- 
reurs at Viterbo to certain merchants of Sienna and Florence. Pay- 
ment was to be made next Pentecost at the New Temple in London. 1 

The Templars often executed the financial clauses of treaties, as 
in the case of the annual payment to the pope 2 and the indemnity 
to Louis of France, 3 burdens resulting from John's folly and misrule 
with which the government of Henry III. found itself charged. An 
excellent illustration of the way in which payments on the continent 
were accomplished through the New Temple in London appears in 
an agreement between Henry III. and the Count of March for the 
transfer of the island of Oleron. Henry was to pay ^"200 to the 
master of the Temple in England annually for five years ; the Tem- 
plars were to pay the Count of March. 4 

The Templars were often employed for accomplishing the pay- 
ment of gifts, marriage portions, pensions, and matters of that sort. 
The earliest notice occurs towards the close of Henry II. 's reign. 
The King agreed to give the widow of his son Henry ,£2,750 a year. 
One payment was to be made at the Temple at Sainte Vaubourg 
near Rouen in the spring, the other in the winter at Paris. 5 In 
1 21 5, John wrote to the Pope concerning the dower of his sister-in- 
law, Berengaria. He had agreed to give her 2,000 marks for arrears 
and 1,000 marks annually in the future ; the money was to be paid 
through the house of the New Temple in London. 6 Arrangements 
were made in 1 248 for yearly pensions to the King's uncles, 
Thomas and Amadeus of Savoy. Of the 700 marks paid into the 
exchequer annually by Hugh le Bigod, 500 were to be placed in the 
New Temple for Thomas, 200 for Amadeus. 7 

1 Rymer, I. 365. This use of the Temple by the Italian merchants was not un- 
common. In 1258, Henry III., his wife, and his son Edward borrowed 10,000 marks of 
the Florentine merchants pledging themselves to repay at the New Temple before June 24. 
See Pat. 42, Henry III., m. 6, cited by Bemont, Roles Gascons, II. p. cxxv. For other 
examples of the custom of paying debts through the Temple, see Rotuli de Liberate, ed. 
Hardy (R. C. ), p. 8 ; Rot. Clans., I. 159, 471. 

. 2 Rot. Clans., I. 396. See also Roles Gascons (ed. Michel), I. p. 259, No. 2035. 

3 Rot. Clans., I. 415, 465. 

4 Rymer, I. 218. In 1253, it was arranged that the bill of damages, which Henry 
III. had agreed to pay to his kinsman, the Count of Toulouse, for the depredations of 
his Gascon subjects, should be discharged at the Temple in Paris. Roles Gascons (ed. 
Michel), I. No. 2175. P° r examples in 1259 and in 1279, see Rymer, I. 383, 409, 572. 

5 Calendar of Documents preserved in France (R. S.), 918-1206, pp. 382-383. 

6 Rot. Pat., 181. Berengaria still had trouble in getting her money. The next 
year, John wrote to beg her to wait for payment until " the dark cloud which threatens 
us shall have been dissipated." Rot. Pat., pp. xx, 200; Letters of Royal and Illus- 
trious Ladies, ed. M. A. E. Wood, I. 31 ; Rot. Clans., I. 480. 

7 Rymer, I. 269. Other pensions paid for the King by the Templars are as follows : 
Peter Sarracen, Rot. Clans., I. 544 ; see also pp. 363, 381, and Delisle, p. 39 ; Vicomte 
de Thouars, Rot. Claus., I. 581, 594; Hugh of Ostia, bishop and cardinal, Rot. Clans., II. 
118; Hubert Huese, Rot. Claus., II. 126; Ferrand, Count of Flanders, Rymer, I. 196. 



14 



E. Ferris 



Services of this kind, often involving payments at a distance 
without the actual transfer of funds, were performed for the English 
kings by the Templars, especially in the first half of the thirteenth 
century ; that is, before the societies of foreign merchants had be- 
come fully established in England. The Hospitallers may occa- 
sionally have rendered similar services, 1 but it seems that, on the 
whole, the Templars had the field almost to themselves until the 
middle of the century. These payments were, therefore, perhaps 
the most important of the financial operations conducted by the 
order for the English Crown. 

Financial operations of the kind which have been described were 
performed by the Templars for nobles, merchants, and in general 
for such individuals or corporations as had need of them. A charter 
of the period between 1202 and 1206 sets forth the adjustment of a 
dispute by which Hugh of Gloucester agreed to pay the abbot and 
monks of Ea Couture yearly, at Mid-Lent, ten marks of silver at the 
New Temple, London, in return for the possession of a manor and 
church which had been in dispute. 2 In 1205, four merchants of 
Cahors borrowed at the Temple the twenty marks which they were 
obliged to pay the King for his license to trade. 3 The Templars 
had lent money to Hubert de Burgh, as it appears from an order in 
the close rolls of 1233. Henry III. had imprisoned Hubert but 
permitted the master of the Templars and Philip de Heye to have 
an interview with him in the presence of his guards. Nothing was 
to be spoken of but the money which Hubert owed to the brothers 
of the Temple. 1 

The Caursine usurers bound their debtors to payment at the 
New Temple, London. 5 In 1252, a charter of the abbot and con- 
vent of St. Albans attested that they had borrowed 1 1 5 marks from 
a certain foreign merchant which they agreed to repay at a fixed 
time at the New Temple. Fulk, Archbishop of Dublin, in 1066 
repaid at the Temple in London a loan of £100 and 550 marks for 
which he was indebted to the merchants of Florence. 7 In 1283, 
Godfrey le Herdler, Gilbert de Harwe, goldsmiths, and Bartholo- 
mew, the cook, acknowledged themselves bound to the prior of the 

1 Documents Illustrative of English History, ed. Henry Cole (R. C. ), 245 ; Lettres 
ili- A'ois (ed. Champollion-Figeac), I. 94-95. 

! Calendar of Documents preserved in France (R. S. ), 918-1206, No. 104.1. 

*Rot. Clans., I. 55. 

* Letters, Henry III. (R. S. ), I. 525. 

r ' Matthew Paris (R. S.), III. 329. 

'<////>/., VI. 221. 

1 Historical and Municipal Documents of Ireland (R. S.), pp. 166-168; Historica 
MSS. Commission, X. 216. 



Relations of Knights Templars to English Crown 1 5 

knights of the Temple of London in the sum of twelve shillings. 1 
A few years later, in 1 290, Richard Peterel bound himself to pay a 
debt of ^118 17s. 6d., which he owed William de Hamelton for 
corn, at the New Temple "in the quinzaine of St. Michael." 2 
These examples illustrate the position of the Templars as agents in 
an annual payment between England and France, as money-lenders, 
and as intermediaries between foreign merchants and their debtors. 
The Templars could not have engaged in financial operations so 
extensively as the evidence indicates without a somewhat elaborate 
and minute system of bookkeeping, and in many respects they 
must have incurred risks and expenses similar to those of the 
modern banker. On the interesting question as to how the Temp- 
lars indemnified themselves for these expenses, the available records 
throw practically no light. There are notices, now and then, of 
royal gifts to the order, 3 and, what is more significant, of grants of 
special privileges in trade, as for shipping wine 4 and wool. 5 M. 
Delisle believes that the Templars made loans on suitable security 
from the capital deposited with them. c The question still remains 
as to how this profited them in an age which held the sentiments of 
the thirteenth century on the subject of taking interest. The 7 most 
suggestive evidence is to be found in the clause of the bonds, ex- 
acted by the foreign merchants of their debtors, which obliged the 
borrower to make an additional payment, " pro recompensacione 
dampnorum.interesse, et expensis," incase the money was not repaid 
at a specified time. Several such bonds have been referred to in 
order to illustrate the employment of the Temple as an exchange 
through which payments were made. The earliest, that quoted by 
Matthew Paris in his narrative for the year 1235, is the bond of 
the Caursine usurers, so-called, who were the "papal merchants" 
from Cahors and other cities of southern France and Italy, and who 
came to England in that year to engage in the collection of the 
papal revenues. 8 The borrowers agreed that, if they were unable to 
repay the money at a specified time, they would pay one mark for 
ten, every two months, for losses incurred. 9 This is a rate of sixty 

1 Calendar of Letter-Books, Letter-Book A (ed. R. R. Sharpe), p. 72. 

2 Ibid., 129-130. 

3 Rot. Claus., I. 17, 149; Calendar of Documents rel. to Ireland (R. S. ), I. No. 2915. 
* Rot. Claus., I. 159; Rot. Pat., ill. 

i Ibid., 104; Rot. Claus., I. 609. 

« Pp. 15, 87. 

1 For the doctrine of interest or usury, see Ashley, Economic History, I. §17 ; II. 

365. 

8 Ashley, Economic History, I. 198; Cunningham, Growth of English Industry, I. 
208 ; Bond, 212-215. 

9 Matthew Paris (R. S.), III. 329. 



1 6 E. Ferris 

per cent, per annum, seventeen per cent, more than the Jews were 
permitted to bargain for. ' 

The exacting of any payment for the use of money which had 
been loaned was, of course, forbidden by the canon law and was 
abhorrent to the moral and religious feeling of the time. While 
commerce remained undeveloped, this feeling may be justified, as 
Professor Ashley has shown. 2 But as trade revived, constant eva- 
sions necessitated constant efforts at repression by the courts Chris- 
tian within whose jurisdiction the matter lay. The Jews practised 
usury, and could not be deterred by such penalties as excommunica- 
tion or refusal of Christian burial, the only ones at the disposal of 
the Church tribunals. The clause in the bonds, quoted above, was 
a device worked out in the first half of the thirteenth century by 
which Christians might make a profit on loans and still save their 
consciences and keep the letter of the law. Here was an elastic 
method for extending the business and the gains of the money- 
lender. " Interesse " was used in its original sense, meaning "id 
quod interest," that is, the difference between the creditor's present 
position and what it would have been if the terms of the agreement 
had been fulfilled and the debt paid at the appointed time. Even 
in the feeling of the period, the lender might conceivably incur loss 
by the delay, and therefore be entitled to compensation." We know 
that the French and Italian merchants practised this device or 
evasion, and that it was employed on one occasion by the head of 
the order of the Knights Templars. The possibility existed for the 
Templars to make large profits through the capital in their hands. 
To what extent they availed themselves of their opportunities, we 
have no means of knowing. 

Records extending over a period of more than a century prove 
conclusively the close relations which existed between the English 
government and the Knights Templars. The financial operations 
which they performed for the English kings consisted, briefly, in 
the custody of treasure and the receipt of royal revenue, on the one 

1 Ashley, Economic History, I. 200. A similar clause was inserted in the note given 
for 115 marks to Florentine merchants by the abbot and monks of St. Albans in 1252, 
Matthew I'aris (R. S. ), VI. 221 ; in the loan negotiated at Viterbo for Henry III. in 
1257, Rymer, I - 365 ; in the note given by Henry III. to merchants of Florence for a 
loan of 10,000 marks, in 1258, Rules Gascons (ed. Charles Bemont), II. exxv. ; and in 
thai of bulk, Archbishop of Dublin to Florentine merchants, in 1266; Historical and 
Municipal Documents of Ireland (R. S.), 166-16S. Finally, in the acquittance sent to 
Edward I., in 1274, by the master of the Templars, William of Beaulieu, for the repay- 
ment of the loan made to him in Palestine, a sum paid " tarn super principali quam super 
• u tibus, dampnis, et interesse," is expressly mentioned. Rymer, I. 514. 

z Ashlcy, Economic History, I. 155; II. 394-395; Cunningham, Growth of Eng- 
h h Industry, I. 258. 

'Ashley, Economic History, I. 196; II. 399. 



Relations of Knights Templars to English Crown i 7 

hand, and, on the other, in the administration of trusts, the advanc- 
ing of loans, cashing of orders on deposits, and in effecting pay- 
ments between London and the continent. The evidence shows, 
not that the Templars at any time financed the projects of the 
kings — the loans amount to a comparatively insignificant sum — 
but that their most useful services consisted in the handling of 
money derived from other sources. The practice of employing the 
Templars in financial affairs appears fully developed at so early a 
period, that they must, almost from the beginning, have been 
characterized by the integrity and administrative capacity which led 
men to turn to them in matters of trust ; and, as the custom per- 
sisted up to the hour of their destruction, they must have continued 
to inspire confidence. Yet the Templars were certainly very un- 
popular with their contemporaries. That they shared the popular 
disfavor with the foreign merchants and the Jews is perhaps a sig- 
nificant fact. It has been suggested that, in addition to all the 
familiar explanations of their unpopularity, the fact should be taken 
into consideration that their connection with a lucrative financial 
business involved them in the suspicion which attached to all who 
were engaged in monetary transactions. 1 The important civil 
services performed by the Templars have been eclipsed by the 
splendor and romance of their military exploits. It seems, how- 
ever, that by their financial operations they contributed to the 
progress of civilization in their time, and that posterity should 
recognize the services which in contemporary opinion brought 
them only dislike and distrust. 

The circumstances under which the Templars met their end are 
sufficiently tragic, whether Philip the Fair's accusations had any 
basis in fact or not. Students of the subject to-day are practically 
agreed that the charges brought against them were totally un- 
founded. The iniquity of Philip's attack, which has been called the 
greatest crime of the Middle Ages, becomes the deeper as the 
order's efficient performance of the peaceful as well as of the mili- 
tary functions entrusted to it is the more clearly revealed. 

Eleanor Ferris. 

1 Cunningham, Growth of English Industry, I. 274. 



AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — . 



HABFAS CORPUS IN THE COLONIES 

The writ of habeas corpus has been regarded as one of the im- 
portant safeguards of personal liberty, and the struggle for its pos- 
session has marked the advance of constitutional government. 
Magna Charta, Darnel's Case, the Petition of Right, the Bill of 
Rights and the Habeas Corpus Act bear witness to the importance 
of the struggle. Our rights at the present day therefore depend 
upon those acquired by our English forefathers as transmitted to the 
colonies, which are the connecting link in the process. Hence it is 
essential that we should know what rights the colonists possessed. 

The ordinary conception is that the colonies did not have habeas 
corpus until it was given to them by England itself, and Queen 
Anne generally receives the credit for thus graciously extending the 
privileges of the writ. This idea rests primarily upon the statement 
of Chalmers. In speaking of Virginia he says that Spotswood, the 
new Governor, "was received by the Virginians with acclamations, 
because he had brought them liberty. Influenced by her new ad- 
visers, who had been, however, honored with colonial hatred, the 
Queen gave unsolicited to the provincials the invaluable benefit of 
the habeas corpus act, which had been denied by the late ministers." 1 
This statement applied only to Virginia, and yet the impression 
seems to be general that the benefit was conferred upon the other 
colonies as well. It is doubtful if this so-called extension of the 
writ of habeas corpus really gave the Virginians much more than 
they already possessed. Just what was granted depends upon 
Spotswood's proclamation, which up to the present has not been 
printed. It will appear below ; but before examining the document, 
it will be necessary to consider just what the writ of habeas corpus 
is, and what its status was in the other colonies. 

The writ of habeas corpus is issued by a court of law or equity, 
and commands that the body of the prisoner be produced before 
the court, in order that it may inquire into the cause of imprison- 
ment or detention. Consequently it is meant for the protection of 
personal liberty and is properly known as the writ of habeas corpus 
ad subjiciendum. Although there are other writs of habeas corpus, 
yet this is the one which holds the high place in history. The 
thought underlying the writ depends upon early Saxon conceptions 

1 George Chalmers,' Introduction to the Revolt, I. 395. 

( 18) 



Habeas Corpus in the Colonics 19 

of individual right, and is fully expressed in the Magna Charta, which 
says that no free man shall be " taken or imprisoned or dispos- 
sessed, or outlawed, or banished . . . except by the legal judgment 
of his peers or by the law of the land. " ' This clause against arbi- 
trary imprisonment was a formal expression of what already existed 
in the common law. Just when writs of this sort began to issue at 
common law is uncertain, but by the fifteenth century they were fully 
recognized. 2 In the strife of the seventeenth century between the 
powers of the King and the rights of the people, habeas corpus is 
frequently appealed to. These demands finally culminated in the 
Habeas Corpus Act of 1679, which provided for the effective appli- 
cation of the writ. It should be noticed that the law did not grant 
anything new; that it did not make habeas corpus, but merely 
made efficient a writ, which was recognized as already existing. 
The common law nature of the writ has been recognized by Eng- 
lish and American courts, 3 and it is a fair question whether our rights 
depend upon the common law or upon the statute of Charles II. 
Certainly it is worth inquiring whether the writ of habeas corpus 
extended to the colonies by common law or by statute law. 

This question is answered in the opinions of the law officers of 
the English Crown, and in the rulings of the court. In 1720 Mr. 
West gave an opinion on the extension of the common law to the 
colonies, in which he said : 

"The Common Law of England is the Common Law of the Planta- 
tions, and all statutes in affirmance of the Common Law passed in Eng- 
land antecedent to the settlement of the colony, are in force in that col- 
ony, unless there is some private Act to the contrary ; though no statutes 
made since those settlements are there in force unless the colonists are 
particularly mentioned. Let an Englishman go where he will, he carries 
as much of law and liberty with him, as the nature of things will bear." * 

In 1729 the Attorney-General Yorke gave an important opin- 
ion upon the statute law in the following words : 

" I am of opinion that such general statutes as have been made since 
the settlement of Maryland, and are not by express words located either 
to the plantations in general or to the Province in particular, are not in 
force there, unless they have been introduced and declared to be laws by 
some Acts of Assembly of the Province, or have been received there by 
long uninterrupted usuage or practice." ° 

These famous opinions clearly state that the common law of 
England becomes ipso facto the common law of the colonies, and 

1 Magna Charta, Section 59. G. C. Lee, Source-book of English History, 175. 

2 W. S. Church, A Treatise on the Writ of Habeas Corpus, 3-4. 
3McAll, I, 71, 72. Also Md. Reports, XXXVIII. 203. 

4 George Chalmers, Opinions (Colonial), 206. 
5 Ibid., 208. 



2o A. H. Carpenter 

that all statutes affirming the common law passed antecedent to the 
foundation of the colonies also extend thither. No statute laws 
made since the settlement would extend to the plantations unless 
they were especially mentioned, or unless they had been adopted 
by special legislation of the colonies, whose freedom in this respect 
was limited by the fact that most of their laws required the approval 
of England. Usage, precedent and practice were mightier forces 
than legislation, in extending English law ; and the Attorney-Gen- 
eral recognized this truth. There is little doubt that a much larger 
number of English statutes were applied in the colonies than would 
have been adopted in form had they been submitted to the provin- 
cial assemblies. This is explained by the fact that many of the 
colonial lawyers received their training in England, where they im- 
bibed both statute law and common law. 1 

The distinction between the common law and the statute law 
should be kept clear, for many difficulties will thus be cleared away. 
Even Chalmers had a tendency to confuse the two, for in speaking 
of the common law he says that the colonists did not know the 
benefits of the writ of habeas corpus. 3 In another place, speaking 
of the Habeas Corpus Act of Massachusetts, he maintains that it 
was unnecessary, evidently thinking of the common law: 3 The dis- 
tinction between the two has been carefully upheld by the courts, 
which have asserted in so many words that our forefathers brought 
the common law writ of habeas corpus to this Country. 4 The ques- 
tion arises which are the statutes upon the subject and do they 
apply to America ? 

The great English statute is that of Charles II., which is known 
as " An Act for the better securing the liberty of the subject and 
for the prevention of imprisonments beyond the seas." ' J It was 
passed in 1679 by rather doubtful means, if the story of Burnet is 
to be believed. In the preamble it is asserted that there had been 
great delays on the part of sheriffs and jailors in making returns to 
writs of habeas corpus for men imprisoned for criminal or supposed 
criminal matters. Consequently it was enacted that when such a 
writ was served upon the sheriff or jailor, or upon any of their under 
officers they should within three days bring or cause to be brought 
the body of the prisoner before the judge issuing the writ, unless 
the warrant of commitment was for treason or felony. A fine of 
five hundred pounds was laid upon the judge for failure to grant the 

1 See N. J. (Coxe), I. 389, foot-note. Dal], I. 75. 

'<). Chalmers, Political Annals of the Present United Colonics, I. 67S. 

■■//>/,/. New York Historical Society Collections for 1868, 1 13. 

'Sec McAll, I. 70 If. 

5 Statutes of the Realm, V. 935. 



Habeas Corpus in the Colonies 2 1 

writ, while the jailor forfeited a hundred pounds for not making a 
return. This law was made to apply to any county palatine, to the 
Cinque Ports, and other privileged places within England, Wales, 
Berwick on Tweed, and the islands of Jersey and Guernsey. Per- 
sons charged with debt or civil action were excluded from the bene- 
fits of the act, while the criminal class was limited by the treason 
and felony clause. Lecky says that before the Revolution of 1688 
there were only fifty capital offenses upon the statute book, but the 
number was increased until in 1770 it was estimated in Parliament 
that such crimes numbered one hundred and fifty, while Blackstone 
says that at that time they equalled one hundred and sixty. In 
1786 it was said that the number had increased. 1 Felonious crimes 
tended to increase in number throughout the eighteenth century, 
and hence the Habeas Corpus Act was greatly limited. It is im- 
portant only as marking the beginning of efficient legal protection 
for individual liberty, but its power grew as the terms " felony " and 
" treason " were limited in their meaning. 

This statute, which is now considered to be one of the funda- 
mentals of English liberty, makes no mention of the colonies. 
Hence, according to the opinions already cited, it did not extend to 
the plantations ; and further testimony bears out the same con- 
clusion. When the Charter of Liberties of New York came before 
the committee of trade and plantations, March 3, 1684, it con- 
tained the following clause : " That the Inhabitants of New 
York shall be governed by and according to the Laws of England." 
The committee observed that " This Privilege is not granted to any 
of His Ma' s Plantations where the Act of habeas corpus and all 
such other Bills do not take Place." 2 In 1692 Massachusetts 
passed a Habeas Corpus Act, which was practically a copy of the 
English act. Three years later this came before the Privy Council, 
which disallowed it : " Whereas . . . the writt of Habeas Corpus is 
required to be granted in like manner as is appointed by the Statute 
31 Car. II. in England, which priviledge has not as yet been 
granted to any of His Maj tys Plantations, It was not thought fitt 
in His Maj' ys absence that the said Act should continue in force 
and therefore the same is repealed." 3 

These quotations only strengthen the opinions first given and 
prove that the Habeas Corpus Act did not extend to the colonies ; 
but they do not prove that the colonists failed to enjoy the writ, as 
will be seen from an examination of the conditions in the various 
colonies. 

1 W. E. H. Lecky, A History of England in the 18th Century, VI. 246. 

2 Documents Relating to the Colonial History of New York, III. 357. 

3 Acts and Resolves of the Province of Mass., I. qq. 



22 A. H. Carpenter 

We have already noticed that in Massachusetts a Habeas Cor- 
pus Act was passed in 1692 which lasted for three years before it 
was repealed. This act, like that of England, laid heavy fines on 
both judge and jailor for the nonfulfilment of its provisions, and it 
also provided that even in cases of treason and felony the person 
should be released unless indicted at the next term of court. 1 There 
is evidence that before this Massachusetts was alive to the impor- 
tance of legal protection, for we find a paper in the handwriting of 
Cotton Mather (probably written in 1686 before the arrival of An- 
dros), in which he says that they were slaves without the Habeas 
Corpus Act, and that agents by their solicitations might get it 
allowed to them ; that now was the time to strive for it. 2 This 
warning was needed, for in 1689 we find Judge Dudley arbitrarily 
refusing a writ of habeas corpus to a Mr. Wise. 3 There is nothing 
in the incident, however, to indicate that there was anything new in 
the asking for such a writ. That it must have been a common prac- 
tice is also shown by Samuel Sewall, for he speaks in his Diary, 
Dec. 11, 1705, of issuing a habeas corpus. 4 This is especially 
interesting, for it was issued after the Massachusetts act was re- 
pealed and shows that the writ did not depend upon any statute law. 

In New Hampshire, August 5, 1684, there was an application 
for a writ of habeas corpus by a Mr. Vaughan, who asked for it 
according to the statute commonly called the Habeas Corpus Act 
of 31 Charles II. 5 A writ seems to have issued and an examina- 
tion followed which resulted in the return of the prisoner to the 
jail. This was a case of arbitrary imprisonment growing out of a 
quarrel with the governor, 

New York in 1690 had an interesting case resulting from the 
Lcisler rebellion. To this writ of habeas corpus an insufficient re- 
turn was made, and we find the bystanders hissing the court, which 
clearly shows the common ideas regarding the rights of habeas 
corpus. Here again there is nothing to indicate that the issuance 
of the writ was anything extraordinary. In the court laws there 
arc some indications of habeas corpus, and these, together with the 
bail laws, formed the only strictly legal protection for personal 
liberty. 

William Pinhorne, a New Jersey judge, refused to grant a writ 
of habeas corpus to Thomas Gordon, the speaker of the assembly. 

1 For the act itself see the above, p. 95. 

2 Mens. Historical Society Collections, Series 4, VIII. 390. 
3 W. S. Church, A Treatise on the Writ of Habeas Corpus, 35. 
* Mass. Historical Society Collections, Series 5, VI. 147. 

' Provincial Papers, edited by Nathaniel Bouton, I. 542. 
6 DOCS. Relating to Colonial History of N. K, III. 680. 



Habeas Corpus in the Colonies 23 

The latter was kept in prison fifteen hours and then was only re- 
leased to bail upon an application made by a lawyer, who was the 
son of the judge. 1 

Pennsylvania made provision for the issuing of writs of habeas 
corpus .in the various court laws. Although these were repealed 
frequently in England, yet they were again and again re-enacted. 
In the laws of 1682 provision was made that any one unlawfully 
imprisoned should have double damages against the informer or 
prosecutor. This was abrogated in 1693, but was re-enacted the 
same year. 2 It was upon such acts that the legal protection of the 
Pennsylvanians depended. 

One of the most interesting bits of colonial legislation was that 
of South Carolina, which passed an act in 1692 empowering the 
magistrates to " execute and put in force an Act made in the King- 
dom of England, Anno 31, Caroli 2, Regis, commonly called the 
Habeas Corpus Act." 3 McCrady says that this act was disallowed 
by the proprietors on the ground that it was unnecessary as the 
laws of England applied to the colony. 1 The act seems to have 
been enforced despite the decision of the proprietors, for we find 
that the act of 17 1 2. repealed in so many words that of 1692. The 
new law of 17 12 provided that any two of the lords proprietors 
deputies, or the chief justice of the province, or any one of the 
lords proprietors deputies and one of the justices of the peace, or 
any two of the justices of the peace could put in execution the 
Habeas Corpus Act as " fully, effectually and lawfully as any Lord 
Chancellor, Lord Keeper, or any of Her Majestie's Justices, either 
of the one Bench, or the Barons of the Exchequer." 5 This laid 
an extraordinarily heavy fine of five hundred pounds for the failure 
to execute the act. It also held that " all and every person which 
now is or hereafter shall be within any part of this Province, shall 
have to all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever, and in 
all things whatsoever, as large ample and effectual right to and 
benefit of the said act, commonly called the Habeas Corpus Act, as 
if he were personally in the said Kingdom of England." 5 This 
statute remained the law of South Carolina through the first quarter 
of the nineteenth century, and it is a good illustration of the differ- 
ence between the laws of the various colonies. That South Caro- 
lina was more fortunate than Massachusetts may be explained by 
the fact that the law of the former might not have been submitted 
to England. 

1 Samuel Smith, Hist, of the Colony of N. J., 391. 

2 Charters to Williain Perm and Laws of the Province of Pa., 1682-1700, 100. 

3 Statutes of S. C, edited by Thomas Cooper, II. 74. 

4 Edward McCrady, History of South Carolina, 1670-1719, 247-248. 

5 Statutes of S. C, II. 399. 



24 A. H. Carpenter 

In Virginia the legal protection for individual liberty rested upon 
the bail law of 1645 1 until the famous extension of the Habeas Cor- 
pus Act by Queen Anne. This was embodied in the instructions 
o-iven to Governor Spotswood, and by him was set forth in the fol- 
lowing proclamation, of which a transcript was made from the Vir- 
ginia Records for this article. 

"At a court held in Virginia for the county of Henrico the fifth day 
ot October 17 10. 

" Virginia SS 

" By the Hon '''" the Lieut Governor 

" A Proclamation. 

" Whereas her Majesty out of her Royal grace and favour to all her 
Subjects of this her Colony and Dominion hath been pleased by her 
Instructions to Signify unto me her Royal Will and pleasure for preserv- 
ing unto them their legal Rights and propertys which said Instructions 
are as followeth. Whereas We are above all things desirous that all our 
Subjects may enjoy their legal Rights and Properties, You are to take es- 
pecial care that if any person be committed for any Criminal matters 
(unless for Treason or felony plainly and especially expressed in the 
Warrant of Commitment) he have free liberty to petition by himself or 
otherwise the chief Barron or any one of the Judges of the common pleas 
for a writt of Habeas Corpus which upon such application shall be granted 
and served on the Provost Marshall Goaler or other Officer having the 
Custody of such prisoner or shall be left at the Goal or place where the 
Prisoner is confined and the said Provost Marshall or other Officer Shall 
within three days after such service (on the petitioners paying the fees 
and charges and giving Security that he will not escape by the way) 
make return of the writt and Prisoner before the Judge who granted out 
the said Writt and there certify the true cause of the Imprisonment and 
the said Baron or Judge shall discharge Such prisoner taking his Recog- 
nizance and Suretys for his appearance at the Court where the offence is 
cognizable and certify the said Writt and recognizance into the Court 
unless Such offences appear to the said Barron or Judge not Bailable by 
the law of England And in case the said Barron or Judge shall refuse to 
grant a Writt of Habeas Corpus on view of the copy of Commitment or 
upon ( )ath made of Such copy having been denyed the Prisoner or any 
person requiring the same in his behalf or shall delay to discharge the 
Prisoner after the granting of such Writt the said Barron or Judge shall 
incur the forfeiture of his place. You are likewise to declare our pleas- 
ure that in case the Provost Marshall or other officer shall imprison any 
person above twelve hours except by a Mittimus Setting forth the cause 
thereof he be removed from his said Office. And upon the application 
of any person wrongfully committed the Barron or Judge shall issue his 
warrant to the Provost Marshall or other officer to bring the Prisoner be- 
fore him who shall be discharged without Bail or paying fees And the 
Provost Marshall or other officer refusing obedience to Such Warrant 
Shall be thereupon removed and if the said Barron or Judge denys his 
warrant he Shall likewise incur the forfeiture of his place. You Shall 
give directions that no prisoner being Sett at large by an Habeas Corpus 
be recommitted for the Same offence but by the Court where he is bound to 

1 VV. \V. Hening, Virginia Statutes, I. 305. 



Habeas Corpus in the Colonics 25 

appear and if any Barron or Judge Provost Marshall or other Officer con- 
trary hereunto shall recommit such person so bailed or delivered You are 
to remove him from his place And if the Provost Marshall or other Officer 
having the Custody of the Prisoner neglects to return the Habeas Corpus 
or refuses a copy of the Commitment within Six hours after demand made 
by the Prisoner or any other in his behalf shall likewise incur the forfeit- 
ure of his place And for the better prevention of long imprisonments You 
are to appoint two Courts of Oyer and Terminer to be held yearly Viz.' 
On the Second Tuesday in December and the Second Tuesday in June 
the charge whereof to be paid by the Publick Treasury of our said Colony 
not exceeding _^ioo each Session. You are to take care that all Prison- 
ers in cases of Treason or Felony have the liberty to petition in open 
Court for their Tryals that they be Indicted at the first Court of Oyer and 
Terminer unless it appears upon Oath that the Witnesses against them 
could not be produced and that they be tryed the Second Court or dis- 
charged And the Barron or Judge upon motion made the last day of the 
sessions in open Court is to bail the Prisoner or upon the refusal of the 
said Barron or Judge and Provost Marshall or other Officer to do their 
respective Dutys herein they Shall be removed from their places. Pro- 
vided always that no person be discharged out of Prison who Stands 
committed for debt for any Decree of Chancery or for any legal proceed- 
ings of any Court of Record. And for the preventing any exactions that 
may be made upon Prisoners You are to declare our pleasure that no 
Barron or Judge shall receive for himself or Clerks for granting a Writt 
of Habeas Corpus more than two Shillings Six pence and the like sum 
for taking a Recognizance and that the Provost Marshall shall not receive 
more than five Shillings for every commitment one Shilling three pence 
for the bond the Prisoner is to Sign one Shilling three pence for every 
•copy of a Mittimus and one Shilling three pence for every mile he 
bringeth back the Prisoner. In obedience to her Majestys Commands 
and to the intent that all her subjects may be fully informed how much 
they owe to her Majestys Royal favour for these her gracious Concessions 
I Alexander Spotswood Ksqr. her Majestys Lieut. Governor of her Col- 
ony and Dominion of Virginia have thought fit by and with the advice 
■of her Majestys Council to issue this my Proclamation hereby command- 
ing in her Majestys name the Sheriffs of the respective Countys within 
this Colony to cause this Signification of her Majestys will and pleasure 
to be openly read and published at the Court houses of their respective 
Countys at the next Court after the receit hereof. And I do further 
with the advice aforesaid require and command the Justices of the re- 
spective County Courts to cause the Same to be Registered in the Records 
of their Said Countys and to observe these her Majestys Commands as 
they will answer the contrary at their perill Given at Williamsburgh 
under my hand and the Seale of the Colony this 6th day of July 17 10 in 
the nineth year of her Majestys Reign. 

" God Save the Queen. 

"A SPOTSWOOD. 
" The afore written Proclamation was ordered to be Recorded and 
it is accordingly Recorded. 

" Teste William Randolph, CI. Cur.'" 

•This is certified as a true transcript: "A true transcript from the record, 1902 
Jany. 10. — Samuel P. Waddin." 



26 A. H. Carpenter 

We are now led to inquire concerning the extent of the grant 
made by this proclamation. In the first place, the legality of the 
whole proceeding might be questioned, for the instruction was in 
the nature of a legislative act, whereby the Crown extended an act 
of Parliament to the colonies. It may well be doubted if the 
Crown in 1710 possessed any power of this kind, but putting that 
aside we notice that the only punishment for the failure to carry out 
the provisions set forth was the removal of the judges, which would 
depend for its effectiveness upon the governor. This was no special 
protection against an arbitrary governor. Then again there was the 
limitation that no one could be discharged if the offenses appeared 
to be not bailable by the laws of England. Such a clause prac- 
tically placed the whole thing at the discretion of the judges, who 
were appointed by the governor. In striking contrast to the feeble- 
ness of these penalties, is the English Habeas Corpus Act, which 
inflicted very heavy fines for failure in execution, and these fines 
became operative at once on the committing of the offense. The 
proclamation followed the English law in excluding those held 
for debt, and added that one held for any decree of chancery, or 
for any legal proceeding of a court of record should not be released. 
This addition comes under civil offenses and so is a practical follow- 
ing of the law of England. 

Thus Virginia received by questionable means the outward forms 
of the great Habeas Corpus Act of Charles II., but the effective- 
ness of the law was greatly hindered by the bail provisions, which 
placed the whole matter at the discretion of the judges. The Vir- 
ginians were apparently content to live under the protection so 
given, for they attempted nothing else till 1736, when they passed 
a law providing for the use of habeas corpus in cases of civil action. 
Such legislation anticipated the action of the mother country by 
nearly a century. 

In conclusion, it may be added that the rights of the colonists 
as regards the writ of habeas corpus rested upon the common law 
with the exception of South Carolina, which re-enacted the English 
statute. The lack of statute law did not mean that the colonists 
had no protection for their personal rights, for the want was sup- 
plied by the common law, and also by the placing of habeas corpus 
provisions in their court laws. Then too they passed very strict 
hail laws with heavy penalties for their nonfulfilment. Still another 
protection is to be found in the strong public opinion, so well shown 
in the hissing of court officers for making insufficient returns. In 
the majority of the colonies formal habeas corpus acts were not 
passed until after the American Revolution, when they were free 



Habeas Corpus in the Colonies 27 

from any hindrance on the part of England. In their legislation, 
however, there was no violent departure from the law of England, 
which showed the close relation felt by the colonists in the common 
inheritance of the English law. 

A. H. Carpenter. 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS AND THE MONROE 
DOCTRINE 

II. 

On November 13 Adams prepared the usual memorandum of 
suggestions for the President's annual message at the opening of 
the session of Congress. 1 He took it to the Executive Mansion 
and found Monroe "still altogether unsettled in his own mind " on 
the answer to be given to Canning's proposals, and "alarmed, far 
beyond anything that I could have conceived possible, with the 
fear that the Holy Alliance are about to restore immediately all 
South America to Spain." In this view he was supported by Cal- 
houn, a man who certainly did not err on the side of a cheerful 
optimism, and the surrender of Cadiz to the French was the imme- 
diate cause of this despair. Adams pressed for a decision, either to 
accept or to decline Canning's advances, and a despatch could then 
be prepared conformable to either decision. 2 Monroe's vacillation 
was all the more notable as he had received the counsels of Jeffer- 
son and Madison, an episode of which Adams was still in ignorance, 
for he was not shown the letters until the fifteenth. 

If Calhoun was the alarmist member of the Cabinet, Adams 
was at the other extreme. As well expect Chimborazo to sink 
beneath the ocean, he believed, as to look to the Holy Alliance to 
restore the Spanish dominion upon the American continent. If the 
South Americans really had so fragile governments as Calhoun rep- 
resented them to be, there was every reason not to involve the 
United States in their fate. With indecision in the President and 
dark apprehension in Calhoun, Adams alone held a definite opinion, 
and in clear phrase he expressed it in summation of the Cabinet 
discussion : 

" I thought we should bring the whole answer to Mr. Canning's pro- 
posals to a test of right and wrong. Considering the South Americans 

1 This memorandum is among the Monroe MSS. in the New York Public Library. 
It consists of four pages of manuscript, and contains nothing on Canning's proposition. I 
was in the belief thai it was an incomplete paper until I found in the Ford collection, in 
lh« same library, a rough note in Monroe's writings of " Adams's Sketch," closely fol- 
lowing the hen. Is of the Adams manuscript and leaving no doubt of its covering all the 
points "I thai paper. 

* Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, VI. 185. 

(28) 



John Quincy Adams and the Monroe Doctrine 29 

as independent nations, they themselves, and no other nation, had the 
right to dispose of their condition. We have no right to dispose of them, 
either alone or in conjunction with other nations. Neither have any 
other nations the right of disposing of them without their consent. This 
principle will give us a clue to answer all Mr. Canning's questions with 
candor and confidence, and I am to draft a dispatch accordingly." ' 

At this juncture Russia again intervened. On November 15, 
Baron de Tuyll communicated to Adams extracts from a despatch 
received from his court, dated August 30, N. S., containing an ex- 
position of the views of the Emperor Alexander and his allies on 
the affairs of Spain and Portugal. It was not unusual for the ruler 
of Russia to take the governments of other countries into his confi- 
dence and display before them some of the political principles which 
controlled his actions or explain some of the motives which actuated 
his councils. As a member of the Holy Alliance, he was bound by 
its decisions, and was often made the spokesman of its policy. Such 
utterances usually took the form of circular letters addressed to the 
different cabinets of Europe, and, so far as I am able to discover, 
had not for some years been addressed to the United States. This 
was only natural, for the United States had deliberately isolated 
itself from European councils, and could hardly expect to be deemed 
worthy of being taken into the secret conclaves of the powers deal- 
ing with matters on which our representatives were ever asserting 
they could give no opinion or pledge of action. Further, the very 
political system of the United States was so opposed to that domi- 
nating Europe, that ground for common action could not be found. 
If England, with her relatively liberal system and many mutual 
interests with continental Europe, found herself unable to act with 
the Holy Alliance, it was out of the question for the United States, 
without any of these interests, to take part in their proceedings. 
There was every reason for keeping entirely aloof, and, even in a 
matter that did concern our country, like the negotiations on the 
slave trade, it was only as a matter of favor that the United States 
was informed of the conclusions, and as a matter of grace invited to 
give its adherence to the result. It was, therefore, an unusual inci- 
dent for the government of the United States to receive from such 
a source a communication bearing upon the general public policy of 
Europe. It was difficult to escape the conclusion that some ulterior 
motive was to be sought. The paper is not accessible, and deserves 
to be given in full. 

1 Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, VI. 186. 



; o W. C. Ford 

Count Nesselrode to Baron Tuyll. 

Extrait. 

St. Petersbourg le 30. Aout, 1823. 

Quand les principes qu'une cour a resolu de suivre, sont etablis avec 
precision ; quand le but qu'elle se propose est clairement indique, les 
evenements deviennent faciles a juger pour Ses Ministres et Agents diplo- 
matiques. Ceux de l'Empereur n'avaient done pas besoin d' instructions 
nouvelles pour apprecier et considerer sous leur vrai point de vue les 
heureux changements qui viennent de s'accomplir dans la Peninsule. 

Penetres de 1' esprit qui dirige la politique de Sa Majeste Imperiale, 
ils auront applaudi aux declarations, dont ces changements ont ete pre- 
cedes, exprime les vceux les plus sinceres en faveur d'une entreprise qui 
embrasse de si hauts interets et annonce sans hesitation que l'Empereur 
et ses allies voyaient avec un veritable sentiment de joie, la marche des 
troupes de S. M. T. C. couronnee d'un double succes par le concours des 
peuples auxquels l'armee francaise a offert une genereuse assistance et 
par l'affranchissement des pais oil la revolution etait parvenue a detroner 
l'autorite legitime. 

Aujourd'hui que les artisans [des malheurs de l'Espagne, renfermes 
dans Cadiz et dans Barcelone, peuvent bien encore abreuver de nouveaux 
outrages leurs prisonniers augustes, mais non asservir et tyranniser leur 
patrie ; aujourd'hui que le Portugal a noblement secoue le joug d'une 
odieuse faction, nous sommes arrives a une epoque, ou il ne sera point 
inutile de vous informer des decisions et des vues ulterieures de Sa Majeste 
Imperiale. 

La force des armes deployee a propos ; environnee de toutes les 
garanties que reclamait la resolution d'y avoir recours ; temperee par 
toutes les mesures et toutes les promesses qui pouvaient tranquilliser les 
peuples sur leur avenir ; soutenue, enfin, par cette puissance d'union et 
d'accord qui a cree de nos jours un nouveau systeme politique : la force 
des armes n'a eu en quelque sorte qu'a se laisser apercevoir pour demas- 
quer aux yeux du monde un despotisme qu'avaient trop souvent revoque 
en doute ou l'erreur des homines a theories qui s'abusaient involontaire- 
ment peut-etre sur le veritable etat des choses, ou la mauvaise foi des 
homines a projets criminels qui ne cherchaient que les moyens d'etendre 
et de propager la contagion des memes malheurs. 

En Espagne, la nation toute entiere attendait impatiemment 1' occa- 
sion de prouver que la plus coupable imposture avait seule pu lui prefer 
ces vceux subversifs de l'ordre social et ce desir d'avilir la Religion et 
le Trone que dementait d'avance chaque page de son histoire. En 
Portugal, il a suffi d'un exemple et du courage d'un jeune Prince, pour 
que l'edince riivolutionnaire tombat au premier choc, and pour ainsi dire, 
de sa propre faiblesse. C'est une grande and consolante lecon que la 
Providence Divine nous reservait. Elle accorde la justification d'un 
cclatant triomphe aux desseins des Monarques qui ont pris l'engage- 
ment de marcher dans ses voies ; mais peut-etre n'a-t-on pas assez ob- 
serve que les memorables evenements, dont nous sommes temoins, mar- 
(juent une nouvelle phase de la civilisation Europeenne. Sans s'affaiblir. 
le patriotisme parait s'etre eclaire ; la raison des peuples a fait un grand 
pas, en reconnaissant que, dans le systeme actuel de 1' Europe, les con- 
quctes sont impossibles ; que les Souverains qui avaient mis leur gloire a 
reparer les effets de ces anciennes interventions dont la malveillance 
essayait encore d'alarmer la credulite publique, ne renouvelleraient point 
ce qu'ilsavaient toujours condamne, et que ces vieilles haines nationales 



John Qaincy Adams and the Monroe Doctirne 3 1 

qui repoussaient jusqu'aux services rendus par une main etrangere, 
devaient disparaitre devant un sentiment universel, devant le besoin d'op- 
poser une digue impenetrable au retour des troubles et des revolutions 
dont nous avons tous ete, trente ans, les jouets et les victimes. Que 
Ton compare l'Espagne telle que nous la peignaient des predictions 
sinistres, a l'Espagne telle qu'elle se montre aujourd'hui ; que Ton strive 
les rapides progres de la bonne cause, depuis 1 annee derniere, et on se 
convaincra de ces utiles verites, on verra que la paix, en se retablissant, 
aura pour base la conviction generalement acquise des precieux avan- 
tages d'une politique qui a delivre la France, en 18 14 et 1815, vole au 
secours de l'ltalie en 182 1, brise les chaines de l'Espagne et du Portugal 
en 1823; d'une politique, qui n'a pour objet que de garantir la tran- 
quillite de tous les Etats dont se compose le monde civilise. 

11 importe que les Ministres et Agents de l'Empereur ne perdent 
pas de vue ces graves considerations et qu'ils les developpent toutes les 
fois qu'ils trouvent 1' occasion de les fa re apprecier. 

L' Alliance a ete trop calomniee et elle a fait trop de bien pour qu'on 
ne doive pas confondre ses accusateurs, en placant les resultats a cote 
des imputations, and l'honneur d'avoir affranchi et sauve les peuples, a 
cote du reproche de vouloir les asservir et les perdre. 

Tout autorise a croire que cette salutaire Alliance accomplira sans 
•obstacle serieux l'ceuvre dont elle s'occupe. La Revolution expirante 
peut bien compter quelques jours de plus ou de moins d'agonie, mais il 
lui sera plus difficile que jamais de redevenir Puissance ; car les Monar- 
ques Allies sont decides a ne pas transiger, a ne pas meme traiter avec 
•elle. Certes, ils ne conseilleront, en Espagne, ni les vengeances ni les 
reactions; et leur premier principe sera constamment, que 1' innocence 
obtienne une juste garantie et l'erreur un noble pardon ; mais ils ne 
sauraient reconnaitre aucun droit cree et soutenu par le crime ; ils ne 
sauraient pactiser avec ceux qu'on a vus renouveler a l'isle de Leon, a 
Madrid et a Seville des attentats qui prouvent le mepris ouvert de tout 
ce que les hommes devraient respecter le plus dans l'interet de leur repos 
et de leur bonheur. C'est avec cette determination qu'a ete forme et 
que sera poursuivi le siege de Cadix. On ne posera les armes qu'au 
moment ou la liberte du roi aura enfin ete conquise et assuree. 

Ce moment sera celui, ou les Allies rempliront envers l'Espagne le 
reste de leurs engagements et de leurs devoirs, lis se garderont de 
porter la plus legere atteinte a l'independance du Roi, sous le rapport 
de l'administration interieure de ses Etats, mais par l'organe de leurs 
Ambassadeurs (Sa Majeste Imperiale se propose alors d'accrediter tem- 
porairement le Lieutenant General Pozzo di Borgo aupres de S. M. C. ) 
ils eleveront la voix de l'amitie, ils useront de ses privileges, ils profi- 
teront de leur position, pour insister avec energie sur la necessite d'em 
pecher que l'avenir ne reproduise les erreurs du passe, de conner a des 
Institutions fortes, monarchiques et toutes nationales les destinees futures 
de l'Espagne et de rendre desormais inutile l'assistance qu'elle a recue, 
en y fondant un gouvernement dont la surete residera dans le bien meme 
•dont il sera 1' instrument et l'auteur. 

Les Allies ne pourront signaler ni les lois, ni les mesures, ni les 
hommes les plus capables de realiser de telles intentions. Mais ils croi- 
raient manquer a une de leurs obligations les plus essentielles, s'ils 
n'avertissaient Ferdinand VII, redevenu libre, que leur entreprise de- 
mande encore une derniere apologie aux yeux de 1' Europe, et que si la 



32 W. C. Ford 

prosperity de l'Espagne n'en est la consequence immediate, ils n'auront 
rien fait ni pour lui, ni pour eux. 1 

L'Empereur souhaite avec la raeme sincerite et le meme desinteresse- 
ment un bonheur durable a la Nation portugaise. Nos communications 
jointes a celles des Cours d'Autriche, de France et de Prusse qui partagent 
ce desir, en offriront la meilleure preuve au Cabinet de Lisbonne, et nous 
n'aurons plus de vceux a former, si le nouveau gouvernement du Portugal 
prepare avec prudence et maturite les materiaux d'une restauration solide, 
s'il les met en eeuvre, quand l'Espagne pourra se livrer aux memes soins, 
et s'il rivalise de zele avec le Cabinet de Madrid pour decider, a l'avan- 
tage reciproque des deux Etats, les questions de politique exterieure et 
administrative, qu'ils ont, l'un et l'autre, a mediter et a resoudre. 

Tel est le sens dans lequel ont agi et dans lequel continueront d'agir 
l'Empereur et ses Allies. . . . 

Vous etes autorise a faire usage de la presente dans vos rapports con- 
fidentiels avec le gouvernement des Etats-Unis d'Amerique. 1 

This remarkable manifesto, most appropriate for an autocrat in 
speaking to other autocrats, but entirely unsuited for gaining the 
confidence of the " one example of a successful democratic rebel- 
lion," naturally influenced Adams in preparing his reply to Canning. 
The draft of a despatch on all the communications from Rush bear- 
ing upon the proposed concert was prepared on November 17, 
and given to the President on the same day. Whatever may have 
been the general intention of Adams in preparing this draft, the 
scope of his policy was greatly enlarged by the communications 
made by the Russian minister. It was sufficiently aggravating to 
have been lectured on political principles in the note instructing the 
minister to make it known that the Emperor would receive no rep- 
resentatives from the late Spanish colonies. The few political re- 
marks in reply included in Adams's note to Baron Tuyll had been 
ruthlessly cut out by the President, as tending to irritate his Im- 
perial Majesty. From a statement of principle it had been turned, 
as Adams says, into "the tamest of all State papers." The only 
consolation was that it entirely satisfied the Russian minister. But 
now another Russian manifesto had been communicated, explaining 
more fully, and, it may be added, more offensively, the views and 
intentions of the Holy Alliance, couched in language which only 
an autocrat could employ. It was the Holy Alliance proclaiming 
the virtues and glories of despotism. This gave Adams his open- 
in-. If the Emperor set up to be the mouthpiece of Divine Provi- 
dence, it would be well to intimate that this country did not recog- 
nize the language spoken, and had a destiny of its own, also under 
the guidance of Divine Providence. If Alexander could exploit 
his political principles, those of a brutal repressive policy, the 
United States could show that another system of government, re- 

' Of this paragraph Adams wrote that it was a " satire upon the rest of the paper." 



John Quincy Adams and the Monroe Doctrine 33 

mote and separate from European traditions and administration, 
could give rise to a new and more active political principle, — the 
consent of the governed, between which and the Emperor there 
could not exist even a sentimental sympathy. If the Holy Alli- 
ance could boast of its strength and agreement when engaged in 
stamping out all opposition to legitimacy, the United States, hearing 
the whisperings of a projected American union, with itself at the 
head, an Alliance that did not arrogate to itself the epithet of Holy,, 
could demand that the European concert justify its existence, its 
actions and its motives by records other than the bloody scenes at 
Naples, in France, and in Spain. Here was Adams's opportunity. 
It was no longer Canning who was to be answered ; it was Europe, — 
and he seized it as only a masterful man, certain of his ground, 
can find in the very reasons of his opponent the best of support for 
his own position. 

In the following parallel are given Adams's first draft of the 
answer to Canning, prepared November 17, and the amendments 
made by Monroe, November 20. 

Adams's Draft. 1 

N. 76 Richard Rush, Envoy Extraordi- 
nary and Minister Plenipotentiary, U. S. , 
London. 

Department of State, Washington, 
29 November, 1823. 

Sir, — Your despatches num- 
bered 323, 325, 326, 330, 331, 
332, 334 and 336 have been re- 
ceived, containing the Reports of 
your Conferences, and copies of 
your confidential Correspondence 
with M r Secretary Canning, in re- 
lation to certain proposals made by 
him tending to a concert of prin- 
ciples, with reference to the Affairs 
of South America, between the 
United States and Great Britain, 
and a combined and candid mani- 
festation of them to the World. 

The whole subject has [been] 
received the deliberate considera- 
tion of the President, under a deep 
impression of its general impor- 
tance, a full conviction of the high 
interests and sacred principles in- 
volved in it, and an anxious solici- 

1 What is inclosed in brackets of both Adams's and Monroe's papers was omitted in 
the final form of this despatch. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 3. 



34 



W. C. frord 



tude for the cultivation of that har- 
mony of opinions, and unity of 
object between the British and 
American Nations, upon which so 
much of the Peace, and Happiness, 
and Liberty of the world obviously 
depend. 

I am directed to express to you 
the President's entire approbation 
of the course which you have pur- 
sued, in referring to your Govern- 
ment the proposals contained in 
M r Canning's private and confiden- 
tial Letter to you of 20 August. 
And I am now to signify to you the 
determination of the President con- 
cerning them. A determination 
which he wishes to be at once can- 
did, explicit, and conciliatory, and 
which being formed, by referring 
each of the proposals to the single 
and unvarying Standard of Right 
and Wrong, as understood by //.rand 
maintained by us, will present to 
the British Government, the whole 
system of opinions and of purposes 
of the American Government, with 
regard to South America. 

The first of the principles of the 
British Government, as set forth by 
M r Canning is 

" 1. We conceive the recovery 
of the Colonies by Spain to be 
hopeless. ' ' 

In this we concur. 

The second is 

"2. We conceive the question 
of the Recognition of them as In- 
dependent States, to be one of time 
and circumstances." 

We did so conceive it, until with 
a due regard to all the rights of 
Spain, and with a due sense of our 
responsibility to the judgment of 
mankind and of posterity, we had 
come to the conclusion that the re- 
covery of them by Spain was hope- 
lew. Having arrived at that con- 
clusion, we considered that the 
People of those emancipated Colo- 
nies, were of Right, Independent 
of all other Nations, and that it was 
our duty so to acknowledge them. 
We did so acknowledge them in 



John Quincy Adams and tJic Monroe Doctrine 



6b 



March 1822. From which Time 
the recognition has no longer been 
a question to us. We are aware of 
considerations just and proper in 
themselves which might deter 
Great Britain from fixing upon the 
same Time, for this recognition, 
with us ; but we wish to press it 
earnestly upon her consideration, 
whether, after having settled the 
point that the recovery of the Col- 
onies by Spain was hopeless — and 
after maintaining at the Cannon's 
mouth, commercial Relations with 
them, incompatible with their Co- 
lonial Condition while subject to 
Spain, the moral obligation does 
not necessarily result of recogniz- 
ing them as Independent States. 

"3. We are however by no 
means disposed to throw any im- 
pediment in the way of an arrange- 
ment between them and the mother 
Country, by amicable Negotiation. ' ' 

Nor are we. Recognizing them 
as Independent States we acknowl- 
edge them as possessing full power, 
to levy war, conclude peace, con- 
tract alliances, establish commerce, 
and to do all other acts and things, 
which Independent States may of 
right do. Among these an ar- 
rangement between them and Spain, 
by amicable negotiation is one, 
which far from being disposed to 
impede, we would earnestly de- 
sire, and by every proper means 
in our power endeavour to pro- 
mote provided it should be founded 
on the basis of Independence. 1 
But recognizing them as Inde- 
pendent States, we do and shall 
justly and [provided their accommo- 
dation with Spain be founded on 
that basis'] necessarily claim in our 
relations with them political and 
commercial to be placed upon a 
footing of equal favour with the 
most favoured Nation. 

"4. We aim not at the posses- 
sion of any portion of them our- 
selves." 

"5. We could not see any por- 
1 This phrase is taken from Monroe' s amendments 



595G77 



Monroe's Amendments. 
amendment proposed to first line, 

3 d P a : 

["provided their accommoda- 
tion with Spain was be founded on 
that basis "] 



36 



W. C. Ford 



tion of them transferred to any 
other Power, with indifference." 

In both these positions we fully 
concur — And we add 

That we could not see with in- 
difference any attempt [by one or 
more powers of Europe to dispose 
of the Freedom or Independence of 
those States, without their consent, 
or against their will.] 

[To this principle, in our view 
of this subject all the rest are sub- 
ordinate. Without this, our con- 
currence with Great-Britain upon 
all the rest would be useless.] It is 
upon this ground alone as we con- 
ceive that a firm and determined 
stand could now be jointly taken 
by Great Britain and the United 
States in behalf of the Independence 
of Nations, and never in the His- 
tory of Mankind was there a period 
when a stand so taken and main- 
tained, would exhibit to present 
and future ages a more glorious ex- 
ample of Power, animated by Jus- 
tice and devoted to the ends of 
beneficence. 

[With the addition of this prin- 
ciple, if assented to by the British 
Government, you are authorised to 
join in any act formal or informal, 
which shall manifest the concur- 
rence of the two Governments on 
this momentous occasion. But you 
will explicitly state that without 
this basis of Right and moral obli- 
gation, we can see no foundation 
upon which the concurrent action 
of the two Governments can be har- 
monized. 

Tf the destinies of South America, 
are to be trucked and bartered be- 
tween Spain and her European Al- 
lies, by amicable negotiation, or 
otherwise, without consulting the 
feelings or the rights of the People 
who inhabit that portion of our 
1 [< inisphere.] 

| The ground of Resistance which 
we would oppose to any interference 
of the European Allies, between 
Spain and South America, is not 
founded on any partial interest of 



substitute the following after at- 
tempt in 6" 1 line. 

"any attempt by one or more 
powers of Europe, to restore those 
new States, to the crown of Spain, 
or to deprive them, in any manner 
whatever, of the freedom and inde- 
pendence which they have ac- 
quired, \Much less could we behold 
with indifference the transfer of 
those new gov 1 ?, or of any portion of 
the Spanish possessions, to other 
powers, especially of the territories, 
bordering on, or nearest to the 
[/States'."] 

omit in next parg'! the passage 
marked and substitute the follow- 
ing— _ 

" with a view to this object, it is 
indispensable that the British gov! 
take like ground, with that which 
is now held by the UStates, — that 
it recognize the independance of 
the new gov'. 5 — That measure being 
taken, we may then harmonize, in 
all the [necessary] arrangements 
and acts, which may be necessary 
for its accomplishment." [the ob- 
ject.] It is upon this ground 
alone, etc. [to the end of the 
parag'. 1 ] 

omit the residue and substitute 
something like the following — 

[" We have no intention of ac- 
quiring any portion of the Spanish 
possessions for ourselves, nor shall 
we ever do it by force. Cuba is 
that portion, the admission of 
which into our union, would be the 
most eligible, but it is the wish of 
this gov! , that it remain, at least 
for the present, attached to Spain. 
We have declard this sentiment 
publickly. and shall continue to act 
on it. It could not be admitted 
into our union, unless it should 
first declare its independence, and 
that independence should be ac- 
knowledged by Spain, events which 
may not occur for a great length 
of time, and which the UStates 



John Quincy Adams and the Monroe Doctrine $j 



our own or of others. If the Col- 
onies belonged to Spain we should 
object to any transfer of them to 
other Nations, which would mate- 
rially affect our interests or rights, 
but with that exception we should 
consider , Spain as possessing the 
common Power of disposing of her 
own Territories. Our present op- 
position to the disposal of any part 
of the American Continents by 
Spain, with her European allies is 
that they do not belong to Spain, 
and can no more be disposed of by 
her, than by the United States. 

With regard to the Islands of 
Cuba and Porto-Rico, to the Inhabi- 
tants of which the free Constitution 
of Spain, as accepted and sworn to 
by the King has been extended, we 
consider them as possessing the 
right of determining for themselves 
their course of conduct, under the 
subversion of that constitution, by 
foreign Military power. Our own 
interest and wish would be that 
they should continue in their polit- 
ical connection with Spain under 
the administration of a free Consti- 
tution, and in the enjoyment of 
their Liberties as now possessed ; we 
could not see them transferred to 
any other Power, or subjected to 
the antient and exploded dominion 
of Spain, with indifference. We 
aim not at the possession of them 
ourselves.] 

I am with great Respect, Sir, 
your very humble and obed' Serv! 

Adams's Substitute. 

We believe however that for 
the most effectual [object] accom- 
plishment of the object common to 
both Governments, a perfect un- 
derstanding with regard to it being 
established between them, it will 
be most advisable that they should 
act separately each making such 
Representation to the Continental 
European Allies or either of them, 
as circumstances may render proper, 
and mutually communicating to 
each other the purport of such 



will rather discourage than pro- 
mote.] 

On this basis, this gov' is willing 
to move in concert with G. Britain, 
for the purposes specified. 

[with a view however to that ob- 
ject, it \js submitted] merits consid- 
eration, whether it will not \_be most 
advantageous to~] contribute most 
effectually, to its accomplishment, 
a perfect understanding being estab- 
lished between the two gov'. 3 , that 
they act for the present, & until 
some eminent danger should occur, 
separately, each making such rep- 
resentation to the allied powers, or 
to either of them as shall be deemd 
most adviseable. Since the receipt 
of your letters, a communication 
has been made by Baron T. the 
Russian minister here, to the follow- 
ing effect. [then state his letter 
respecting minister etc., and also 
the informal communication. State 
also the instructions given to Mf 
Middleton, and those the purport 
of those, which will be given to the 
minister at Paris.] On this sub- 
ject, it will be proper for you to 
communicate freely with Mr Can- 
ning, as to ascertain fully the senti- 
ments of his gov? He will doubt- 
less be explicit, as to the danger of 
any movement of the allied powers, 
or of any, or either of them, for the 
subjugation, or transfer of any por- 
tion of the territory in question, 
from Spain, to any other power. 
If there be no such danger, there 
will be no motive for such concert, 
and it is only on satisfactory proof 
of that danger, that you are author- 
ized to provide for it.] 



o 



S W. C. Ford 



Representations, and all informa- 
tion respecting the measures and 
purposes of the Allies, the knowl- 
edge of which may enlighten the 
Councils of Great-Britain and of 
the United States, in this course of 
policy and towards the honourable 
■end which will be common to them 
both. Should an emergency occur 
in which a joint manifestation of 
opinion by the two Governments, 
may tend to influence the Councils 
of the European Allies, either in 
the aspect of persuasion or of admo- 
nition, you will make it known to 
us without delay, and we shall 
according to the principles of our 
Government and in the forms pre- 
scribed by our Constitution, cheer- 
fully join in any act, by which we 
may contribute to support the cause 
of human freedom and the Inde- 
pendence of the South American 
• Nations. 

On November 2ist these papers were examined in Cabinet 
meeting. Canning had said that Great Britain would not throw any 
impediment in the way of an arrangement between the colonies and 
mother country, by amicable negotiation. He would not object to 
the colonies, under that method, granting to Spain commercial 
privileges greater than those given to other nations. This did not 
meet the wishes of Adams, who desired for the United States the 
footing of the most favored nation. The President did not under- 
stand the full meaning of this wish, and proposed a modifying 
amendment, " which seemed to admit that we should not object to 
an arrangement by which special favors, or even a restoration of 
authority, might be conceded to Spain." This was to accept Can- 
ning's position to the full, and perhaps even went further, for the 
restoration of Spanish authority could hardly have occurred to a 
man who started from the belief that the recovery of the colonies 
by Spain was hopeless. Both Calhoun and Adams strenuously ob- 
jected. "The President ultimately acceded to the substance of the 
phrase as I had in the first instance made the draft ; but finally re- 
quired that the phraseology of it should be varied. Almost all the 
other amendments proposed by the President were opposed princi- 
pally by Mr. Calhoun, who most explicitly preferred my last sub- 
stituted paragraph to the President's projected amendment. The 
President did not insist upon any of his amendments which were 



John Quincy Adams and the Monroe Doctrine 39 

not admitted by general consent, and the final paper, though con- 
siderably varied from my original draft, will be conformable to my 
own views." l * 

One paper still remained to be answered, and it was really the 
most important of all — the Emperor's paean on despotism. Not 
only was it important as an expression of opinions and policy ab- 
horrent to the American system of government, but it gave Adams 
the opportunity of making a reply to Europe. Canning's offer of 
a joint responsibility, limited it must be added to furthering the 
ends of Great Britain, was no longer to be considered. As an ally 
of Great Britain the United States would play a very secondary 
part. Alone, even against united Europe, America could gain 
the same result and without departing from a policy of avoid- 
ing entangling political alliances with any European power. Mon- 
roe was willing to raise a European question by aiding Spain 
and Greece. Adams avoided such a step and changed the is- 
sue into an American question, to be determined by America 
without the interference of any European government, whether 
English or continental. In this lies the great merit and strength 
of Adams's position. He lifted the question from one of joint 
action with England to one of individual action of the United 
States. 

At the Cabinet meeting of November 2 1 , Adams outlined his 
intended reply to the later communications received from Baron 
Tuyll, a paper to be first communicated verbally and afterwards 
delivered to him confidentially. " My purpose would be in a 
moderate and conciliatory manner, but with a firm and determined 
spirit, to declare our dissent from the principles avowed in those 
communications ; to assert those upon which our own Government 
is founded, and, while disclaiming all intention of attempting to 
propagate them by force, and all interference with the political 
affairs of Europe, to declare our expectation and hope that the 
European powers will equally abstain from the attempt to spread 
their principles in the American hemisphere, or to subjugate by 
force any part of these continents to their will." 2 

While the President approved this idea, his first draft of his 
message to Congress showed that he had not comprehended the 
general drift of the Secretary's intentions in the conduct of the 
foreign relations of the United States. In calling the Cabinet meet- 
ing for the 2 1st he had included among the questions to be con- 
sidered " whether any, and if any, what notice, shall be taken of 

^Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, VI. 193. 
2 Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, VI. 1 94. 



4<d W. C. Ford 

Greece, and also of the invasion of Spain by France." ! Accordingly 
his draft alluded to recent events in Spain and Portugal, "speaking 
in terms of the most pointed reprobation of the late invasion of 
Spain by France, and of the principles upon which it was undertaken 
by the open avowal of the King of France. It also contained a 
broad acknowledgment of the Greeks as an independent nation." 
Where was the future Monroe doctrine in all this ? It was, as 
Adams said, a call to arms against all Europe, and for objects of 
policy exclusively European — Greece and Spain. Protest only 
led the President to promise to draw up two sketches for consider- 
ation, conformable to the two different aspects of the subject. He 
was ready to adopt either, as his Cabinet might advise. Nothing 
could better prove how the essential part of Adams's views had 
escaped Monroe's attention. On the next day the Secretary again 
urged Monroe to abstain from everything in his message which the 
Holy Alliance could make a pretext for construing into aggression 
upon them. He should end his administration — "hereafter to be 
looked back to as the golden age of this republic" — in peace. If 
the Holy Alliance were determined to make up an issue with the 
United States, "it was our policy to meet it, and not to make it. 
... If they intend now to interpose by force, we shall have as 
much as we can do to prevent them, without going to bid them 
defiance in the heart of Europe." 3 And Adams again stated the 
heart of his desired policy in unmistakable words : " The ground 
that I wish to take is that of earnest remonstrance against the inter- 
ference of the European powers by force with South America, but 
to disclaim all interference on our part with Europe ; to make an 
American cause and adhere inflexibly to that " In Gallatin, Adams 
found a congenial spirit on every point save that of the Greeks ; and 
Gallatin talked with Monroe. The result of the urgency of these 
two men was that the President modified his paragraphs on foreign 
affairs, and made them conformable to the spirit of Adams's position. 
The result is to be seen in the Presidential message of December 2, 

'James Monroe to John Quincy Adams. 

Dear Sir, — I have given notice to the other members of the adm°, who are pres- 
ent, to meet here at one o clock, at which time you will bring over the draught of the 
instruction to Mr. Rush for consideration. I mean to bring under consideration, at the 
same time, the important question, whether any, and if any, what notice, shall be taken 
of Greece, and also of the invasion of Spain by France. With a view to the latter object. 
be so good as to bring over with you, a copy of the King's Speech, to the legislative 
corps, announcing the intended invasion. 

J. M. 

Nov 21. 1823. — Adams MSS 

1 Memoirs of 'John Quincy Adams, VI. 194. 

''■Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, VI. 1 97. 



John Quincy Adams and the Monroe Doctrine 4 1 

1823, enunciating the doctrine that has since gone under the name 
of Monroe. 

Adams had prepared the draft of his reply to the Russian 
communication, as he thought, in such a manner as to " corres- 
pond exactly with a paragraph of the President's message which he 
had read to me yesterday, and which was entirely conformable to 
the system of policy which I have earnestly recommended for this 
emergency." It was intended to be a firm, spirited, and yet con- 
ciliatory answer to all the communications lately received from the 
Russian government, and at the same time an unequivocal answer 
to the proposals made by Canning to Rush. 

" It was meant also to be eventually an exposition of the principles 
of this Government, and a brief development of its political system as 
henceforth to be maintained : essentially republican, maintaining its own 
independence, and respecting that of others ; essentially pacific — studi- 
ously avoiding all involvement in the combinations of European politics, 
-cultivating peace and friendship with the most absolute monarchies, 
highly appreciating and anxiously desirous of retaining that of the 
Emperor Alexander, but declaring that having recognized the indepen- 
dence of the South American States, we could not see with indifference 
any attempt by European powers by forcible interposition either to restore 
the Spanish dominion on American Continents or to introduce mon- 
archical principles into those countries, or to transfer any portion of the 
.ancient or present American possessions of Spain to any other European 
Power. ' ' ' 

How far these intentions were fulfilled a careful study of the 
paper itself will show. Like all of Adams's papers it is clearly 
expressed and most direct to the point. 

Observations on the Communications recently received from the Min- 
ister of Russia. 2 

The Government of the United States of America is Republican. By 
their Constitution it is provided that "The United States shall guaranty 
to every State in this Union, a Republican form of Government, and shall 
protect each of them from invasion. 

[The principles of this form of Polity are ; 1 that the Institution of 
Government, to be lawful, must be pacific, that is founded upon the 
consent, and by the agreement of those who are governed ; and 2 that 
each Nation is exclusively the judge of the Government best suited to 
itself, and that no other Nation, can justly interfere by force to impose a 
different Government upon it. The first of these principles may be 
designated, as the principle of Liberty — the second as the principle of 
National Independence — They are both Principles of Peace and of Good 
Will to Men.] 

[A necessary consequence of the second of these principles is that] 
The United States recognize in other Nations the right which they claim 
and exercise. for themselves, of establishing and of modifying their own 

1 Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, VI. 199, 200. 

2 What is enclosed between brackets was struck out of the paper. 



42 W. C. Ford 

Governments, according to their own judgments, and views of their 
interests, not encroaching upon the rights of others. 

Aware that the Monarchical principle of Government, is different 
from theirs the United States, have never sought a conflict with it, for 
interests not their own. Warranted by the principle of National Inde- 
pendence, which forms one of the bases of their political Institutions, 
they have desired Peace, Commerce and Honest Friendship with all 
other Nations, and entangling alliances with none. 

From all the combinations of European Politics relative to the distri- 
bution of Power, or the Administration of Government the United States 
have studiously kept themselves aloof. They have not sought, by the 
propagation of their principles to disturb the Peace, or to intermeddle 
with the policy of any part of Europe. In the Independence of Nations, 
they have respected the organization of their Governments, however dif- 
ferent from their own, and [Republican to the last drop of blood in their 
veins] , they have thought it no sacrifice of their principles to cultivate 
with sincerity and assiduity Peace and Friendship even with the most 
absolute Monarchies and their Sovereigns. 

To the Revolution and War which has severed the immense Terri- 
tories, on the american [Territories] continents heretofore subject to 
the dominion of Spain from the yoke of that power, the United States 
have observed an undeviating neutrality. So long as the remotest pros- 
pect existed that Spain by Negotiation or by arms could recover the pos- 
session she had once held of those Countries, the United States forbore 
to enquire by what title she had held them, and how she had fulfilled 
towards them the duties of all Governments to the People under their 
charge. AVhen the South-American Nations, after successively declaring 
their Independence, had maintained it, until no rational doubt could re- 
main, that the dominion of Spain over them was irrecoverably lost, 
the United States recognized them as Independent Nations, and have 
entered into those relations with them commercial and political incident 
"to that Condition — Relations the more important to the interests of the 
United States, as the whole of those emancipated Regions are situated in 
their own Hemisphere, and as the most extensive, populous and power- 
ful of the new Nations are in their immediate vicinity ; and one of them 
bordering upon the Territories of this Union. 

To the contest between Spain and South America all the European 
Powers have also remained neutral. The maritime Nations have freely 
entered into commercial intercourse with the South- Americans, which 
they could not have done, while the Colonial Government of Spain 
existed. The neutrality of Europe was one of the foundations upon which 
the United States formed their judgment, in recognizing the South- 
American Independence; they considered and still consider, that from 
this neutrality the European Nations cannot rightfully depart. 

Among the Powers of Europe, Russia is one with whom the United 
States have entertained the most friendly and mutually beneficial inter- 
course. Through all the vicissitudes of War and Revolution, of which 
the world for the last thirty years has, been the theatre, the good under- 
standing between the two Governments has been uninterrupted. The 
Kmperor Alexander in particular has not ceased to manifest sentiments 
of Friendship and good-will to the United States from the period of his 
accession to the throne, to this moment, and the United States on their 
part, have as invariably shown the interest which they take in his Friend- 
ship and the solicitude with which they wish to retain it. 



John Quincy Adcwis and the Monroe Doctrine 43 

In the communications recently received from the'Baron de Tuyll, 
so far as they relate to the immediate objects of intercourse between the 
two Governments, the President sees with high satisfaction, the avowal 
of unabated cordiality and kindness towards the United States on the 
part of the Emperor. 

With regard to the communications which relate to the Affairs of 
Spain and Portugal, and to those of South America, while sensible of 
the candour and frankness with which they are made, the President 
indulges the hope, that they are not intended either to mark an JEra. 
either of change, in the friendly dispositions of the Emperor towards 
the United States or of hostility to the principles upon which their 
Governments are founded ; or of deviation from the system of neutrality 
hitherto observed by him and his allies, in the contest between Spain 
and America. 

To the Notification that the Emperor, in conformity with the polit- 
ical principles maintained by himself and his Allies, has determined to 
receive no Agent from any of the Governments de facto, which have been 
recently formed in the new World it has been thought sufficient to 
answer that the United States, faithful to their political principles, have 
recognrsed and now consider them as the Governments of Independent 
Nations. 

To the signification of the Emperor's hope and desire that the United 
States should continue to observe the neutrality which they have pro- 
claimed between Spain and South-America, the answer has been that the 
Neutrality of the United States will be maintained, as long as that of 
Europe, apart from Spain, shall continue and that they hope that of the 
Imperial Government of Russia will be continued. 

[To the confidential communication from the Baron de Tuyll, of the 
Extract, dated S! Petersburg 30 August 1823. So far as it relates to the 
affairs of Spain and Portugal, the only remark which it is thought neces- 
sary to make, is of the great satisfaction with which the President has 
noticed that paragraph, which contains the frank and solemn admissions 
that " the undertaking of t lie Allies, yet demands a last Apology to the eyes 
oj r Europe. ."] 

In the general declarations that the allied Monarchs will never com- 
pound, and never will even treat with the Revolution and that their pol- 
icy has only for its object by forcible interposition to guaranty the tran- 
quillity of all the States of which the civilised world is composed, the 
President wishes to perceive sentiments, the application of which is lim- 
ited, and intended in their results to be limited to the Affairs of Europe. 

That the sphere of their operations was not intended to embrace the 
United States of America, nor any portion of the American Hemisphere. 

And finally deeply desirous as the United States are of preserving the 
general peace of the world, their friendly intercourse with all the 
European Nations, and especially the most cordial harmony and good- 
will with the Imperial Government of Russia, it is due as well to 
their own unalterable Sentiments, as to the explicit avowal of them, 
called for by the communications received from the Baron de Tuyll, to 
declare 

That the United States of America, and their Government, could not 
see with indifference, the forcible interposition of any European Power, 
other than Spain, either to restore the dominion of Spain over her 
emancipated Colonies in America, or to establish Monarchical Govern- 
ments in those Countries, or to transfer any of the possessions heretofore 



44 IV. C. Ford 

or yet subject to Spain in the American Hemisphere, to any other Euro- 
pean Power. 

Department of State Washington, 27 November, 1823 

When Adams laid before the Cabinet on the twenty-fifth, this 
draft of his paper, much discussion and opposition were developed. 
The timidity of Monroe was aroused, and the other members of the 
Cabinet hesitated. Calhoun questioned whether it would be proper 
to deliver any such paper to the Russian minister ; it contained an 
ostentatious display of republican principles, might be offensive 
to the Russian government, and even to that of Great Britain, which 
would by no means relish so much republicanism. The President's 
message would be sufficient. " It was a mere communication to 
our own people. Foreign powers might not feel themselves bound 
to notice what was said in that. It was like a family talking over 
subjects interesting to them by the fireside among themselves. 
Many things might be said there without offense, even if a stranger 
should come among them and overhear the conversation, which 
would be offensive if they went to his house to say them." l 

Wirt, the Attorney-General, raised the point whether the 
United States would be justified in taking so broadly the ground of 
resistance to 'the interposition of the Holy Alliance by force to 
restore the Spanish dominion in South America. If the Holy 
Alliance should act in direct hostility against South America, would 
this country oppose them by war? There was danger in assuming 
the attitude of menace without meaning to strike. But Adams, 
while admitting the remote possibility of war, saw no immediate 
prospect of that event : " The interest of no one of the allied powers 
would be promoted by the restoration of South America to Spain ; 
that the interest of each one of them was against it, and that if they 
could possibly agree among themselves upon a partition principle, 
the only possible bait they could offer to Great Britain for acceding 
to it was Cuba, which neither they nor Spain would consent to give 
her ; that my reliance upon the co-operation of Great Britain rested 
not upon her principles, but her interest." 2 

Calhoun was filled with gloomy apprehensions. Having sub- 
dued South America, the Allies would turn their attention to the 
United States, " to put down what had been called the first example 
of successful democratic rebellion." By taking a firm stand now 
these intentions might be frustrated, even at the expense of war. 
/And he repeated his suggestion of answering the Russian commu- 

1 Memoirs of John Quincy Adam',, VI. 200. 

2 Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, VI. 203. 



John Quincy Adams and the Monroe Doctrine 45 

nications by the paragraph in the Presidential message. To this 
Adams gave a conclusive reply. 

"The communications from the Russian Minister required a direct 
and explicit answer. A communication of the paragraph in the Presi- 
dent's message would be no answer, and if given as an answer would 
certainly be very inconsistent with the position that foreigners have no 
right to notice it, because it was all said among ourselves. This would 
be precisely as if a stranger should come to me with a formal and insult- 
ing display of his principles in the management of his family and his 
conduct towards his neighbors, knowing them to be opposite to mine, 
and as if I, instead of turning upon him and answering him face to face, 
should turn to my own family and discourse to them upon my principles 
and conduct, with sharp innuendoes upon those of the stranger, and then 
say to him, ' There ! take that for your answer. And yet you have no 
right to notice it ; for it was only said to my own family, and behind 
your back. ' " ' 

For three days the discussion was continued, and resulted finally 
in a victory for Adams, but at the expense of two paragraphs of his 
draft — those indicated by the brackets. The Secretary fought well 
to have them retained, and thought the first of them to be the 
" heart of his paper." From the principles there given "all the re- 
mainder of the paper was drawn. Without them, the rest was a 
fabric without a foundation." The President- was fearful, and Wirt 
described the paragraph as a " hornet of a paragraph, and, he 
thought, would be exceedingly offensive." Adams in reply could 
only say that it was the "cream of my paper," but he felt that the 
President would not let it pass. Monroe, after forty-eight hours of 
consideration, gave an opinion : 

Nov r 27 [1823.] 

The direct attack which the parag h makes on the recent move- 
ments, of the Emperor, and of course, censure, on him, and its tendency 
to irritate, suggest the apprehension that it may produce an unfavorable 
effect. The illustration of our principles, is one thing ; the doing it, in 
such a form, bearing directly, on what has passed, and which is avoided 
in the message, is another. Nevertheless, as you attach much interest 
to this passage, I am willing that you insert it, being very averse to your 
omitting anything w ch you deem so material. J. M. 3 

1 Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, VI. 20S. 

2 James Monroe to John Quincy Adams. 

Dear Sir, — I am inclind to think that the second paragh had better be omitted, 
and that such part of the 3'J be also omitted, as will make that paragj 1 , stand, as the 
second distinct proposition, in our system. The principle of the paper, will not be af- 
fected by this modification, and it will be less likely to produce excitement anywhere. 

Two other passages, the first in the first page, and the second, in the 3"? are also 
marked for omission. J. M. 

You had better see the Baron immediately. 

Nov": 27, 1823. 

3 P>om the Adams MSS. 



4 6 W. C. Ford 

But Adams did not include the paragraph, and in an incomplete 
shape the paper was read to Baron Tuyll. 

In a despatch dated November 30, Adams explained to Rush 
more fully the attitude of the administration on Canning's proposals, 
making a general resume of the questions raised, and advancing 
statements which could not with propriety have been included in a 
paper intended to be shown to the British minister. He asserted 
even more distinctly than did the message that American affairs, 
whether of the northern or of the southern continent, cannot be left 
" at the disposal of European Powers animated and directed exclu- 
sively by European principles and interests." As an exposition of 
the Monroe doctrine this despatch deserves to rank with the later 
utterances of Adams, when as President it became necessary to 
define more clearly the limits of interference or protection to be 
observed. 

No. 77. Richard Rush: Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- 
tentiary U. S. London. 

Department of State Washington 30 November, 1823. 

Sir, — The Instructions contained in my Letter dated yesterday were 
given with a view to enable you to return an explicit answer to the pro- 
posals contained in Mr. Secretary Canning's confidential Letter to you 
of the 20".' of August last. The object of this despatch is to communi- 
cate to you the views of the President with regard to a more general 
consideration of the affairs of South America; to serve for your govern- 
ment, and to be used according to your discretion, in any further inter- 
course which you may have with the British Cabinet on this subject. 

In reviewing the proposals of Mr. Canning and the discussion of 
them in your Correspondence and Conferences, the President has with 
great satisfaction adverted to them, in the light of an overture from the 
British Government, towards a confidential concert of opinions and of 
operations between us and them, with reference to the countries hereto- 
fore subject to Spain in this Hemisphere. In the exposition of the 
principles of the British Government, as expressed in the five positions 
of Mr. Canning's Letter, we perceive nothing, with which we cannot 
cheerfully concur with the exception of that which still considers the 
recognition of the Independence of the Southern Nations, as a question 
of Time and Circumstances. Confident as we are that the Time is at 
hand, when Great Britain, to preserve her own consistency must come 
to this acknowledgment, we are aware that she may perhaps be desirous 
of reserving to herself the whole merit of it with the South- Americans, 
and that she may finally yield more readily to the decisive act of recog- 
nition, when appearing to be spontaneous, than when urged upon her by 
any foreign suggestion. The point itself has been so earnestly pressed 
in your correspondence and conferences with Mr. Canning, and is so 
explicitly stated in my despatch of yesterday as indispensable, in our 
view towards a co-operation of the two Governments, upon this im- 
portant interest, that the President does not think it necessary that you 
should dwell upon it with much solicitude. The objections exhibited 



John Quincy Adams and the Monroe Doctrine 47 

by Mr. Canning against the measure as stated particularly in your 
•despatches are so feeble, and your answers to them so conclusive, that 
after the distinct avowal of our sentiments, it may perhaps best conduce 
to the ultimate entire coincidence of purposes between the two Govern- 
ments to leave the choice of Time for the recognition, which Mr. Can- 
ning has reserved to the exclusive consideration of the British Ministers 
themselves. 

We receive the proposals themselves, and all that has hitherto passed 
■concerning them, according to the request of Mr. Canning as confidential. 
As a first advance of that character, which has ever been made by the 
British Government, in relation to the foreign affairs between the two 
Nations, we would meet it with cordiality, and with the true spirit of 
•confidence, which is candour. The observations of Mr. Canning in 
reply to your remark, that the policy of the United States has hitherto 
been, entirely distinct and separate from all interference in the compli- 
cations of European Politics, have great weight, and the considerations 
involved in them, had already been subjects of much deliberation among 
ourselves. As a member of the European community Great Britain has 
relations with all the other powers of Europe, which the United States 
have not, and with which it is their unaltered determination, not to in- 
terfere. But American Affairs, whether of the Northern or of the South- 
ern Continent can henceforth not be excluded from the interference of 
the United States. All questions of policy relating to them have a bear- 
ing so direct upon the Rights and Interests of the United States them- 
selves, that they cannot be left at the disposal of European Powers ani- 
mated and directed exclusively by European principles and interests. 
Aware of the deep importance of united ends and councils, with those 
of Great Britain in this emergency, we see no possible basis on which 
that harmonious concert of measures can be founded, other than the 
general principle of South-American Independence. So long as Great 
Britain withholds the recognition of that, we may, as we certainly do 
concur with her in the aversion to the transfer to any other power of any 
of the colonies in this Hemisphere, heretofore, or yet belonging to 
Spain ; but the principles of that aversion, so far as they are common 
to both parties, resting only upon a casual coincidence of interests, in a 
National point of view selfisli on both sides, would be liable to dissolu- 
tion by every change of phase in the aspects of European Politics. So 
that Great Britain negotiating at once with the European Alliance, and 
with ns, concerning America, without being bound by any permanent 
community of principle, [but only by a casual coincidence of interest 
with us, 1 ] would still be free to accommodate her policy to any of those 
distributions of power, and partitions of Territory which have for the last 
half century been the ultima ratio of all European political arrange- 
ments. While we, bound to her by engagements, commensurate only 
with the momentary community of our separate particular interests, and 
self-excluded from all Negotiation with the European Alliance, should 
still be liable to see European Sovereigns dispose of American interests, 
without consulting either with us, or with any of the American Nations, 
over whose destinies they would thus assume an arbitrary superintendence 
and controul. 

It was stated to you by Mr. Canning that in the event of a proposal 
for a European Congress, to determine upon measures relating to South 

1 The words enclosed have been struck out in pencil, as evidently a repetition of 
what had been already expressed. 



4 S W. C. Ford 

America, he should propose, that you, as the Representative of the 
United States, should be invited to attend at the same ; and that in the 
case, either of a refusal to give you that invitation or of your declining 
to accept it if given. Great Britain would reserve to herself the right of 
declining also to attend. The President approves your determination not 
to attend, in case the invitation should' be given ; and we are not aware 
of any circumstances under which we should deem it expedient that a 
Minister of the United States should be authorized to attend at such a 
Congress if the invitation to that effect should be addressed to this Gov- 
ernment itself. We should certainly decline attending unless the South- 
American Governments should also be invited to attend by their Repre- 
sentatives, and as the Representatives of Independent Nations. AVe 
would not sanction by our presence any meeting of European Potentates 
to dispose of American Republics. We shall if such meeting should take 
place, with a view to any result of hostile action solemnly protest against 
it, and against all the melancholy and calamitous consequences which 
may result from it. We earnestly hope that Great Britain will do the 
same. 

It has been observed that through the whole course of the Correspond- 
ence and of the Conferences, between Mr. Canning and you, he did not 
disclose the specific information upon which he apprehended so immediate 
an interposition of the European Allies, in the affairs of South-America, 
as would have warranted or required the measure which he proposed to 
be taken in concert with you, before this Government could be advised 
of it. And this remark has drawn the more attention, upon observing 
the apparent coolness and apparent indifference, with which he treated 
the subject at your last conferences after the peculiar earnestness and 
solemnity of his first advances. It would have been more satisfactory 
here, and would have afforded more distinct light for deliberation, if the 
confidence in which his proposals originated had at once been entire. 
This suggestion is now made with a view to the future ; and to manifest 
the disposition on our part to meet and return confidence without reserve. 

The circumstances of Mr. Gallatin's private concerns having induced 
hi in to decline returning to Europe at this time, and the posture of Affairs 
requiring in the opinion of the President the immediate renewal of Ne- 
gotiations with France, Mr. James Brown has been appointed to that 
Mission, and is expected very shortly to proceed upon it. 

I am with great Respect etc. 

[John Quincy Adams.] 1 

With the submission to Congress on December 2d of the Presi- 
dent's annual message, the incident was closed so far as the public 
utterance of the doctrine was concerned. The message, the two 
despatches to Rush, and the communication made to the Russian 
minister crossed the ocean at the same-time, and Great Britain was 
the first of the European powers to know how far the United States 
had gone in declaring an independent action on South American 
concerns. The effect was immediate. The stocks of all South 
American countries rose in the market — one of the most delicate 
measures of public opinion. Rush wrote on December 27th : 

1 From the Adams MSS. 



John Quincy Adams and the Monroe Doctrine 49 

" But the most decisive blow to all despotick interference with the new 
States is that which it has received in the President's Message at the open- 
ing of Congress. It was looked for here with extraordinary interest at 
this juncture, and I have heard that the British packet which left New 
York the beginning of this month was instructed to wait for it and bring 
it over with all speed. It is certain that this vessel first brought it, having 
arrived at 'Falmouth on the 24th instant. On its publicity in London 
which followed as soon afterwards as possible the credit of all the Spanish 
American securities immediately rose, and the question of the final ana 
complete safety of the new States from all European coercion, is now 
considered as at rest." 

It now remains to give some further evidence of the posi- 
tion of Monroe. The steps by which he was induced to mod- 
ify his views to accord with those of Adams have been given, 
and it is seen that as late as November 13th he was entirely unset- 
tled what answer to make to Canning's propositions ; that in the 
draft of his message he had shown a marked failure to grasp the 
full meaning of Adams's arguments and was prepared to enter into 
European politics on a question entirely European ; and that only a 
few days before the message was sent to Congress did he change 
his views of the relations of the United States to Europe so as to 
conform with those of his Secretary of State. While Adams looked 
upon the matter as closed, and must have felt the full force of his 
victory in making the influence of the United States thus felt in 
Europe, Monroe still entertained fears. On sending a copy of the 
message to Jefferson he wrote on December 4th : 

" I have concurr'd thoroughly with the sentiments expressd in your 
late letter, as I am persuaded, you will find, by the message, as to the 
part we ought to act, toward the allied powers, in regard to S° America. 
I consider the cause of that country, as essentially our own. That the 
crisis is fully as menacing, as has been supposed, is confirmd, by recent 
communications, from another quarter, with which I will make you 
acquainted in my next. The most unpleasant circumstance, in these 
communications is, that Mr. Canning's zeal, has much abated of late. 
Whether this proceeds, from the unwillingness of his gov', to recognize 
the new gov'. 5 , or from offers made to it, by the allied powers, to seduce 
it, into their scale, we know not. We shall nevertheless be on our 
guard, against any contingency." *» 

To his son-in-law, Samuel L. Gouverneur, he wrote on the same 
day, in a like apprehensive tone, as though the country had to fear 
a grave danger, evidently a remaining trace of the feeling that 
prompted the first draft of his message. Always rather formal in 
his manner of expressing his thoughts, he is even more than formal 
when striving to strike a note of profound import. 

"I send you two copies of the message, better printed than that 
which I sent yesterday, with the information, which we possess, of the 

1 From the Jefferson MSS. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 4. 



5 o W. C Ford 

views of the allied powers, which altho' applicable to S° am :, touch us, 
on principle, it was thought a duty to advert to the subject, and in plain 
terms. It has been done, nevertheless, in mild, respectful, and friendly 
terms. Had I omitted to put the country on its guard, and any thing 
had occurrd of a serious character, I should probably have been censurd 
as it is they may look before them, and what may be deemed expedient. 
I shall be glad to hear in what light the warning is viewd." ' 

A few days later he wrote more fully to Jefferson, and the letter 

is of sufficient importance to be given in full, for it shows that at 

last the President is reaching a better understanding of Adams's 

position. 

Monroe to Jefferson. 

Washington, Dec r , 1823. 

Dear Sir, — Shortly after the receipt of yours of the 24" 1 of October, 
and while the subject treated in it, was under consideration, the Russian 
minister, drew the attention of the gov! to the same subject, tho' in a 
very different sense from that in which it had been done by Mr. Canning. 
Baron Tuyll, announcd in an official letter, and as was understood by 
order of the Emperor, that having heard that the republic of Columbia 
had appointed a minister to Russia, he wished it to be distinctly under- 
stood that he would not receive him, nor would he receive any minister 
from any of the new gov' s de facto, of which the new world had been 
recently the theatre. On another occasion, he observ'd, that the 
Emperor had seen with great satisfaction, the declaration of this gov', 
when those new gov ls were recognized, that it was the intention of the 
UStates, to remain neutral. He gave this intimation for the purpose of 
expressing the wish of his master, that we would persevere in the same 
policy. He communicated soon afterwards, an extract of a letter from 
his gov!, in which the conduct of the allied powers, in regard to Naples, 
Spain, and Portugal, was reviewed, and that policy explain' d, distinctly 
avowing their determination, to crush all revolutionary movements, and 
thereby to preserve order in the civilized world. , The terms "civilized 
world" were probably intended to be applied to Europe only, but 
admited an application to this hemisphere also. These communications 
were receivd as proofs of candour, and a friendly disposition to the U 
States, but were nevertheless answer' d, in a manner equally explicit, 
frank, and direct, to each point. In regard to neutrality it was observ'd, 
when that sentim' was declard, that the other powers of Europe had not 
taken side with Spain — that they were then neutral — if they should 
change their policy, the state of things, on which our neutrality was de- 
clar'd, being alterd, we would not be bound by that declaration, but 
might change our policy also. 2 Informal notes, or rather a proces verbal, 
of what passed in conference, to such effect, were exchange! between Mr 
Adams and the Russian minister, with an understanding however that 
they should be held confidential. 

When the character of these communications, of that from Mr. Can- 
ning, and that from the Russian minister, is considered, and the time 
when made, it leaves little doubt that some project against the new gov?, 

1 From the Monroe MSS. in the New York Public Library. 

r \(i tins point in (hick lines; showing a change of pen, and presumably a change 
in time, what follows being written at a later day. 



JoJin Quincy Adams mid the Monroe Doctrine 5 1 

is contemplated. In what form is uncertain. It is hoped that the sen- 
timents expressd in the message, will give a check to it. We certainly 
meet, in full extent, the proposition of Mr. Canning, and in the mode 
to give it the greatest effect. If his gov! makes a similar decll, the pro- 
ject will, it may be presumd, be abandoned. By taking the step here, 
it is done in a manner more conciliatory with, and respectful to Russia, 
and the other powers, than if taken in England, and as it is thought with 
more credit to our gov? Had we mov'd in the first instance in England, 
separated as she is in part, from those powers, our union with her, being 
marked, might have producd irritation with them. We know that 
Russia, dreads a connection between the UStates and G. Britain, or 
harmony in policy. Moving on our own ground, the apprehension that 
unless she retreats, that effect may be producd, may be a motive with 
her for retreating. Had we mov'd in England, it is probable, that it 
would have been inferr'd that we acted under her influence, and at her in- 
stigation, and thus have lost credit as well with our southern neighbours, 
as with the allied powers. 

There is some danger that the British gov!, when it sees the part Ave 
have taken, may endeavour to throw the whole burden on us, and 
profit, in case of such interposition of the allied powers ; of her neutral- 
ity, at our expense. But I think that this would be impossible after what 
has passd on the subject ; besides it does not follow, from what has been 
said, that we should be bound to engage in the war, in such event. Of 
this intimations may be given, should it be necessary. A messenger 
will depart for Engl'! with despatches for Mr. Rush in a few days, who 
will go on to S! Petersb- with others to Mr. Middleton. And consid- 
ering the crisis, it has occurr'd, that a special mission, of the first con- 
sideration from the country, directed to Engl d in the first instance, with 
power, to attend, any congress, that may be conven'd, on the affrs of 
S° am : or Mexico, might have the happiest effect. You shall hear from 
me further onthis subject. 

Very sincerely your friend 

[no signature.] 
Endorsed " rec d Dec. 11.'" 

With this letter I may close the present paper, leaving to a sub- 
sequent study the development of the doctrine given by Adams while 
President. That the authorship of what passes under the name 
of the Monroe doctrine belonged to Adams has been surmised by 
all who have treated of the occasion of the first utterances. Plumer, 
a contemporary, claimed the credit for Adams ; Dr. Welling, no 
mean authority in such matters, as he went back to original sources 
as far as possible, asserted it as his conclusion ; and Reddaway 
does the same. But none of those writers knew of the papers 
now used for the first time, papers that have slumbered in the 
archives at Quincy, where they have been so carefully preserved. 
They illuminate the pages of the Memoirs covering this period, 
and while permitting us to interpret the sentences of that record, 
they also bring forcibly before us the part that Adams played in not 

1 From the Jefferson MSS. in the Department of State, Washington, D. C. 



5- 



IV. C. Ford 



only framing an American policy, but in forcing its acceptance upon 
an unwilling and fearsome President and Cabinet. It is useless to 
speculate upon what might have been the course pursued had 
Adams not been where he was. Monroe's career was one series of 
blunders and failures, a succession of performances which would 
have ruined any man not resting upon a tradition, a party and a 
state. He had undone himself in France under Washington ; in 
France and England under Jefferson he had been discredited ; in 
Spain he had failed ; and in the war of 1812 he had done nothing. 
That such a man could have stood up against Europe alone is incon- 
ceivable, and there was no person in the Cabinet, except Adams, who 
would have given him support in such measure. To originate the 
idea, to carry it in the face of all opposition, to bring Monroe to its 
support and make him the spokesman — this was distinctly the 
work of Adams. It is needless to seek for the paragraphs of Mon- 
roe's message embodying this doctrine in the expectation of finding 
them in Adams's writing. It is enough to follow the course of 
events in the light of these new state papers to know that the Mon- 
roe doctrine was the work of John Ouincy Adams. 

WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD. 



LINCOLN AND THE PATRONAGE 1 

The inauguration of Lincoln has for us so tragic and so critical 
an aspect, that we find it difficult to put ourselves in the place of 
the average politician of the day, to whom it was chiefly interesting, 
as affording an opportunity for plunder, or as bringing, almost, a 
certainty of removal. No sooner were the election returns in, than 
Springfield filled with anxious crowds, 2 and during the nine days 
which he spent in Washington, as President-elect, Lincoln was pur- 
sued by applicants, as eager as if there were no doubt about the 
stability of the government they wished to serve. 3 To those who 
were present in the flesh must be added thousands who confided 
their desires to the post, and, according to his degree, every Repub- 
lican of prominence was deluged with requests, modest and preten-' 
tious, 4 some accompanied by bribes, 5 others supported by an appeal 
to pity, 6 or a claim for reward. 7 It was a motley crowd ; western 
lawyers mingled with the drill sergeants of Weed's organization, 
while some sturdy workers against slavery thought that their dis- 
interested constancy might now receive an earthly crown. 8 A new 
party had come into power, eager to break its fast, and feast on the 
good things that the administration had to dispense. 

Richard Henry Dana wrote to Charles Francis Adams, March 
9, 1863, of Lincoln : " He seems to me to be fonder of details than 
of principles, of tithing the mint, anise and cummins of patronage, 
and personal questions, than of the weightier matters of empire." 
Lincoln himself deeply lamented the time devoted to these petty 

'This article is a by-product of a work on the history of the patronage. Lincoln's 
administration is not particularly significant, from the point of view of development, but 
is rich in materials. It, therefore, seemed worth while, considering also the intrinsic 
interest of everything that relates to Lincoln, to prepare a fuller treatment of this period 
than just proportion would permit in the completed work. 

2 Lamon, Life of Abraham Lincoln, 457. 

3 Tarbell, Life of Abraham Lincoln, I. 423. 

4 Chase MSS. I have read several thousand such letters, for the period 1S60-1865. 
See also Hollister, Life of Schuyler Colfax, 173. Almost any biography or volume of 
recollections gives like evidence. 

5 Riddle, Recollections of War Times, 21. 

6 Chase MSS., passim. 

7 A typical letter is one to Chase, Nov. 24, 1863. Chase MSS. 

s New York Tribune, March 19, 1861. -to Chase, Dec. 15, 1862. Chase 

MSS. C. M. Clay, Autobiography, I. 252-257. 
9 Adams, Richard Henry Dana, II. 264. 

(53) 



54 



C. R. Fish 



matters, 1 when great issues demanded his attention, although, as 
always, he saw the humorous side of the situation, 3 and gained a 
goodly supply of stories, from his experiences in dealing with them. 
Regrettable as was this constant distraction, the importance of the 
work must not be underrated. The situation demanded a politician, 
as well as a statesman, and had Lincoln been the latter only, he 
would have failed in his task. If he could not have held the Re- 
publican party together, he would have formulated statesmanlike 
policies in vain ; and that he held it together was quite largely due 
to such use of the public plunder that its cohesive power was felt to 
the uttermost. The purely political problem before Lincoln, using 
" political " in the narrow American sense of the word, was a more 
difficult one than any that had confronted previous Presidents. 

Scores of diverse elements, each thinking that its labors had 
been the most effective, had to be kept together in the moment of 
victory. The sharing of the spoils revived the old enmities, which 
had been temporarily lost sight of in the heat of the conflict. Demo- 
crat abhorred Whig, and both still looked on the Abolitionist as 
dangerous, while a rumor that Lincoln would try to conciliate the 
border states by appointing " Bell-Everetts " in that region caused 
consternation. 3 The Tribune said : " Of course, they must alienate 
many by their distribution of the patronage ; were they angels they 
could not fail to do this." * That the party remained solid through- 
out the war, and that the war Democrats so loyally supported the 
Union was, to be sure, mainly due to the nature of the issue, but the 
time that Lincoln spent in trying to "do justice to all" 5 was not 
wasted. To entrust similar functions to favorites, is deemed blame- 
worthy in a King, or in a President when he entrusts them to a boss. 
Lincoln seems to have fallen into the temptation, thus to shift the 
task to other shoulders. He told a visitor at Springfield that he 
would call an adviser, when the proper time came, and would go 
over the most important cases with him, and would have little or 
nothing to do with minor posts," but fortunately he changed his 
mind before the trial came, and did not shirk this arduous but nec- 
essary duty. 

The consensus of public opinion, in no uncertain tones, formu- 
lated the principles which should be followed in regard to the civil 
service. These were the halcyon days of the spoils system ; but 

1 Hemdon, Abraham Lincoln, III. 507. 

&Lamon, Recollections of Abraham Lincoln, 212; Tarbell, Lincoln, II, 25. 

3 to Chase, March 27, 1861. New York Tribune, March 26, 1861. 

4 March 4, 1861. 

'■Lincoln, Complete Works, I. 657. 

"Tarbell, Lincoln., II. 23. 



Lincoln and the Patronage 55 

listening most intently, one can scarcely hear a whisper of reform. 
The public offices constituted a fund, from which the most deserv- 
ing party workers were to be paid for their service ; positions were 
to be held only four years, in order that everybody might have a 
chance. If this were the practice when a President succeeded one 
of his own party, how much more when he followed an opponent ! 
An excuse was found for such rapid change in the theory that 
official duties were so easy as to be within the capacity of any 
American. The career of Lincoln previous to 186 1 did not indicate 
that he opposed this creed. He had held a few minor offices in his 
youth, before party organization and its concomitant, the spoils 
system, had reached Illinois. 1 In 1849, as the voluntarily retiring 
representative of his district, he had much to say about certain ap- 
pointments under the new Whig administration. In one letter he 
stated the facts in regard to the Democratic incumbent, and re- 
quested that some general rule be adopted, and that it be applied 
without modification in this case. 2 Another letter, in regard to 
an officer whose removal had been requested, he premised with 
the statement that the man in question had done the duty of his 
office well, and was a gentleman in a true sense, but it is evident 
before the end, that he shared the desire for the removal. 3 Lincoln 
was himself an applicant, but he seems to have sacrificed his chances 
for the sake of a friend. 4 

While there is nothing in his conduct or expressed views before 
election which can be considered a protest against the prevailing 
practice, there is nothing, on the other hand, dishonorable. His 
language and action are always those of a man who is honest even 
with himself. He made no ante-nomination promises, 5 and as few 
ante-inauguration ones as possible, but he fulfilled, in making up 
his cabinet, two pledges made by his managers." One well ac- 
quainted with him would have expected an honest and politic ad- 
ministration of the patronage, along the customary lines, for the 
benefit of the party. 

The pressure for a " clean sweep " 8 was so insistent that the 
administration could not settle down to more serious business until 
it was, in part at least, relieved. Seward, in his famous "Thoughts 

1 Tarbell, Lincoln, I. 96, 99. 
2 Lincoln, Works, I. 153. 
3 Ibid., I. 155. 

4 Tarbell, Lincoln, I. 229-231. 

5 Rhodes, History of the United States from the Compromise of /8jo, II. 467. 

6 Tarbell, Lincoln, II. 23. 
' Rhodes, II. 467. 

8 Brooks, Lincoln, 207. 



5 6 C. R. Fish 

for the President," l mentioned this necessity, and suggested that 
they " make local appointments first, leaving foreign or general ones 
for ulterior and occasional action." This plan seems to have been 
followed ; for several months notices of foreign appointments are 
rare in the papers, and begin again during the summer. 2 The bur- 
den was like Sisyphus's stone, however ; no sooner was one swarm 
of applicants disposed of, than some new act, made necessary by 
the war, brought another about the devoted heads of the adminis- 
tration. While the temptations to dishonesty, owing to the sudden 
expansion of the budget, caused men to drop from the civil service, 
and leave places to be filled, the enemy were constantly creating 
vacancies in the army ; and the patronage was a never-ending 
annoyance. 

The sweep made by the Republicans in 1 86 1 was the cleanest 
in our history ; never before did so small a proportion of officers 
remain to carry on the traditions of the civil service. In the i 5 20 
presidential offices, there were 11 95 changes, that may be classed 
under the head of removals. 3 In some cases there were two or 
three changes in the same office, 4 and so the number left would be 
a little larger than would at first appear. It must be remembered, 
however, that there were certainly some Republicans in office, and 
that there have always been civil servants whose efficiency has 
raised them above party, men like William Hunter, who positively 
cannot be spared. Moreover, many offices were in the south, and 
were simply left unoccupied. As more and more territory was 
conquered, postmasters and collectors were appointed ; sometimes 
as " vice A. B., who joined the rebels," 5 sometimes as de novo ; 6 but 
in many cases no record whatever is found in the Executive Journal, 
from which these statistics were compiled. It is evident, therefore, 
that the change in personnel must have been practically complete. 

In the departments at Washington, and the local offices all over 
the country, changes were somewhat more numerous than usual, 7 
but here they varied from department to department, according to 
the disposition of those who administered the patronage in the 

1 Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, A History, III. 445. 

2 It is a peculiar incident, considering the relations between Seward and Weed and 
Oeclcy, that although the " Thoughts " are dated April I, and remained secret so many 
years, the New York Tribune of April 2 announced : "The President has determined not 
to consider any further changes in the diplomatic service until the more important matters 
which now engross the attention of the administration are decided." 

3 Fish, -'Tables of Removals," in Am. Hist. Assoc. Report, 1899, 82. 

* Executive Journal, XI. 385; XIII. 316. 
'< Ibi.t., XIV. 405. 

* Ibid., XIII. 543. 

'Comparison of " Blue Hooks" of 1859 and 1861 with those of other appropriate 
dates. I expect to publish, later, tables illustrating this point. 



Lincoln and the Patronage 57 

several instances. With Cameron in the War Department, we are 
not surprised to hear that the clerks there " received broad intima- 
tion . . . that most of them would be expected to retire, for others 
who had not enjoyed the flesh-pots." ' The news was early given 
out that Chase intended seriously to enforce the law that subordi- 
nates should be examined before appointment ; 2 and the regulation 
was apparently carried out. 3 Changes were not numerous in the 
State Department ; William Hunter was appointed under Jackson 
and served until 1886, and Frederick Seward says that his father 
retained all the loyal clerks. 4 

The mention of loyal plerks suggests one reason for the com- 
pleteness of the overturn in 1 861. The long alliance of the North- 
ern Democracy with the South caused office-holders to be generally 
suspected. In the diplomatic service the South had about its proper 
proportion, 5 yet it was popularly believed that the whole corps was 
pro-slavery in sentiment. The Tribune, June 3, 1861, stated: "In 
deference to universal sentiment, the President will suspend the 
diplomatic functions of James E. Harvey, Minister to Portugal." 
Seward wrote to Dayton, July 6, 1861, that our representatives in 
foreign courts were demoralized, and, in some cases, we had reason 
to believe, absolutely disloyal. The few officials who were retained 
in service were those who came out decidedly for the Union, as 
Mr. Cisco, Assistant Treasurer at New York." It is probably true 
also, as the Tribune stated, that the general standard of efficiency 
was lower than usual in i860. 8 These circumstances do not ex- 
plain the proscription ; that was inevitable ; but they partly explain 
its severity. 

As our public men lacked the inventiveness of our mechanics, 
political custom decreed that all these vacated offices, and all the 
new ones created by the necessities of the war, should be filled by 
hand. Yet custom provided, also, for the subdivision of the labor. 
By a gradual development, beginning in the greater local knowledge 
of its members, and becoming particularly rapid after the election 
of Jackson, Congress had established a strong claim to dictate many 
of the appointments. Its members, indeed, seemed ready to take 
upon themselves the entire burden ; but as the various Secretaries 
were responsible for the conduct of their subordinates, they claimed 

1 Tribune, March 23, 1861. 

2 Tribune, March 9, 1861. 

3 Hart, Salmon P. Chase, 216-217. 

4 Seward, Seward at Washington, I. 520. 

5 In 1859, 79 out of 151. " Blue Book." 

6 Bancroft, The Life of William IT. Seward, II. 153. 

7 Ex. Jour., IX. 324; X.330; XII. 269. 
« Tribune, March 9, 1861. 



5 8 C. R. Fish 

to be heard also, while the President had his own responsibility and 
the claims of many outside interests to consider. The irresistible 
conflict between these various official interests was perhaps the 
more keen in the early part of the Lincoln administration, because 
so many of the Republicans were new men, and they lacked minute 
knowledge of the official tradition. Lincoln's policy in adjusting 
these claims is to be discovered only by a study of his practice, and 
was probably only developed as the cases came before him. One 
attempt was made to relieve the administration of a part of its 
burden. The Tribune suggested, March 13, 1 861, that postmas- 
ters should be chosen by vote of the Republicans in their respective 
districts. Lincoln advised the use of the plan in at least one in- 
stance, 1 and it was employed in a number of cases. 2 It was, how- 
ever, of little practical importance. 

Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy, gives an account of a 
meeting where claims of the several interests came into conflict. 
It was held late in March, 1861, to arrange nominations for the 
state of New York satisfactory to Seward and Weed, the Senators, 
and the President. An agreement was finally brought about, and 
Lincoln proposed that it be sent at once to the Senate. Welles 
asked if the Secretary of the Treasury and the Attorney-General 
had been consulted, for some of the officers under consideration 
belonged to their departments. They had not been, but Seward 
said that he knew what was best for the party in the state, and that, 
as he and the Senators were of one mind, there need be no more 
discussion. Welles argued for the rights of the Secretaries ; Lincoln 
finally decided that they ought at least to be consulted ; and the 
nominations were deferred. 3 

Still, where there was harmony in the delegations, and when 

they met and arranged a slate, it was apt to be accepted. 4 In 

regard to the post-office at Providence, Lincoln wrote to Governor 

Sprague that the two Senators, the two old Representatives, and 

one of the new ones were combined in favor of one candidate, and 1 

added : " In these cases the executive is obliged to be greatly 

dependent upon the members of Congress, and while under peculiar 

circumstances a single member or two may be overruled, I believe 

as strong a combination as the present never has been." 5 A friend 

from Boston wrote to Chase, April 11, 1861: "You inquire, 

' 1 low overrule the Delegation ? ' I cannot and will not ask you to 

'Tarbell, Lincoln, II. 340-341. Letter of March 30, 1S61. 

' Mollister, Schuyler Colfax, 173. 

'Welles, Lincoln and Seward, 71. 

'Lincoln, Works, II. 200, 272. 

V/W.,45. 



Lincoln and the Patronage 59 

overrule it. But in strict response to ' How ? ' I will say this. 
The Delegation have had their choice in Mr. Goodrich, an old Whig — 
never a Free-soiler. The President has had his choice in Mr. Tuck 
for naval officer, an old Whig, finally voting for Winthrop in the 
celebrated contest for the speakership. Though it is your depart- 
ment, you have not had your choice." l Sumner in a letter to R. 
H. Dana, April 14, 1 861 , described his interview with Lincoln, 
when presenting the list agreed to by the Massachusetts Congress- 
men, 2 and the Tribune of April 13th announced that the whole of it 
had been accepted, though the opposition had been strong. The 
President seems to have made it a uniform practice to consult with 
the Senators before making nominations from or for their states, 3 
whether he could follow their advice or not. A correspondent 
advised Chase to send in certain nominations at once, as the next 
Senator from California might cause him trouble if he delayed. 4 
While the more important state posts were thus largely controlled 
by the delegations, and especially the Senators, the minor offices scat- 
tered over the country were generally left almost entirely to the 
Representatives from the district, if they were reliable. Riddle, 
from the Western Reserve, had all the post-offices for the asking, 
except that of Cleveland, 3 in regard to which Senator Wade was 
consulted, who, however, refused to interfere in the matter.'' 

Although Lincoln thus made Congressional representations the 
basis of his system of appointments, he did not submit to dictation. 
There are a few evidences that Congress was not altogether satisfied, 
or was becoming jealous of the waxing power of the President. These 
are particularly interesting as indicating that the struggle between 
the two branches of the government might have come about, even 
if Johnson had not succeeded Lincoln. The first act creating the 
system of national banks gave the nomination of the Comptroller 
of the Currency to the Secretary of the Treasury, and fixed his term 
at five years, during which he was to be removed only by and with 
the advice and consent of the Senate. 7 Such a change of constitu- 
tional principles was too great to be made until the question had 
been fully threshed out, and the act of 1864 modified the lat- 
ter clause, so that merely a statement to the Senate of the cause of 
removal was required. 8 The growing distrust of the executive is 

1 Chase MSS. 

2 Adams, Dana, II. 257. 

3 Lincoln, Works, II. 210, 213, 513, 578. 

4 to Chase, March 9, 1 863. Chase MSS. 

5 Riddle, Recollections of War Times, 24. 
c Tarbell, Lincoln, II. 340. 

7 Cong. Globe, 3d Session, 37th Cong., App. , p. 189. 
s Cong. Globe, 1st Session, 38th Cong., App., p. 169. 



6o C. R. Fish 

also shown by a provision attached to the military appropriation 
bill of 1863, forbidding the payment of any salary " to any person 
appointed during the recess of the senate, to fill a vacancy in any 
existing office which vacancy existed while the senate was in ses- 
sion and is by law required to be filled by and with the advice and 
consent of the senate, until such appointees shall have been con- 
firmed by the senate." ' 

Not less sensitive than the members of Congress were the heads 
of departments, and several of them had, besides their official posi- 
tions, strong political backing ; such men were Seward, Chase and 
Cameron. To the same class belong certain powerful individuals, 
who, though in private life, exercised great influence at Washing- 
ton ; of these the most conspicuous were Horace Greeley and Thur- 
low Weed. The latter was the Mr. Hyde to Seward's Dr. Jekyl. 
Their close connection is illustrated by the following story related 
by Gideon Welles. Weed secured from Seward an order appoint- 
ing one of his henchmen as consul at Falmouth, England. Wil- 
liam Hunter, the veteran chief clerk of the State Department, pro- 
tested to Weed, as the appointment involved the removal of an able 
official, whose father had received the post from Washington as 
a reward for some public service. Without further consultation 
Weed kindly destroyed the note Seward had given him, and thus 
reinstated the old consul. 2 Lincoln has best set out the political 
difficulties in New York state in a letter to Chase : " Ought Mr. 
Young to be removed? Ought Mr. Adams to be appointed? . . . 
Mr. Adams is magnificently recommended, but the great point in 
his favor is that Thurlow Weed and Horace Greeley join in recom- 
mending him. I suppose the like never happened before, and 
never will occur again ; so, now or never, what do you say ? " 3 The 
President treated Weed with consideration, but did not lack in firm- 
ness. 1 

Seward could not, of course, expect to control all the appoint- 
ments in his department, for foreign posts have always had an 
especial attraction for the office seeker. Quite a number of letters 
were sent to Chase asking him to secure for the applicants places under 
the State Department, and he obtained, besides several minor posi- 
tions, the consul-generalship at Rio Janeiro for an Ohioan. This 
office seems, in fact, to have been considered the peculiar property of 
Chase, for when it fell vacant he was allowed freely to name the 
new occupant. Still, Seward's influence was probably felt in most 

1 Cong. Globe, 1st Session, 37th Cong., App. , p. 183. 
'■ Welles, Lincoln and Seward, 74. 
''Lincoln, Works, II. 44. 
1 Ibid., 425. 



Lincoln and the Patronage 61 



s ' 



of the more important selections ;' he was responsible for the 
appointment of Charles Francis Adams, against the wishes of Lin- 
coln, 2 and many other estimable appointments should be credited to 
him, as of John Lothrop Motley, of Mr. March to Italy, and of John 
Bigelow as consul-general at Paris. 

No one man caused the President more trouble in the distribu- 
tion of the patronage than Chase, who had probably higher ideals 
on the subject than any one else in the Cabinet, 3 and was always 
spurred on to fight for his rights by that suspicion of all who op- 
posed him, which is so common in people of high ideals. He 
strongly advocated the right of the head of a department to choose 
the subordinates for whom he was responsible ; 4 but he did not at- 
tempt to control the appointments of the great collectors under 
him. He was favored, however, by the President's appointing, 
without any pressure from him, his friend Barney to the most im- 
portant post of all, the collectorship of New York ; 6 while the im- 
mense expansion of business, and the great number of special offi- 
cers needed, gave him abundant opportunity to try his hand at 
managing the patronage. 

In 1864 Chase declared that he would despise himself if he 
were capable of appointing or removing a man for the sake of the 
presidency. 7 At this high standard he seems to have aimed con- 
scientiously during his administration of the Treasury Department ; 
but it did not always insure a wise choice of subordinates or keep 
him entirely out of the mud of partizan politics. Men are known 
by their friends. Chase disliked opposition, and on the whole did 
not make friends of the chief men in public life. 8 The impression 
that one gets from the letters written to him during his term of 
office is that, besides many high-principled men, he had about him 
a large number who played upon his high motives, and that he was 
less keen than the average man in public life in reading character. 
There is more flattery than is ordinary in such letters, much parade 
of high motive, that does not ring quite true ; and, while capacity 
is put forward as a reason for appointment, the chief emphasis is 
laid upon personal friendship or need. A typical extract is the fol- 
lowing : " ' Let justice be done if the heavens fall.' Mr. Elliot is 

1 to Chase, June 12, Aug. 29, Sept. 17, 1862; Jan. 5, 1863. Chase MSS. 



2 Adams, Charles Francis Adams, 145-146. 

3 Hart, Chase, 311. 

4 Ibid., 305. Bancroft, Seward, II. 356. Chase to Seward, Mar. 27, 1861. The 
appointment of his brother was involved in this case. 

5 to Chase, April II, 1861. Chase MSS. Ex. Jour., Vol. XL, 292. 

6 Hart, Chase, 217. 

7 Ibid., 311. 

8 Ibid. , 422. 



62 C. R. Fish 

capable and honest, and for God's sake don't desert him now for 
the clamor of those not his equals in either respect ; a better man 
or one more sincerely your friend is not a candidate for the of- 
fice." ' Another : " I can assure you that I should look upon his 
appointment as a deadly blow at your influence in this city, and I be- 
lieve Dr. Nixon is the only reliable friend of yours who is a candi- 
date." - Another: "God knows no one needs the appointment 
more than I do." '' One interesting recommendation is that he find 
a consulship for an Ohio editor, in order that an abler man might 
be found to fill the place. 4 

As a result, partly of his lack of judgment in selection and partly 
of the sudden expansion of the business of his department, many of 
his appointees got into trouble. In these cases Chase seems almost 
always to have been deeply moved by loyalty to friendship, and to 
have hesitated too long in seeing reason for removal. Perhaps, 
also, his legal training made him unable to appreciate that when a 
public servant is suspected, much less than legal proof may justify, 
nay emphatically call for, his dismissal. This led to continual fric- 
tion with Lincoln, and much heart-burning. The most important 
case is that of Victor Smith, Collector at Puget Sound. He fell 
under suspicion of dishonesty, 5 probably unjust, but he was certainly 
guilty of sharp practice and had utterly lost the confidence of the 
community. Lincoln, therefore, after a struggle with Chase, de- 
cided on his removal. 7 The latter in a letter to Smith expressed 
his unshaken confidence in him, 8 and assured him that he would 
give him another appointment if he could.'-' 

This personal loyalty made every failure to secure his point 
seem a personal rebuff, and the situation became particularly strained 
toward the end of the administration, when Chase was leader of the 
radicals, and Lincoln had to conciliate all factions. In New York, 
Barney tried to oppose Seward and Weed, 1 " but was not strong 
enough to maintain himself in the troubled sea of New York poli- 
tics, and Lincoln finally decided to remove him. 11 Chase probably 
agreed with a correspondent in St. Louis, that there was " war from 

1 — —to Chase, May 19, 1861. Chase MSS. 

2 — — to Chase, March 9, 1861. Chase MSS. 

— to Chase, Sept. 3, 1861. Chase MSS. 

4 to Chase, Sept. 1, 1863. ' Chase MSS. 

— to Chase, May 30, 1862. Chase MSS. 
'' Hart, Chase, 305-306. 

'Tarbell, Lincoln, II. 364. Lincoln, Works, II. 335. 
s.Smith to Chase, June 3, 1863. 

'' Warden, Account of the Private Life and Public Services of Salmon Portland 
( 'ha e, 529. 

- to Chase, Feb. 26, 1864; to Chase, June 3, 1864. Chase MSS. 

11 Lincoln, Works, II. 313. 



Lincoln and the Patronage 63 

the White House" upon his friends,' and matters did not become 
more pleasant after his withdrawal from the contest for the presi- 
dential nomination. 2 Finally a difficulty about an office in New 
York, which he fought through and finally compromised with a 
New York Senator, led him to send in his resignation, perhaps with 
the idea of forcing a definite arrangement with regard to the 
patronage. The resignation was unexpectedly accepted. Perhaps 
Lincoln did not feel like entering upon another term with the cer- 
tain prospect of friction in the Cabinet. July 1, 1864, Chase ceased 
to be Secretary of the Treasury. 

The other members of the Cabinet occasioned much less diffi- 
culty. Stanton quietly attended to his business, though he was 
occasionally irritable. 3 Cameron's remark, that if Pennsylvania had 
stood by him at Chicago, he would have been President, " and then 
we all could have gotten everything that we wanted," 4 shows him 
a spoilsman and unashamed, but as such, he, perhaps, understood 
the position of the President better than Chase ; while his incom- 
petency soon caused him to be delicately transferred to a post in 
Russia. 5 The Blairs had learned politics in the school of Jackson 
and, like Cameron, knew the traditions, and were besides in confi- 
dential relations with Lincoln, 6 until the dismissal of Montgomery 
in 1864. The following message to the Secretary of the Interior 
shows that the President was disposed to consult the less powerful 
Secretaries : " Please ask the Commissioner of Indian affairs and of 
the General Land Office to come with you, and see me at once. I 
want the assistance of all of you in overhauling the list of appoint- 
ments a little before I send them to the senate." 7 While he could 
rather peremptorily command the most powerful when necessary,* 
in ordinary circumstances he did not force his opinion on even the 
minor subordinates who dispensed the patronage. He wrote to 
Chase: "I have been greatly — I may say, grievously — disap- 
pointed and disobliged by Mr. Cochran's refusal to make Mr. Evans 
deputy naval officer, as I requested him to do. ... A point must 
be strained to give Mr. Evans a situation." '■' 

Another set of men who claimed to be heard were the governors. 

1 to Chase, Oct. 30, 1863. Chase MSS. 



307. 



2 Hart, Chase, 310-314. 

3 Gorham, Life and Public Services of Edward M. Stanton, 246-248. Hart, Chase 

4 McClure, Lincoln and the Men of War-Times, 132. 

5 Tarbell, Lincoln, II. 76-78. Weed, Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, 330. 

6 Lincoln, Works, II. 374, 375. 433- 434. 438, 579- 

7 Tarbell, Lincoln, II. 343. 

8 Lincoln, Works, II. 335. 
s Lincoln, Works, II. 42. 



6 4 C. R. Fish 

Governor Morton wrote : "I learn incidentally that the Indiana 
delegation has nominated men to be appointed brigadier-generals. 
I do not know who they are, and have not been consulted. I have 
had much more to do with the officers than any member of 
Congress, and have had much more responsibility in connection 
with the organization than any of them, and I believe I should at 
least have the chance of being heard before any action is taken." 
The President answered that the rumor was untrue, and asked 
him to telegraph recommendations. 1 No dictation, however, was 
allowed ; when Governor Morton at another time complained of 
two rumored nominations, Lincoln replied that they had not been 
made, but added : " The latter particularly has been my friend, and 
I am sorry to learn that he is not yours." 2 To Governor Pierpont, 
of West Virginia, who was irritated by an appointment, the Presi- 
dent wrote that he had thought the name of the appointee was 
approved by the governor, but knew that it was not the one the 
governor preferred. 3 A despatch to Governor Tod, of Ohio, was 
as follows : " I think your advice with that of others would be 
valuable in the selection of provost marshals for Ohio." 4 

Military appointments, in the beginning of the war, were made 
in the same way as those in the civil service ; later the majority of 
promotions settled themselves. Where the administration was 
forced to deal with the matter the advice of the higher officers 
seems to have been considered, though not decisive or having a 
weight of authority like that of a Senator : 5 merely an additional 
factor in these special cases, valuable according to the personal 
influence of the individual. 

While allowing that others had a right to be heard, Lincoln 
never forgot that he, as responsible head of the government, owed 
it to himself, and to the country, to be master. His Cabinet was 
his own, and he'' maintained it, even when requested by the Repub- 
lican Senate Caucus to make changes." The freedom of choice, 
which he allowed the various officials, was a freedom to act within 
the limiting conditions of his policy. It is, therefore, important to 
discover, as far as possible, what that policy was. 

In some few cases he sought the man whose abilities best fitted 
him fur the post, 8 but these were distinctly exceptions. In general 

1 Foulke, Life of Oliver P. Morion, 154. 

2 Tarbell, Lincoln, II. 347. 

'//vV/., II. 352. 

'TarU-ll, Lincoln, II. 361. 

'■ Ibid., II. 356, 360, 362. 

" Rhodes, III. 320. 

7 Rhodes, IV. 206. 

8 See for example Larnon, Recollections, 211. 



Lincoln and the Patronage 65 

he followed the accepted doctrine that many could perform the 
duties required, and that other qualities and circumstances should 
be taken into consideration in making the selection. As there was 
nothing novel in this practice, so the additional considerations were, 
most of them, time-honored. But in the abundance of traditions 
there were some that he neglected, and in this, and in the weight 
assigned to each, he showed his individuality. 

From the days of the Continental Congress, geographical con- 
siderations have always had their influence. Had George Wash- 
ington lived in Delaware, he would not have been chosen com- 
mander-in-chief in 1775. Such influences are a natural result of 
our territorial extent, our federal and representative government. 
Lincoln was himself largely indebted to them for his own nomina- 
tion. His appreciation of them is sufficiently obvious from a study 
of his Cabinet. " Pennsylvania, any more than New York or Ohio, 
cannot be overlooked," he told Weed. 1 The geographical arrange- 
ment, once fixed, was continued through all Cabinet changes. 
Stanton, of Pennsylvania, succeeded Cameron, of the same state. 
Caleb Smith was followed by Usher, also of Indiana ; Bates, of 
Missouri, by Speed, of Kentucky ; and when Chase's place could 
not be filled from Ohio, an Ohio Postmaster- General was soon after- 
wards appointed. When McCulloch was needed in the Treasury, 
Usher resigned, that Indiana might not have two members. It was 
with reluctance, however, that, as President-elect, Lincoln yielded 
to advice, and requested John A. Gilmer, who was not a Repub- 
lican, to take a place in his Cabinet, in order that the South might 
be represented. 2 Party consolidation seemed to outweigh geogra- 
phy in this instance. When he could do so without risk, however, 
he was glad to favor the South. The double representation of 
Missouri was largely due to the fact that it was the only slave 
state to give a respectable Republican vote. Early in 1861 he 
wrote to John A. Gilmer : "As to the use of patronage in the slave 
states, where there are few or no Republicans, I do not expect to 
inquire for the politics of the appointee, or whether he does or does 
not own slaves. I intend in that matter to accommodate the 
people in the several localities, if they themselves will allow me to 
accommodate them. In one word, I never have been, am not now, 
and probably never shall be in a mood of harassing the people 
either north or south." 3 When President, he gave one applicant a 
note for the Postmaster-General, concluding : "I think Virginia 
should be heard in such cases." 4 

1 Tarbell, Lincoln, I. 400. 3 Ibid., 394. 

2 Ibid., I. 402. * Ibid., 340. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 5. 



66 C. R. Fish 

Another object of importance was to adjust properly the claims 
of the various factions that made up the party. In part this was 
easily accomplished. When parties are young each state is apt to 
have its favorite son, and geographical considerations brought the 
local leaders into the Cabinet. But there were still difficulties. 
December 24, i860, Lincoln wrote to Hamlin : " I need a man of 
democratic antecedents from New England. I cannot get a fair 
share of that element in without." l When the Cabinet was com- 
plete, Seward, Bates and Smith, with Lincoln, offset Welles, Cam- 
eron, Chase and Blair. 2 This balance was not preserved throughout 
the term. Stanton did succeed Cameron, and Governor Tod of 
Ohio was asked to take Chase's position ; 3 but the Whig element 
ultimately became the stronger ; without counting Usher, whose 
earlier political relations I have been unable to learn, five members 
of the Cabinet at the time of Lincoln's death were of Whig antece- 
dents. By that time, however, these old time party distinctions 
had become less important. 

The main object of these two rules was to avoid giving offense, 
but not all of Lincoln's principles were negative. He was all the 
time using the patronage to strengthen the party and aid in carrying 
out the policy of the administration. Sometimes he put a prominent 
man in a good humor by volunteering to let him name a boy for 
West Point,' or by the unexpected offer of a foreign mission."' He 
liked the idea of appointing a man named Schimmelpfening, as it 
would be something " unquestionably in the interest of the Dutch." " 
He made, moreover, far more definite use of his power. Charles 
A. Dana 7 describes the anxiety of Lincoln lest the bill for the ad- 
mission of Nevada should not pass, and a vote on the Thirteenth 
Amendment be lost. The prospect was that the House would 
oppose the bill, but by a small majority. Lincoln sent Dana to 
two of the New York delegation and one member from New Jersey 
with carte blanche to offer them anything in the line of patronage 
in return for their votes. Two were secured by internal collector- 
ships. One held out, and was promised a $20,000 office in the 
New York customs-house ; he did not secure it, however, as the 
bargain had not been executed before the death of Lincoln, and 
Johnson refused to recognize it. The account of this transaction 
was written long afterwards, but it is circumstantial and probably 

1 Hamlin, Lift and Times of Hannibal Hamlin, 374. 

2 Welles, Lincoln and Seward, 34. 

8 Nicolay and Hay, Lincoln, IX. 332-343. 
'Tarbell, Lincoln, II. 378. 
11 Lincoln, Works, II. 653. 

6 Lamon, Recollections, 133. 

7 Dana, Recollection* of the Civil War, 174-179. 



Lincoln and the Patronage 67 

trustworthy in the main points. 1 Such cases seldom come to light ; 
and when one is found, others probably may be inferred. This 
simply means that Lincoln stretched a point, in time of need, in the 
use of the patronage, as he did in the interpretation of the consti- 
tution. 

All evidence indicates that Lincoln never went to such extremes 
except to accomplish some really vital object, that he never abused, 
and apparently never used, the patronage for personal aggrandize- 
ment. After Chase's resignation, the President instructed Fessen- 
den not to remove the friends of Chase. 2 Of course, the conditions 
made it impossible to prevent subordinate officers from interfering 
in factional fights, particularly those at a distance from Washington 
and in the south, 3 but Lincoln seems to have faithfully followed the 
principles laid down in a letter to a postmaster, accused of misusing 
his official power, August 5, 1864: . . . "All our friends should 
have absolute freedom of choice among our friends. My wish, 
therefore, is that you will do just as you think fit with your own 
suffrage in the case, and not constrain any of your subordinates to 
do other than he sees fit with his." 4 As the use of the patronage 
to carry out a broad national policy, if not commendable, is to be dis- 
tinguished from that for personal advantage, so the latter should not 
be confused with a little harmless favoritism or nepotism. Lincoln 
was seldom nice about small points, and perhaps felt justified in 
getting some pleasure out of his heavy task. Many instances are 
given of his appointing old friends, generally for friendship's sake," 
and sometimes against advice. 6 Mrs. Lincoln's " numerous cousins " 
were occasionally aided in securing favors. 7 He was always fond 
of artists, and wrote to Seward in regard to two who had painted 
his portrait at Springfield, that he had "some wish " that they 
might have some of those moderate-sized consulates which facili- 
tate artists a little in their profession. 8 

Underlying all these principles, and the hundred rules implied 
in them, was the basal theory of the spoils system, which has been 

1 A hunt for the posts involved fails to reveal them, but for obvious reasons ; the yeas 
and nays were not called for when the bill passed, the members who wanted the collec- 
torships, doubtless, only cared for the patronage — that is, took them to give away, and 
the other did not get his post. 

2 Hart, Chase, 318. 

3 to Chase, Feb. 26, 1864, states that the Republican candidate for governor 

of Louisiana was nominated because of his use of government patronage. 

* Lincoln, Works, II. 558. 

5 Tarbell, Lincoln, I. 105, 106; II. 360, 502-505. Herndon, Lincoln, III. 506, 
507. 

6 Tarbell, Lincoln, II. 17. 

7 Lincoln, Works, II. 430. 
s Tarbell, Lincoln, I. 374. 



68 C R. Fish 

mentioned as the accepted doctrine of the day. The civil service 
was a great treasury to be drawn on at will. If a man drew on it 
for purposes high and good, provided the efficiency of the service 
was tolerable, he did all that could be expected of him. That the 
evil lay deeper than the simple use of offices for political purposes 
is easily seen. July 21, 1863, Lincoln wrote to Blair, that soldiers 
and their families had the best claim on the patronage. 1 This 
claim, widely acknowledged, has caused incalculable harm to public 
service, and yet seems so reasonable and proper that reformers 
have many times been obliged to compromise with it. It would be 
unjust to expect Lincoln to see the fallacy in this seductive theory, 
or find a solution of the problems that would arise if it were thrown 
aside. If he had had them pointed out to him, he would probably 
have replied that, for the present at least, there were things of more 
import than bringing administration to the highest pitch of excel- 
lence, and that he could not afford to part with this powerful party 
cement. 

From such a creed there seems little hope of any fundamental 
betterment. The great civil service reform movement began just to 
swell in the bud during Lincoln's life-time. 2 One sign there was 
that he might have favored it ; he was annoyed at the claim that 
the patronage made upon his time. He was loath to remove from 
office even a person unfriendly to him, 3 until the official's incapacity 
had been thoroughly proved ; ' and, inasmuch as new appointments 
would be entailed, he disliked to appoint any one already in office 
to a new vacancy.'' The most notable example of this feeling, how- 
ever, is found at the very close of his life. The doctrine of rotation 
in office had, after a long, slow growth, attained its highest point 
in 1856, when Buchanan, though succeeding a President of his 
own party, turned out the office-holders under the decent cover of 
this respectable phrase. When Lincoln's second inauguration ap- 
proached, the expectation was that he would push the principle 
still further, and turn out his own appointees. He tried to stir up 
public sentiment against it ; but on March 4, 1865, the Tribune an- 

1 Lincoln, Works, II. 375. 

'Sumner in 1864 brought in a bill (Van Hoist, Preussischen Jahrbiicher, XXXVI. 
376). Junckes did not bring in his until the fall of 1865. A fragment of a proposed 
bill for consular reform did pass ( Cong. Globe, 1st Sess. 38th Cong., App., p. 1S2), but 
was a revival of a law of 1865 (ibid., 1st Sess. 38th Cong., 1115), except for the pro- 
vision that consular clerks should be removed only for cause, stated in writing, at the 
first session following. This was passed rather, perhaps, because of jealousy of the 
President than desire to protect the clerk. 

;i Lamon, Recollections, 211. 

* 'barbell, Lincoln, II. 66. 

'< Ibid., 418. 



Lincoln and tJie Patronage 69 

nounced : " The second inaugural of President Lincoln takes place 
at Washington to-day, and an immense throng of politicians . . . 
have already flocked thither, ... to push their fortunes." Lin- 
coln was firm, however, and March 7 the same paper stated : 
" Office-seekers were informed that no general removal of officers 
would be made." This really unusual willingness to diminish the 
power of the patronage, even though personal annoyance was the 
main cause of it, was a long step on the road to reform, and it is 
by no means improbable that Lincoln, with his wonderful capacity 
for growth, might have accepted the idea of appointment by ex- 
amination, and advanced it to an earlier victory. 

Carl Russell Fish. 



THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE JOURNAL D'ADRIEN 

DUQUESNOY 

Who was the author of the work bearing the title Journal 
d'Adrien Duquesnoy? 1 The editor, M. de Crevecceur, inferring, 
from what seemed to him sufficient evidence, that the writer was 
Duquesnoy, gave this title to the publication. M. Brette, on the 
contrary, declares that the evidence is insufficient to justify the in- 
ference. The question of authorship still remains unsettled. It is 
a question of the first importance for students of the French Revo- 
lution, for the work is one of the most valuable sources dealing with 
the events of the National Assembly. 

The Journal is one of the publications of the Socictc d' ' Histoire 
Contcmporaiiie, and was edited, as I have' said, by M. de Crevecceur. 
M. de la Sicotiere, who was a member of the society, had in his 
possession a series of letters and bulletins written between June 13, 
1789, and March 22, 1790. The letters, few in number, were in 
the handwriting of Duquesnoy, and were signed by him ; the bul- 
letins, with the exception of a few autograph corrections by Du- 
quesnoy, were the work of copyists. This evidence, together with 
the fact that in his letters Duquesnoy referred to " his bulletins," 
seemed to justify the inference that he was the author of the bul- 
letins found with the letters. While preparing the bulletins for the 
press, M. de Crevecceur encountered in the Bibliotliequc Nationalc 
an anonymous manuscript in two volumes containing bulletins 
covering the period from May 3, 1789, to April 3, 1790. The bul- 
letins, from June 13 on, proved to be duplicates of the bulletins in 
the Sicotiere manuscript. M. de Crevecceur inferred, naturally, 
that Duquesnoy was the author of this series also, and fused the 
two series in his publication and called the work the Journal 
d'Adrien Duquesno v? 

The work was reviewed by M. Brette. 3 Overlooking the state- 
ment of the editor that some of the bulletins in manuscript S. bore 
autograph corrections by Duquesnoy, he asserted that the discovery 

1 I (uquesnoy, Adrien, Journal </' Adrien Duquesnoy, Depute du Tie-s Etat de Bar- 
le-Duc, sur I'/lssemblec Constituante, 3 mai 17S9-3 avril iygo, public pour la Societe 
,/ Histoire Contemporaine par Robot de Crevecceur. 2 vols., Paris, 1894. 

1 Journal, I. pp. xvii, xviii, xxxvi-xl. 

'■'■Revue Critiqw, May 11, 1896, pp. 363-373. 

(70) 



Journal d' Adrien Dnquesnoy 7 r 

of the letters in the midst of the bulletins did not prove that Du- 
quesnoy was the author of the bulletins. He also pointed out that 
while the publication was a correct reproduction of the manuscript 
B. no variants were given. He recalled the fact that M. de la Sico- 
tiere had stated in 1885 that these bulletins and letters that he at- 
tributed to Duquesnoy began in December, 1788, and ended in May, 
1790, and asked why M. de Crevecceur had not published them 
all. 1 While not believing in the authorship of Duquesnoy, M. 
Brette does not attempt to solve the question of authorship. He 
suggests that the bulletins may have been the work of anonymous 
writers of iiouvelles a la main, of a M. Bernard or of a M. Fiscal, 
but hardly seems to take these suggestions seriously himself. 

As to the hypothesis that the Journal belongs to the class of 
newspapers called nouvcUes a la main, the evidence upon which it 
rests appears to me of but little value. M. Brette laid great stress 
upon the fact that in the manuscript B. — the only one that he has 
seen — the bulletins are not all in the same handwriting, and, above 
all, that the writing changes often at the foot of the page, even 
when such a change divides a sentence. Upon the first point I 
shall not dwell. I am acquainted with no law that enables me to 
decide how many copyists a man may reasonably employ at the 
same time — unless it be the length of his purse — nor how often 
he may reasonably change them. Upon the changes in the middle 
of a sentence or at the bottom of the page, I shall say a word. I 
have examined the manuscript B. 3 As far as I was able to discover, 
the sudden changes are found only in bulletins 8 and 9, and each 
bulletin shows two handwritings. Hardly sufficient evidence, one 
would think, to justify the statement that "these methods savor of 
the workshop of the nouvelles." 3 The truth is that the hand- 

1 In the Revue Critique of June 21, 1896, M. Guilhiermoz, who had aided M. de 
Crevecceur in the revision of his proofs, replied to M. Brette and gave a satisfactory 
answer to this question. In a note printed in the Inter mediaire, M. de la Sicotiere had 
made the statement that led M. Brette to assume that the manuscript had been tampered 
with. " La realite est beaucoup plus simple : c'est la note de V Intermidiaire qui est 
erronee. . . . M. de la S. a sans doute ecrit mars, et l'imprimeurde F Intermediaire aura 
hi mai." Prefixed to the manuscript S. are " quelques lettres, sans aucun rapport avec 
le Journal, et relatives a l'Assemblee des notables." 

1 Bibliofheque Nationale, Nouvelles Acquisitions Francaises, Nos. 224, 225. The 
manuscript fills volumes XIV. and XV. of the Notes sur V Histoire d' Espagne et de 
France. This main head appears upon the title page with the subhead, Correspondance 
sur P Assemblee Nationale. In the printed volumes, the matter is divided at the same 
point as in the manuscript. 

3 " Le manuscrit B. dont il nous donne le texte in externa presente cette particularity 
que les ecritures qui, pour le tome I, ne doivent pas etre au nombre de plus de cinq ou 
six, sont alternatives et changent, non pas avec les bulletins, non pas avec les dates, mais 
avec les pages memes ; le copiste ne finit pas la phrase ; il a ete paye pour ecrire tant de 
pages, il passe la main quand sa tache est remplie. Ces precedes sentent bien, on en 
convienira, l'oficine des nouvelles." Revue Critique, May II, 1896. 



7 2 F M. Fling 

writing counts for very little in determining the authorship of these 
bulletins. As every student of the French Revolution knows — 
and no one better than M. Brette — the members of the Assembly 
were accustomed, especially in 1789, to send letters and bulletins to 
their constituents and friends in the provinces. Not only were copy- 
ists employed in the preparation of these bulletins, but after the 
bulletins reached the provinces they were often copied a second time 
that they might serve a larger number of readers. 1 It is quite 
within the bounds of possibility that there are copies of copies among 
the bulletins in the manuscript B. For M. Brette to lay so much 
stress upon the fact that the bulletins are not in the handwriting of 
Duquesnoy, is certainly not reasonable, although the reason for his 
course is clear ; it is the evidence upon which M. de Crevecceur 
rests his case. M. Brette was certainly right in maintaining that 
the evidence was insufficient ; he was wrong in believing, as he ap- 
parently does, that the case can be won only with that kind of evi- 
dence. 2 It is strange that he should not have seen that authorship 
is not necessarily dependent upon penmanship. 

The theory that Bernard is the author of the Sicotiere bulletins 
from December 9, 1789, on, because these bulletins are in his hand- 
writing, is easily disposed of. The author of the bulletin of Decem- 
ber 10, was a member of the Assembly. 3 Bernard was not a 
member of the Assembly and must, therefore, have copied the 
bulletin, as it appears in his handwriting. If he copied one, he 
may have copied more than one, or in other words, all that appear 
in his handwriting. 

M. Brette's third hypothesis that a certain M. Fiscal may be 
the unknown author of the bulletins, is no more tenable than the 
other two. It evidently rests upon the misinterpretation of a sen- 
tence in one of Duquesnoy's autograph letters. Writing to the 
Prince, he says : " M. Bernard takes my bulletins and has them 
sent to you ; he tells me that you have received those of M. Fiscal." 4 
M. Brette assumes that Fiscal was a writer of bulletins. Why not 
a receiver of bulletins ? Is it not quite possible that what Duques- 
noy meant to say was, " He tells me that you received from M. 

1 The second volume of the Vie et Correspondance of Gaultier de Biauzat, published 
by Francisque Mege (2 vols. Paris, 1890), is a good illustration of this kind of work. 
See pp. 46, 51, 57, 73, 79, 80, 88, 100, 101, 109, 149, 163, 164, and especially 209. 

' l "II reconnaitra aussi que des doutes serieux subsisteront sur l'attribution globale 
qui a etc faite tant que Ton n'aura pas prouve far V Icriture que tous ces bulletins sont 
I'ceuvre du seul Duquesnoy." Revue Critique, June 22, 1896. 

3 " Moti projet n'est pas de l'examiner en detail, car je suis si frappe de l'inconveni- 
ent dont je viens de parler que jamais je ne pourrai voter pour son adoption." Journal, 
II. 156. 

* Journal, II. 150. 



Journal d' 'Adrien Diiquesnoy 



I 6 



Fiscal the bulletins that I sent to him?" Fiscal could not have 
been the author of these bulletins, for the author was a member of 
the Assembly. In M. Brette's excellent lists of the members of the 
Constituent Assembly, there is no Fiscal. To M. Brette, Fiscal 
was an obscure person who might have been the writer of nouvelles 
a la main. Fiscal was not so obscure as M. Brette thinks. Princes, 
a hundred years ago, did not have letters addressed to them par la 
-vote of obscure persons. 1 If M. Brette wishes to find M. Fiscal, he 
should look for him not in Paris, but in the place where the Prince 
of Salm-Salm was residing in November, 1789. 

The remaining objections of M. Brette to the authorship of 
Duquesnoy rest upon other grounds than those that we have been 
considering. The writer makes incorrect statements. It is the 
opinion of M. Brette that Duquesnoy could not have been ignorant 
of these things. Here we are in the region of uncertainties. What 
is the test ? Duquesnoy was from Nancy and Nancy is in Lor- 
raine. If the writer of the bulletins should refer several times to 
Nancy as a city of Provence, the inference would be natural that 
the writer could not be Duquesnoy. Unfortunately, the facts cited 
by M. Brette are not of this kind and there might be a justifiable 
difference of opinion as to whether Duquesnoy could be ignorant of 
them and remain Duquesnoy. 2 I believe that, in face of the strong 
positive reasons that will be given in support of the authorship of 
Duquesnoy, we must infer that he was ignorant. 

Up to the present time, much of the discussion upon this ques- 
tion of authorship has been irrelevant. A restatement of the ques- 
tion may render its solution less difficult. Whatever may be the 
relations between manuscripts S. and B., it is generally agreed that 
the published work is a correct reproduction of the manuscript B. 3 
Furthermore, there is no reason to doubt the genuineness of this 
manuscript. It was undoubtedly written in the years 1789 and 
1790. The handwriting being that of copyists, proves nothing as 
to authorship. Is it possible from the study of this manuscript, 
aided by all the resources at our disposal, to determine the author- 
ship of these bulletins ? I believe that it is. If it be not, then his- 
torical criticism is but a useless theory, for never was there a more 
promising opportunity for it to prove its practical value. 

1 " II est etonnant que vous n'ayez pas recu les lettres qui vous ont ete adressees par 
'la voie de M. Fiscal. M. le comte m' assure qu'elles peuvent etre retardees, mais qu'elles 
ne seront point egarees, parce qu'il est sur delui." Journal, II. II. Bernard to Salm- 
Salm. 

2 Revue Critique, June 22, 1896, p. 370. 

3 " La publication actuelle faite en consequence de la decouverte signalee est la 
"reproduction scrupuleuse et correcte du manuscrit conserve a la Bibliotheque nationale 
■dans les papiers de Beauchamps." M Brette in the Revue Critique, May II, 1 896. 



:\ 



F M. Flint 



& 



I shall endeavor to show (i) that the bulletins are related to one 
another, that is, are by the same man ; (2) what the personality of 
the writer was, and (3) that this personality fits Duquesnoy and 
nobody else. I shall not examine all the bulletins. M. Brette 
denies that Duquesnoy was the author of the May and June bulle- 
tins of 1789. I shall endeavor to show that he was. To prove 
that he was the author of later bulletins, it is only necessary to 
show that they are connected, either directly or indirectly, with 
these first bulletins. 

The bulletins form a series. This is made clear by such ref- 
erences as "the preceding number," ' " one of the preceding num- 
bers," 2 "the present number," 3 "a future number ;" 4 by refer- 
ences to previous bulletins by number as "Number 13," 5 or 
"Number 44." 6 This last reference, found in bulletin 46, of July 
1 1, 1789, would seem to prove that the author began to issue the 
bulletins at the opening of the States General. 

The author also refers to his bulletins as " my journal," 7 but in the 
same sentence refers to the "number " of the journal that he is writ- 
ing. In another place he speaks of his work as " being less a gazette, 
a recital of facts, than a series of observations upon the facts." 8 

These bulletins are not intended for the general public, but for 
the friends of the writer in one of the provinces. He urges 
them to read a certain bulletin with care and " to preserve it until 
time and events shall have destroyed or fortified " his fears. 9 He 
frequently warns them against the false reports that circulate in the 
provinces, and reminds them that one who is on the spot can secure 
more reliable information. 10 He sends to them in printed form the 
speeches, decrees, memoirs, and other matter to which he has 
referred in his bulletins." 

These things, however, although they prove the existence of a 
connected series of bulletins, do not prove that all the bulletins in 
the manuscript B. primarily formed part of the series. There is a 
presumption in favor of it ; nothing more. 

1 Bulletins 2, 14, 21 (35, in order, but not numbered). 

2 Bulletin 28. 

3 J Jul leti i) 10. 
' Bulletin 39. 
5 Bulletin 14. 
6 Bulletin 46. 

"Je place ici, comme je l'ai fait dans tout le cours de mon journal, un numero 
destine aux observations et dans lequel je ne garde pas l'ordre rigoureux des faits." 
Bulletin 34 (bis ). 

H Bulletin 46. 

'' Bulletin 10. 

10 Bulletins 10, 15, 21, 24. 

11 Bulletins 3, 6, 7, 13, 16, 19, 39. 



Journal cPAdrien Duquesnoy 75 

The connection between some of the bulletins can be establishep 
by means of language. In the first bulletin — a very short one — he 
writes : " Je pense, et je ne suis pas le seul, que le gouvernement 
veut nous prendre par famine et par lassitude." The first sentence 
of the next bulletin reads : " L' opinion qu'on veut prendre les 
deputes par ennui ou par famine attache chaque instant davan- 
tage." The appearance of the same idea in both bulletins, ex- 
pressed in almost identical language, would seem to indicate com- 
mon authorship. In bulletin 10 is the uncommon expression, 
" Une fureur de parler inconcevable ! " This expression is met 
with again in bulletin 14, in the form, " Tous ont la fureur de 
parler," and finally in an autograph letter by Duquesnoy it appears 
again in the phrase, " La fureur de parler que vous nous con- 
naissez." l Is the expression sufficiently unique to justify the 
inference that these two bulletins had a common author and that 
that author was Duquesnoy ? I am somewhat familiar with the 
literature of the Revolution, but if I have encountered the expres- 
sion in any other writer, I have forgotten it. The very unique 
expression, " Deliberer quatre jours sur l'aile d'une mouche," is 
found in bulletins 10 and 12 ; it would seem to bind them to each 
other and to bind 12 to 14. The language employed in 2 (p. 4) 
and in 10 (p. 30), in describing the sermon of the bishop of Nancy, 
connects 2 with 10 and, consequently, with 12 and 14. 

Language is, however, not the only nor is it the most important 
means employed in binding the bulletins together. The continuity 
of the narrative, the references to statements in earlier bulletins, 
judgments upon men and events, personal sentiments, personal in- 
terests and associations, all these things point to a common author. 
In dealing with these topics, we are at the same time forming a 
conception of the personality of the writer. Instead of grouping 
the matter under these different heads, I shall adopt a more prac- 
tical method of presentation, treating the bulletins in their order 
and showing some of the possible connections. 

The connection between bulletins 1 and 2 is established by the 
language referred to above, by a reference in number 2 to an incor- 
rect statement in 1, and by the fact that the bulletins deal with the 
events of successive days and form a continuous narrative. Bul- 
letin 3 takes up the narrative where 2 leaves it. There is, also, a 
reference in 3 to the "sermon de l'eveque " that would be intel- 
ligible only to a reader of 2. The remarks made in numbers 5 and 
6 upon Necker's speech, connect those bulletins with 3. The 
opening sentence in 4 marks that bulletin as a continuation of 3. 

1 Journal, I. 85. 



7 6 F. M. Fling 

The two expressions quoted above connect 4 with 10 ; another ex- 
pression connects it with 8 ; " a reference to Mirabeau's journal con- 
nects it with 8 and through 8 with 10; indications that the writer 
is from Lorraine and interested in that province connects the bul- 
letin with 5, 6, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 20, 21, 22, 24, 31, 45. The 
opinion expressed upon the Bretons in 4, connects the bulletin with 
5, 7, 10, 13, 15, 18, 28. A reference to the " regiement" binds 4 
to 5. The bulletin 5 has been connected with 3 and 4 ; it is con- 
nected with 6 by the use of similar expressions in both. 2 The bul- 
letin 6 is connected with 4 by common expressions ; 3 with 3 by a 
common opinion ; 4 with 7 by the reference to the Due de Praslin 
and by the same bond with 9 and 10. The description of Target 
connects 9 with 10. The bulletin 17 is bound to 16 by the refer- 
ences to the " projet de conciliation," and to 13 by the reference to 
Rabaud de Saint-Etienne and the Protestant religion. Number 19 
is connected with 18 by the reference to the garde des sceaux, and 
the substance of 19 is reproduced, with many identical expressions, 
in Duquesnoy's autograph letter of the same date. The reference to 
the Due de Mortemart binds 23 to 20, while the belief expressed in 
Mirabeau's venality connects 23 with 24. Bulletin 25 is connected 
with 24, 22, 26, and 27/' The reference to the clergy binds 29 to 27. 
Number 30 is connected, by the judgments expressed upon Necker, 
with 7, 8, 9, 10, 34, and 34 (bis). The reference to Maury, binds 
32 to 31. The reference to the intrigues of the nobles, connects 33 
with 34. The reference to Bouche connects 36 with 31 ; 37 is con- 
nected with 36 by the reference to the meeting of the bureaux, with 
38 by the reference to the Due d'Orleans ; the reference to Bailly 
connects 38 with 39 ; the second paragraph in 40 clearly connects it 
with 39. These references constitute but a small part of those that 
might be given. They are sufficient, however, to show that it is 
highly probable that the first forty bulletins form a connected series 
and must have been the work of one man. 

What was the personality of the writer ? He was a member of 
the Third Estate, 6 representing Barrois ; 7 he sent his bulletins to 

1 Bulletin 4, " Cet homme est une bete feroce" ; bulletin 8, " De quel droit cette 
bete feroce, etc " 

2 Jiulletin 5, " Le moment de l'orage approche " ; bulletin 6, " II est evident que 
le moment de la crise approche." 

3 The reference to the plan to " faire dissoudre les Etats, pour entrainer le ministre 
flans leur chute." 

'The opinion upon the views of Necker. 

5 With 22, by the reference to Dupont and the Bretons ; with 24, by the reference 
to the motion of Sieves ; with 26 and 27 by the reference to the Due d'Orleans. 

5 The references here are too numerous for citation. Even a casual reading must 
make it clear that the bulletins are the work of a deputy of the Third Estate. See, how- 
ever, bulletins 4, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18. 19, 20 and 38. 

'Bulletin 6, "Nous nous sommes plaints d'une demarche faite sous le nom du 
Barrois sans son aveu." 



Journal d* Adrien Duquesnoy 77 

Lorraine ; : he was on most intimate terms with the deputies from 
Nancy ; 2 he made special mention of the words and deeds of per- 
sons known in Lorraine ; 3 he was a member of the comite des sub- 
sis fauces} 

There was, in the Assembly, but one man to whom this descrip- 
tion applied ; that man was Adrien Duquesnoy. He was born at 
Briey in Barrois, and represented that place in the National Assem- 
bly. Some years before 1789, he had moved to Nancy, where he 
became a member of the societe libre des sciences, arts et belles-lettres 
and also of the Conseil de Commerce" 3 In the Assembly, he was a 
member of the comite des subsistances. 6 Finally, he was a writer of 
bulletins. 7 

If I have succeeded in my effort to connect the bulletins, if I have 
correctly described the personality of the writer, and have stated 
exactly the facts of Duquesnoy's life, then it would seem to follow, 
with a high degree of probability, that Duquesnoy must have been 
the author of the first forty bulletins. 

Fred Morrow Fling. 

1 See the references to Lorraine given above. 

2 Bulletins 4, 6, 16, 24. 

3 See the references to Lorraine given above. 

4 Bulletins 27, 39, 40. 

5 Journal, I. pp. xviii-xx. 

6 Proces-verbal de P Assembles Nationale, I., No. 2, p. 4, the name of Duquesnoy 
appears in the list as representing the gcncralile of Lorraine. 

7 Journal, I. 172. 



DOCUMENTS 
/. English Policy Toward America in ijgo-iygi. 

( Second Installment. ) 

xvni. Stephen Cottrell to W. W. Grenville. 1 

Office of Committee 

of Privy Council for Trade 
Whitehall 17th of April 1790 
Sir 

I am directed by the Lords of His Majesty's most Honorable Privy 
Council, appointed for all matters relating to Trade and Foreign Planta- 
tions, to acquaint you that They have taken into consideration the Me- 
morial of Mr. Levi Allen in behalf of the Inhabitants of Vermont, 
setting forth that he has been appointed under the Great Seal of the State 
of Vermont pursuant to an Act of the General Assembly there, to nego- 
ciate a Commercial and Friendly Intercourse between the said State and 
His Majesty's Dominions and proposing certain Arrangements for that 
purpose ; which Memorial you transmitted to the Lords of the Committee 
in your Letter of the 10th June last ; and you desire in the said Letter 
to receive, for His Majesty's information the opinion of Their Lordships 
concerning the Steps which it may be proper to take in consequence of 
Mr. Allen's Proposals. 

The said Mr. Levi Allen has also presented a Memorial dated the 
13th June last to this Committee expressing the Wishes of the Inhabi- 
tants of Vermont that a free Trade may be granted them with the 
Province of Quebec for all or any of the Produce of the said Country of 
Vermont without payment of Duty ; and that they may be permitted to 
receive in return any of the Produce of Canada and any Merchandize 
imported therein, Furs and Peltry of all Kinds excepted. 

Besides this Memorial the Committee have in their Office several 
Papers received from Lord Dorchester concerning the Policy of opening 
and facilitating a Passage into Canada, and from thence down the River 
St. Lawrence into the Atlantic for all Commodities, being the Growth or 
Produce of the Countries which border upon Canada and make either a 
part of the Territories of the United States of America, or belong to the 
State of Vermont, or to other People of various descriptions, who are 
now forming new Settlements in that part of the World. 

While the Commercial Intercourse between the Province of Quebec 
and the Territories belonging to the United States of America, was under 

1 Chatham MSS. Bdle 343. Compare Report Canadian Archives, 1890, p. 132. 

78 



English Policy Toward America in lygo—iyt/i 79 

annual Regulations, established by His Majesty's Order in Council, Care 
was taken that no Restriction should be laid on the Trade carried on 
either by Land or Inland Navigation, between the said Provinces and the 
Territories of the United States, or other Countries bordering on the said 
Province ; and in an Act passed in the 28th year of His Majesty's Reign 
for making permanent Regulations for this purpose, the same Policy of 
laying no Restrictions of the nature before mentioned was pursued. And 
the Lords of the Committee having had this Subject under their consid- 
eration of the 13th July 1787 — gave it as their Opinion to Lord Syd- 
ney, then one of His Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, that it 
should be left to Lord Dorchester, Governor of Quebec with the Advice 
of the legislative Council of that Province, to make such Orders respect- 
ing any Intercourse by Land or by Inland Navigation between the said 
Province and the Territories belonging to the United States of America, 
as should be thought by them to be most proper, not doubting that the 
Orders which His Lordship, with the Advice of the said Council, should 
give, would be consistent with the Laws of Great Britain and most con- 
ducive to the Interests of His Majesty's Subjects; but the Committee at 
the same time advised, that Lord Dorchester should be instructed on no 
account to permit, under pretence of such Intercourse, the Introduction 
into Canada of foreign Manufactures, or of Spirits made in any foreign 
Country or the Export from Canada into the neighbouring States of Furs 
and Peltry. 

The Lords of the Committee, having received further Information 
on this Subject, and repeatedly taken the same into consideration are 
confirmed in the Opinion they before entertained that it will be advise- 
able, in a commercial, and, they may add, in a political view also to 
permit, and even encourage all Articles, being the Growth and Produce 
of the Countries bordering upon Canada, to be brought into the said 
Province in exchange for British Merchandize and Manufactures, and to 
be Exported from thence down the River St. Lawrence, in British Ships 
to those parts of Europe or America where the Produce of Canada of the 
same sort may be legally carried. But when this Subject was before the 
Committee on the 13th July 1787 The Lords entertained a doubt, 
whether Goods, so brought into Canada from the neighbouring Countries, 
could be lawfully imported from thence into the British Dominions ; 
They consulted therefore His Majesty's Attorney and Solicitor General 
on this Point, whose Report has not been received till lately, stating that 
there is no Law which makes any distinction in this respect between 
Goods, the Growth and Produce of those Parts of America which belong 
to Foreign States and those belonging to the Crown of Great Britain, 
provided they are brought from the Ports of a British Colony, Plantation 
or Territory in America, in British Ships navigated according to Law. 

It is the opinion of the Committee that such Intercourse would tend 
very much to promote the Sale of British Manufactures, and to increase 
the general Commerce and Navigation of this Country and the Commit- 
tee still think that no Restrictions should be imposed on this Intercourse, 



So Documents 

except those recommended in the before mentioned Letter addressed to 
Lord Sydney. And in order that the Government of Great Britain may 
have the full possession and command of this Trade, and be enabled to 
subject it to such Regulations as will render it most beneficial to His 
Majesty's Subjects, it is much to be wished that the vessels in which these 
Goods are transported over the great Lakes surrounding Canada, or 
along the Navigable Rivers, which issue from or run into these Lakes, 
should be British, and belong to British Subjects only, and that the posts 
which command the Entrance of these Lakes, and which are best situated 
for securing the Navigation of these Rivers should be retained by His 
Majesty (if other important Considerations will so permit) and be Gar- 
risoned by a Force sufficient to defend them ; For there can be no doubt 
that the various Settlements which are now forming in the interior parts 
of America, afford the prospect of a most Extensive and valuable Com- 
merce to those Nations who can secure to themselves the best means of 
availing themselves of it. 

The Committee have hitherto considered this Subject, not only as it 
relates to the State of Vermont but to all the Countries bordering upon 
Canada: — Lord Dorchester and His Majesty's Council in the province 
of Quebec have thought proper to consider it in this general view, and to 
Extend the Regulations made by them for this purpose to all the neigh- 
bouring States, tho' these Regulations evidently took their Rise from the 
Application made by Mr. Levi Allen, in the name of the Province of 
Vermont only : — And the Committee observe with pleasure, that these 
Regulations are conformable to the principles before stated, as will ap- 
pear by the following account of them 

In consequence of Powers vested in three Commissioners by the 
State of Vermont, Mr. Levi Allen waited on Lord Dorchester at Quebec 
in 1786, informing him that he was commissioned by the State of Ver- 
mont to form a Treaty of Commerce, and produced his Credentials. 
Lord Dorchester told him that he was not authorized to form Treaties, 
but that he was well disposed to live in Friendship, with all the neigh- 
bouring States, and desired Mr. Allen to State in writing the wishes of 
the people of Vermont, and promised that they should be duly considered. 
Mr. Allen accordingly presented a Memorial to His Lordship on the 2 2d 
November 1786, specifying the objects which the people of Vermont had 
in view in desiring to open a Commercial Intercourse with Canada. On 
the 18th April 1 7S7 Lord Dorchester permitted by Proclamation (until 
an Ordinance could be made by the Legislative Council for more fully 
regulating the Inland Trade with the neighbouring States) the free Impor- 
tation from all the said States, thro' Lake Champlain, of Masts, Yards, 
Bowsprits, Spars, Oak or Pine, Planks, Boards, Knees, Futtocks, Ship 
Timber, Hoops, Staves, Shingles, Clapboards, or any sort of Lumber, 
Pitch, Tar, Turpentine, Tallow, or any kind of Naval Stores, Hemp, 
Flax, and their Seeds ; Wheat ; Rye, Indian Corn, Pease, Beans, Potatoes, 
Rice, Oats, Barley, and all other species of Grain, Horses, Neat Cattle, 
Sheep, Hogs, Poultry, and all other species of Live Stock and Live pro- 



English Policy Toward America in 1790-IJ91 8 1 

visions, and whatsoever else is of the Growth of the said States. And he 
also authorized and permitted the free Exportation from the province of 
Canada into the said States, of any Articles of the Growth, Produce or 
Manufacture of the said province, or of any other the Dominions of 
Great Britain, Furs and Peltries of any Kind excepted. 

And by an Ordinance of the Governor and Legislative Council, dated 
30th of the same month, it was enacted, that the Trade and Intercourse 
between the province of Quebec, and the neighbouring States, or any of 
them, by the Route of Lake Champlain and Sorell, should be free for the 
Importation of Leaf Tobacco, Pot and pearl Ashes, if the same be of the 
Growth and produce of any of the said States, and that they are bona 
fide intended for Re-exportation from that province to Great Britain. 

In the month of April in the year following Lord Dorchester and the 
Legislative Council of Quebec passed two other Ordinances, comprehend- 
ing, in their Judgement, every thing that was at that time necessary for 
regulating the Inland Commercial Intercourse of that province with the 
Neighbouring States. 

In the first of these Ordinances it is enacted That all Goods, Wares, 
and Merchandizes (Beavers Peltries and Furs excepted) of the Growth and 
Manufacture or product of that province or of any other of the Domin- 
ions of Great Britain, and such as may lawfully be imported into that 
province by Sea may be exported therefrom by Land or Inland Navi- 
gation to any of the neighbouring States, free from Duty Impost or Re- 
straint : And it was also enacted that there be the like freedom of Impor- 
tation from the said States into that province (if the same be made by 
the Route or Communication of Lake Champlain and the River Sorel or 
Richelieu and not otherwise) of certain enumerated articles. It then 
enumerates the Articles which are the same as those in the before men- 
tioned proclamation and Ordinance, adding thereto Butter, Cheese, and 
Honey, Fresh Fish, Gold and Silver Coin and Bullion. The Ordinance 
then prohibits the Importation of Rum, Spirits, and Copper Coin and 
enacts several severe Regulations to prevent Contraband Trade contrary 
to the intention of this Ordinance. 

The Second of these Ordinances, intituled " for promoting Inland 
Navigation," begins by a preamble reciting "that the present circum- 
stances do not require that the Transport of Merchandize " and peltries 
over the Upper Lakes should be carried on solely by vessels " belonging 
to His Majesty, and that the thriving situation of the new Settlements of 
Loyalists in the Western Country makes it expedient under certain Re- 
strictions to facilitate the Transport of a variety of Articles across those 
Lakes which will tend to increase the Exports of this province, and con- 
sequently to augment its Commerce. 

It then enacts that it shall be lawful for all His Majesty's Subjects 
trading to the Western Country by the way of the Great Lakes who shall 
have taken out the usual pass conformable to Law, to cause such their 
Effects and Merchandize or [as ?] shall be specified in the said pass, to be 
water borne in any Kind of vessel under the Burthen of Ninety Tons, 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 5 



^2 Documents 

provided the same be built or launched in any Port or Place within His 
Majesty's Government ; and that all the owners of the Vessel and Cargo, 
and the Captain, Conductor, Crew and Navigators be His Majesty's Sub- 
jects, and that the said Crew and Navigators shall have taken (since the 
ist May 1783) the Oath of Allegiance of His Majesty, prescribed by 
Law, or on doubt thereof, shall take the same before they embark in such 
adventure. The Ordinance then proceeds to require that every Vessel 
(except such as are under the Burthen of five Tons, navigating the River 
St Lawrence and the Bay of Quinty, and except all Canoes, Bateaux, 
or open Boats, under the Burthen of ten Tons navigating the Lakes) 
shall take out a Register. It requires also Bonds and several other Docu- 
ments from all these vessels, forming on the whole a very accurate and 
strict system of Registry, and then enacts that all vessels concerned in 
this navigation, which shall not be furnished with a Register and the 
other Documents therein mentioned, and shall not produce the same to 
the Kings Officer in the Ports or Places where they arrive, shall be sub- 
ject to Forfeiture. A power is given to the Governor or Commander in 
Chief of the Province for the time being, upon any great or urgent oc- 
casion to prohibit for any given time, by an Order under his Hand and 
Seal, even these Vessels from Navigating the said Lakes, if he may think 
such order necessary and for the security of the Province. 

From the foregoing Account it appears to the Committee, that a 
Commercial Intercourse, is already opened between the Province of 
Quebec and the State of Vermont, as well as the other neighbouring States, 
upon as extensive a plan as the People of Vermont seem to have wished. 
It is true that this Commerce is not secured to them by Treaty. Lord 
Dorchester was of opinion as is before stated that he was not authorized 
to form a Treaty with them, and he might perhaps think that it would 
be offensive to the United States of America to form a Separate Treaty 
with a people who inhabit a Country, which the said States may consider 
as a part of their Territory ; a people who ought on that account to be 
dependent on them. It is impossible to suppose that Mr. Levi Allen can 
be ignorant that a Commercial Intercourse has been opened with the 
State of Vermont by the Government of Quebec in manner before men- 
tioned, and as he still presses that a Treaty should be concluded it is 
reasonable to infer that he has some other object in view, besides the 
establishing a free Commerce between the Countries, and that he has 
probably received secret Instructions for this purpose. 

To throw Light on this Point, the Committee think it right to state 
the Information they have lately received of the political situation of the 
State of Vermont. 

The Country now inhabited by the People of Vermont was for- 
merly claimed by the Legislatures of New Hampshire and New Vork 
who had frequent Disputes on this Subject. A number of Adventurers 
chiefly from the Territories of Massachusets Bay and Connecticut, tak- 
ing advantage of these Disputes went and fixed their Habitation in this 
Country, and have kept possession of it ever since. These Settlers had 



English Policy Toward America in ijgo-ijgi 8 



i> 



at first no other appelation than that of Green Mountain Boys. But in 
December 1777 They assumed the Title of the State of Vermont and 
considering themselves as Independent, established a Form of Govern- 
ment ; and from that time they have continued in the exercise of all the 
Legislative and Executive powers belonging to an Independent State — 
In March 1.787 a Bill passed the House of Assembly of the State of New 
York, declaring Vermont to be a separate Independent State ; but this 
Bill was rejected by the Senate of New York, because there was no pro- 
vision made in it for securing to some of the Inhabitants of the State of 
New York, certain Lands claimed by them and which has [had ?] formerly 
been granted to them, while that State made a part of the British Domin- 
ions. In a subsequent Session the Legislature of New York appointed 
Commissioners on the part of Vermont in order to settle the Points in dis- 
pute. The event of this Conference is not yet known ; but whatever it 
may be, it will probably decide the opinion of the Legislature of New 
York concerning the Indepen [den] ce of Vermont. But there is reason to 
believe that the Congress lately established, will soon take this business into 
Consideration. Vermont has already between 70 and So, 000 Inhabi- 
tants, which is a greater number than belong to several States which now 
make a part of the American Confederacy. The Eastern States will be 
desirous from political Motives that Vermont should become a Member 
of the federal Government. They will wish to retain Vermont as a 
Frontier for their Security and there is ground to suppose that they are 
on that account apprehensive of its becoming connected and forming an 
alliance with the British Government. There is another Circumstance 
which inclines the Eastern States to wish that the State of Vermont 
should be acknowledged as Independent and made a Member of the 
Union. 

The Settlement of Kentuck, 1 which consists of about as many Inhab- 
itants as that of Vermont, and which at present makes a part of the State 
of Virginia, has applied both to the Legislature of Virginia and to Con- 
gress to be acknowledged as an Independent State, and to have a voice 
in the Federal Government. The State of Virginia who find their 
present Connection with Kentuck to be both Expensive and incon- 
venient are inclined to the proposed Separation, and many of the Mem- 
bers of Congress have shown a Disposition to acknowledge the Inde- 
pendence of the people of Kentuck and to admit them into the Union, 
but the Eastern States are not disposed to consent unless the State of 
Vermont be at the same time admitted as they apprehend that the influ- 
ence of the Southern States in Congress will become too powerful by 
the accession of Kentuck unless it is counterbalanced by the addition of 
a new Member connected in Interest with the Eastern States. From 
Information received it is probable that this point was brought into Dis- 
cussion during the Second Session of Congress which commenced in Jan- 
uary last. 

•The spelling is doubtful, perhaps it should read Kentucte here and following. 



84 



Documents, 



The foregoing facts sufficiently explain the Impatience shewn at 
present by the Agent of Vermont to be informed of the Intention of the 
British Government with respect to an Alliance with the State of 
Vermont. 

It belongs not to the Committee to decide how far any Article in the 
late Treaty of Peace, by which the Independence of the United States 
was acknowledged and the Extent of their Territories defined, may make 
it improper for the Government of this Country to form a separate 
Treaty with the State of Vermont, or whether it may be politically pru- 
dent all circumstances considered, to risk giving offence to the Congress 
of the United States by such a Measure ; but the Lords are of opinion 
that in a commercial view it will be for the Benefit of this Country to 
prevent Vermont and Kentuck and all the other Settlements now form- 
ing in the Interior parts of the great Continent of North America, from 
becoming dependent on the Government of the United States, or on 
that of any other Foreign Country, and to preserve them on the con- 
trary in a State of Independence, and to induce them to form Treaties of 
Commerce and Friendship with Great Britain. 

Besides the State of Vermont and the Settlement of Kentuck, six 
other Settlements are said to be already forming in the interior parts of 
the American Continent, some of them by encouragement from the 
United States ; others under the Protection of the Spanish Government ; 
and some appear to have no connection hitherto with any Foreign 
Power. There can be no doubt, that the Numbers of People in these 
Settlements will very rapidly increase partly by the ordinary course of 
Population, and partly by Emigrants from the United States, and by 
others who may resort to them from the Nations of Europe. As People 
of this description must for a Number of years be principally employed 
in raising Provisions, and such other Articles as are best adapted to the 
Nature of the Soil, which they possess, and to the Climate, under which 
they live, it is evident that during that period at least, they will be under 
the necessity of importing from Foreign Countries such Manufactures 
and other Commodities as contribute most to the comfort and enjoyment 
of Life and whatever Nation is best able to supply them with these Mer- 
chandizes at a reasonable rate, cannot fail to derive great commercial 
Advantages from their Intercourse with them. 

The Countries where all the before mentioned Settlers (except those 
of Vermont) have fixed their residence are separated from the Countries 
inhabited by the People of the United States, and from the Atlantic 
( )i can by a large Ridge of Mountains which must be passed, if they 
attempt to open by that Way any commercial Intercourse. The Expence 
of Land-Carriage over these Mountains will so enhance the Price of any 
Commodities, which they may wish to purchase, as to make it very 
expensive and difficult for them to obtain Supplies by that mode of Con- 
veyance ; and it will still be less practicable to convey the Produce of the 
Soil in which these Settlers must make their Returns, being all bulky 
Articles, over these Mountains to the Heads of the Rivers, that run from the 



English Policy Toward America in ijgo-ijc)! 85 

foot of them into the Atlantic. It is clear that even the People of Ver- 
mont, who are more conveniently situated for a Commercial Intercourse 
with the United States, find that such Intercourse by Land-Carriage is by 
no means so practicable, or likely to be so profitable to them, as a direct 
Trade with Canada, carried on by means of Lake Champlain, and from 
thence into the River St Lawrence. It is certain therefore that the 
various Settlements that are now forming in the interiour Parts of the 
American Continent, will wish to open a Communication with Foreign 
Nations, either by passing the great Lakes and from thence into the River 
St Lawrence, or by descending through the various Rivers, that run into 
the Mississipi, and by following the Course of that River into the 
Ocean. There appears to be no other practicable Channels by which 
these Settlers can carry on the sort of Commerce in which they will nec- 
essarily be engaged, and there are Circumstances which make it probable, 
that the Passage over the great Lakes and by the River St Lawrence will 
be found of the Two to be much the most convenient. It will be for- 
tunate for Great Britain if this Channel continues exclusively under her 
Command ; for the Commerce, so carried on, will be attended with this 
singular advantage that the- Ships employed in it must belong wholly to 
the subjects of the British Empire. It appears from Information lately 
received that the People of Kentuck are desirous of forcing their way 
down the River Mississipi to the Ocean. They have already applied to 
the Congress of the United States for obtaining through their Influence 
with the Court of Spain, a free Navigation on that River. They found 
their claim to it upon the Right naturally resulting from the possession of 
the Countries bordering on the Rivers flowing into the Mississipi ; and 
they alledge that by the Treaty of Peace of 1763, between England 
France and Spain, the free Navigation of the River Mississipi was 
secured to England and was exercised till the Peace of 1783, and that, 
by the Treaty then made with America, England ceded to the United 
States the free Navigation of that River. 

The Spaniards are very jealous of any Communication which the 
Americans may wish to have, by means of the River Mississipi, either 
with the Indians, or any other Persons settled in the interiour Countries 
of America. To prevent such Communication they now employ British 
Agents, Subjects of His Majesty and attached to the British Interests to 
manage the Indians in the Southern Parts of this Continent and to sup- 
ply them with British Manufactures which are sent out annually from 
Great Britain by Vessels under the protection of Passes given by the 
Spanish Ambassador residing in London ; And these Manufactures are 
paid for by great Quantities of Deer Skins and some other Peltry, per- 
mitted to be exported from Spanish Ports in British Ships directly to 
Great Britain. There is every reason also to believe, that a very lucra- 
tive Commerce is now carried on from the Port of Providence in the 
Bahamas and from the Free Ports in the Island of Jamaica to the Spanish 
Ports in the two Floridas which is at least connived at by the Spanish 
Government in order to prevent the People of the United States from 



86 Documents 

obtaining any Influence over the Indians and having any share in this 
Trade.' 

It cannot be doubted that the Navigation of the River Mississipi 
will soon give rise to many contests between the Government of Spain 
and the American Congress, who will wish to support the Settlers in the 
interiour Parts of America in the claims they may urge on this account, 
with a view to secure to themselves the Friendship of these new Settle- 
ments, and thereby to open to the Vessels of the United States the En- 
trance of the River Mississipi. 

What may be the Issue of these Contests it is not possible at present 
with any degree of certainty to foretell, nor is it prudent yet to pronounce 
what ought to be the Conduct of Great Britain in this respect ; It is 
proper however for the Committee to observe, that there will be less 
danger in encouraging the Navigation of Spain in those Seas than that of 
the United States and that the Ships of these States are more to be appre- 
hended, as Commercial Rivals than those belonging to the Subjects of 
the Spanish Monarchy. 

The Committee have thought it right, that I should enter into this 
detail in delivering Their Opinion on the Question you referred to Them 
by His Majesty's Command concerning a Commercial Intercourse with 
the State of Vermont. It appears to them that the same Policy, which 
ought to direct the Conduct of Government with respect to Vermont 
applies equally in a Commercial Light to all the other Settlements, that 
are forming in the interior parts of the American Continent and that no 
true Judgement can be formed of the measures which ought on this occa- 
sion to be pursued without taking comprehensive view of this Subject in all 
its Parts, especially at a time when there is reason to suppose that a Com- 
mercial Treaty may soon be negociated with the Congress of the United 
States of America, at a time also, when the Committee observe, with the 
highest satisfaction, that the Manufactures of this country are improving 
and progressively increasing in so great a degree, that it is necessary to 
seek for new Markets in every Part of the World, in order to afford suf- 
ficient Scope and further Encouragement to the Industry of His Majesty's 
Subjects. 

I have the Honor to be, With great respect 
Sir 

Your most obedient 

And most humble Servant 

Steph. Cottrell 

2. Two Letters of Richard Cromwell, /6jcj. 

In the Lansdowne collection of manuscripts in the British Mu- 
seum, vol. 821, arc twenty-three letters of Richard Cromwell to his 
brother Henry. Most of them are of little value, but two, fols. 
1 53 and r 54, possess importance as proving that Richard did not so 

1 Sec the documents relating to Bowles. 



Tzuo Letters of RicJiard Cromwell, 1659 8 7 

readily acquiesce in his downfall as is generally supposed. Heath 
states that he declared himself unwilling to " have a drop of blood 
shed for the preservation " of his greatness, which was " a burden " 
to him (Chronicle, 744). While it is not improbable that he made 
these assertions, it is plain from these letters that he soon changed 
his mind, as indeed, was commonly believed at the time. Barwick 
writing Hyde on May 2d remarks that " they say he much repents of 
what is past." (Thurloe, VII. 666.) It is equally plain that Guizot 
was mistaken in asserting that " Richard allowed more than a month 
to pass before he wrote to his brother or sent him any directions." 
(Guizot, I. 143.) 

The letters here printed are written in cipher (deciphered) and 
are neither dated nor signed. The events mentioned, however, 
assign the first letter almost certainly to the 12th of May, and the 
second to the 17th of the same month. They are misplaced as they 
stand in the collection. It is possible that they were not received 
by Henry Cromwell, for he complains in a letter written to his 
brother on the 23d that he has heard nothing from him " for some 
time before the last parliament was dissolved." (Thurloe, VII. 
674.) Ralph C. H. Catterall. 

I. (Folio 154). 
I shall not say in how sad a condition I and owre famuly, nay the 
nations are in for it is better for me to throwe myselfe in the dust and 
crye before the Lord, my sins hath brought what is come to pase upon 
us but truly it is as low as men can make it and the flourishing bough of 
it at spring is weathered I shall let my deportement be made knowne by 
my Bro ' and Petty 2 the first beinge a spectator to my carriadge at the 
time the par sat I can assure you I stoode not so highe as my father 
did yet I thought it was fitting I should keep the grounde of a good con- 
science wch I have done hetherto though it be for my present men and 
famuly for I could not have beleved that religion relation and selfe in- 
trest wold have deceved me sense Petty departure whoe was fuly instructed 
the same for Scotland at the same time being sent for youre better corre- 
spondency the rumpe of the pari hath met 3 whoe are about sixty and 
are very violent upon him that is gone as wei flyinge high upon those 
that are living there is a commite of safety apointed who sits at Walling- 
ford Howse the names of them are Fl 4 Des 5 Vane Hasselrige Ludlow 
Lambert and others 6 they are propounding to the pari five generals that 

1 Lord Broghill. He left London April 29, 1659. Thurloe, VII. 665. 

2 Dr. Petty, afterwards the celebrated Sir William Petty. 

3 May 7. 

4 Fleetwood. 

5 Desborough. 

6 Appointed May 7 (C. J., VIII. 646) but did not include Lambert and Desborough 
until the 9th. {Ibid.) 



88 Documents 

shal have equal powers whoe are not to act a part in the government of 
the army ' though youre provocation is very greate and you have a great 
sense of the honor of my deceassed father and the perishing condition 
of the famuly yet youe wil be wary what you doe for youre owne sake 
and the sake of those that shal have an affection with you nothing 
giveth hopes but a cleare understanding and good correspondency with 
general Moncke whoe hath written a letter which is very favorable 2 but 
I hope it is only to hold himselfe in a good opinion with them at West- 
minster until a faire opertunity I beleive they here intende to be very vygor- 
ous and briske if not timely prevented which cannot be but by a diversion 
from the forces at the distant places I knowe noe hope but some such 
way and that must be also assisted by frinds and strong places here 3 which 
if there be and hopes with you there being none left here it wil be neces- 
sary that we should keepe boeth often and close correspondency I am now 
in daly exspectation what course they wil take withe me my confidence 
is in god and to him wil I put my cause I have heard nothing from Scot- 
land or Dunklerque nor fleete this nation is ful of raige and unquietnes 
500 horse would have turned al but my E * was a spectator how corporals 
led troops from there captaines and captaines from there colonels I beleive 
K and L 5 are not longe lived if it wold please god to let them see there 
dainger yet theings might be retreived but oure hopes are lowe I knowe 
not whether a liberty or a prisson The Lord be with you and for me 
pray doe nothing that may be for your ruen but lay youre bussines withe 
united strength and then leave the succese to god I could wish you could 
have a correspondency by some ship from Ireland to general Mountague 

I rest 

deare brother 

youres most affectionatly 



II. (Folio 153). 

I am not able to advise my freinds my councel and my relations hav- 
ing all forsaken me G I am now attending the greate god, whoe is only 

1 This suggestion was made to Parliament on May II (C. J., VII. 649). On the 
13th, however, seven instead of five were named [ibid., 650), a fact which shows that 
Richard wrote after the nth and not later than the 13th. As he does not mention the 
discussion in Parliament over the naming of a committee of state, which took place on 
the 1 2th, it seems certain that the letter was written on that day. 

2 /. <?., to the Rump. Read in Parliament May 9 [C. /., VII. 647). No date 
is given when written, but it must have been before the 5th. (Guizot's K. Cromwell, I. 
381-) 

3 As Richard does not mention the offers of assistance repeatedly made by Bordeaux 
to Thurloe on behalf of France even as late as May 18 (Guizot, I. 379-385, 387, 389) 
it seems probable that these had not been communicated to him by Thurloe. 

' Broghill. The word " lord " preceding has been erased. 

6 Fleetwood and Desborough. K and L being their cipher designations. 

'■ 1 he formal adhesion of Monk and his officers was read in Parliament on the 18th 
(('./., VI 1. 658). It was dated the 12th. Lockhart's submission to Parliament was 
made on the 17th (Thurloe, VII. 670-671) and was also read in Parliament on the 18th 
(C.J., VII. 657)/ 



A Letter from Marquis de La Fayette, 178 1 89 

my hope I wish he had been more when in prosperity but as to the ey of 
men I was not wanton they have nothing to say though I am in the duste 
with my mouthe as to god I shall not direct you to your owne counceles 
being only able to offer you matter of fact wch would be too tedious and 
supitious to relate it in paper and therefore I have as farre as I can in- 
structed doctor King whoe hath seen things and understood more by his 
generall converse than myselfe Pray have a care whoe you trust the world 
is false And for myselfe those that were my father's freinds pretended ones 
only were myne it required time to acquaint myselfe with them and they 
tripped up my heeles before I knew them for though they were relations 
yet they forsooke me I knowe Ffld and Desb regaurds not ruen soe that 
they may have there ends they are pittiful creatures god will avenge in- 
nocency I have acquainted this bearer with Mounkes letter ' in answer to 
what I sent him wch was the same I sent to you it is a poore one ; and 
without Bro can retrive and the fleete stand stenche there is noe hopes as to 
my busines greate severities are put upon me and I exspect the greatest 
this afternoone I looke for comittee to come unto me, with yesterdays votes 2 
this bearer shal alsoe be acquainted wth them thes men intend nothing lese 
then ruen to us boeth yet let me not provocke youre judgement I knowe not 
more to say, but to let you know the great men doe not agre and that the 
army is in greate disorder the horse and foote the one for his penny a 
day the other for his thrippence a day besides honest men throwne out 
only because they were protectorians David's case was very heard let us 
rely upon the god of our ffather. and it wil be as much o r hon 1 to know 
how to. I shall desire the Lord to be y'"' helpe in all y or streight, and 
difficultyes with myne, and my wyfes true respects I rest 

I would faine knowe what Bro sayes in this oure case pray have a 
familiar kindnes to him. 

j. A Letter of Marquis de La Fayette, ijSi. 

The following letter has been kindly sent by Dr. Frederick 
Tuckerman of Amherst, Massachusetts. The original is in the 
possession of Mr. Marvin M. Taylor of Worcester, Massachusetts, 
whose wife was a lineal descendant of Dr. Samuel Cooper, to whom 
the letter was written. A short sketch of the life of Dr. Cooper 
will be found in Vol. VI. of the Review, pp. 301-303. 

Camp New York Virginia 26th October, 1781. 
My Dear Friend 

The Glorious, and important success, we have obtained will afford 
joy to every true American, and I heartily congratulate you upon an 
event, that has such an immense influence in our Affairs — Nothing but 
the great distance I was from you has prevented my writing more fre- 

1 Seethe previous letter, where Richard declares that he has not yet heard from Monk. 

- Committee appointed May 16th (C. J., VII. 655 ). Pickering and St. John reported 
May 25, presenting Richard's abdication, which had been signed some time earlier 
(Ibid., 654). The votes referred to were probably those of the 16th. 



, ) ( i Documents 

quently than I have done — but there was such a danger of letters being 
lost or intercepted, that it spoiled in great measure the pleasure of a 
friendly correspondence. The storm that had been gathered against this 
small Army gave us great deal of trouble to maintain the Vessel afloat. 
Nothing but the bravery, fortitude zeal and discipline of our regular 
force, the patriotism, and patience of our militia, could have saved us 
from ruin, and extricated us from our innumerable difficulties — at last, it 
became possible to recover the ground we had lost and from post, to 
post, the enemy took the very one which could the best suit our purposes. 

The combination of Means, which from so different and so distant 
points were timely collected in this Bay have insured us a success so bril- 
liant in itself so great in its consequences that it must add a new glory 
to Genl Washingtons name and become a new tie of confidence and 
affection between the two Nations. 

Virginia had been the place pointed out by the British Ministry. 
Virginia was the object of this Campaign, and the thunders of Britain 
were in the hands of a Man whose great and well supported character, 
ranks him among the Heroes of England, and places him far above any 
General they have hitherto sent to America. What will be the feelings 
of that proud Nation when they hear that their best General, their best 
Officers, the remainder of 18 of their best Corps amounting to 7050 men 
exclusive of Seamen, and a great number of vessels have surrendered to 
an Army equal to that which made the boasted Siege of Charlestown where 
less than two thousand men, after forty five days of oppressed marches 
were with difficulty persuaded to accept of conditions which after eleven 
days have been imposed upon Lord Cornwallis's Army. It is true 
there has been less gallantry on the part of the British, and less sense on 
the part of their General displayed in the Siege of Charlestown than in 
any Siege that ever was made — But however our garrison of Charles- 
town was paid a very great Compliment to when after so short a space 
Lord Cornwallis accepted the same terms I am far from reflecting on 
that General whose talents I greatly admire and whose lessons I have 
been proud to take in the course of this campaign, but cannot help 
observing that Sir Henry Clinton's repeated blunders have thrown the 
Gallant Cornwallis in this disagreeable situation, and that no Man has 
ever helped me so well to deceive Lord Cornwallis dangerous positions — 
as the Commander in Chief of the British Army. 

The operations of the Seige will be so fully related to you that it is 
needless for me to enter into details I shall only observe to my friend 
that never my feelings have been so delightfully gratified as they were 
on the 14th in the evening, when the American light infantry in 
sight of the Armies of France America and England gallantry stormed a 
redoubt Sword in hand, and proved themselves equal in this business to 
the Grenadiers of the best troops in Europe. I long a go knew what 
d< pi mi I. ni< c Wei ; in he put on them, and was so sure of success, that not 
a gun had been loaded — but to see this little afair transacted under the 
eyes of Foreign Armies, gave me Unspeakable Satisfaction. 



A Letter of Alexander H. Stephens, 1S5J 91 

My present wish (entre Nous) is to go round with the fleet to the 
Southward — how far I will be able to effect this purpose is not yet deter- 
mined, at all events I will be in Philadelphia in the course of the 
Winter — and should the Armies remain quiet should Congress think I 
may serve them in Europe, I shall be happy to cross, and recross the 
Atlantic in the space of a few months provided I see my going there 
may be materialy serviceable — that is, my dear Sir, the present plan I 
have in view, and whatever may be the wishes of Congress, nothing on 
my part will be neglected to render them my services. At all events I 
shall endeavor to pay a visit to my Friends in Boston — the attachment, 
and partiality I feel for that Capital can not be sufficiently expressed — I 
set such a value by the esteem of your Countrymen that it will ever ani- 
mate me under every difficulty I may encounter, their reception on my 
return from France, and the many favors I have received from the people 
at large, and from individuals in particular, shall ever be precious to my 
heart. 

Mr. Cooper is returning to Boston, and hopes to be exchanged. I 
am very desirous to see every particular respecting Halifax Newfound- 
land and Penobscot — I request you will take some pains on this head — 
and send the accounts to me at Philadelphia under cover of the Massa- 
chusetts Delegates. It is very well worth sending an express on purpose 
and I would wish to know what Expedition you think might (for next 
campaign) become most agreeable to your State — 

Present my best compliments to the Govenor and his Lady, Mr. 
Baudouin Mr. dishing and all our friends — remember me most affec- 
tionately to your family and believe me 

Yours for ever 

Lafayette. 



./. A Letter of Alexander H. Stephens, 185 y. 

The original of the following letter is the property of Miss 
Martha Reid Robinson of Chicago. It was written to her grand- 
father, Colonel Robert Sims Burch, who studied law with Mr. 
Stephens, and was afterwards for some time in partnership with him 
in Crawfordville, Georgia. At the time when the letter was written, 
Colonel Burch lived in Marietta, Georgia. J. F. J. 

Washington D C 

15th June 1854 
Dear Bob 

Your letter of the 12 th Inst was received this morning. I was at home 
last week, and last Sunday was a week I spent at Atlanta. I thought of 
you often on that day and if I had been right sure of your being at home 
I should have spent the day with you instead of spending it where I did. 
But I feared I might have my ride up to Marietta only to meet with a 
disappointment and as it was I made out luckily to pass the day most 



9 2 



Documents 



agreably with our old friend Floyd Minis. 1 Much of the time was taken 
up in talking over scenes which now exist only in memory. I intend 
however to see you this summer some time. I am now in good health — 
that is good for me. I am hardly ever in such condition or state of feel- 
ing as would warrant me in saying that I am well. With me in this par- 
ticular I always have to speak in a comparative sense. I am therefore 
and with this explanation gratified at being able to say that I am a good 
deal stronger and feeling a good deal better than when I saw you last. 

As to that part of your letter which bears upon the political prospects 
of the country etc I can only say that every thing here now on such 
questions is completely at sea. There are really no parties in this coun- 
try. There are persons calling themselves Whigs and others calling 
themselves Democrats but these terms do not designate in the slightest 
degree classes of men agreeing upon any of the public questions or issues 
of this day. What is to turn up in the future I can not tell. My 
opinion is that Parties must form upon questions and it is idle and futile 
to attempt to keep up these old unmeaning designations which had their 
day with the questions that brought them into being. I dont think it 
proper at this time to take any lead towards the formation of new parties 
— " sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof." I would support Dickin- 
son upon present questions and as he now stands before the country 
with a great deal of pleasure. But whether he will be a candidate or how 
he may stand upon the questions before the country two years hence I 
have no idea. In reference to myself however I must say that no induce- 
ment on earth could prevail on me to allow my name to be connected 
with either *of the offices — that of President or Vice President. I have 
no ambition that way. I want no office in the world. I hold my 
present place rather against than in accordance with my wishes. Noth- 
ing but a sense of duty or the belief that I might do the country some 
service induced me to run the last time. This may seem strange to you 
and I would not so write to hardly any other man because I know that 
human nature is such that I should not be credited in the declaration. 
But I believe you know me well enough to do me the justice to give me 
credit for sincerity in making the statement. 

My sole object here now is to serve the country. I have little or no 
confidence in Parties as such of any name or style. And I think the 
less a public man is trammelled by them the more efficient he is to 
do good. Since the triumph of the Nebraska Bill I feel as if the Mission 
of my life was performed. The retrospect for the last ten years since I 
have been on this theatre to me is most gratifying. When I think of the 
state of the country then and now — the nature of the principles and issue 
between the two great sections of the Union growing out of the institution 
of Slavery and upon which the peace harmony and even existence of the 
Union depended and my own connection with the settlement of those 
principles upon several most critical occasions in that period — the review 

1 John Floyd Mirns, agent of the Georgia Railroad at Atlanta, and mayor of that 
city in 1853. 



A Letter of Alexander H. Stephens, J 8 54 93 

is as pleasing and as joyous as it is for the Storm tossed mariner to gaze 
in delight upon the bow of promise arching in its gorgious brilliancy the 
blackened elements of the tempest cloud as it passes over with its fury 
spent leaving him with rudder safe, masts erect and sails untattered and 
untorn to bear him still onward to his destined Haven. This contempla- 
tion is the 'more particularly gratifying to me for some reasons you will 
allow me to mention. In the first place duty as I understood it required 
me on several occasions to assume positions not only against the prevail- 
ing opinions in our section of the country upon the issues presented 
while this contest or slavery controversy was raging but against the judg- 
ment of some of my best friends. This was very painful to me. But 
I looked alone to the future for my vindication. I knew I was then 
misunderstood but I felt an inward assurance that time would bring all 
things right. That future to which I looked has come. That time 
which I trusted has done its work. And when the signal guns upon 
Capitol Hill proclaimed the final passing of the Nebraska Bill I felt that 
the cup of my ambition was full. And to be a little more specific in the 
reasons to which I have alluded I will state what you may well recollect. 
Ten years ago, the first Session of Congress after I took my seat the 
Texas question was started. The subject was brought forward by Mr. 
Tyler under the guidance of Mr. Calhoun secretary of state in the form 
of a treaty with Texas. That treaty stipulated for the cession of Texas as 
a territory of the United States to be held as the other territories of the 
General Government and without any guaranty or security against the 
exclusion of Slavery therein by Congress. It also provided for the pay- 
ment of the debts of Texas to which I was opposed. But the main point 
with me was the absence of any provision settling the Slavery question to 
which the measure gave rise. On this ground I opposed it. It was with 
me a controlling point. Because at the North Annexation was zealously 
espoused by those who openly declared their intention of making it free 
territory or in other words of excluding the Southern people from carry- 
ing their slaves there, this ground of opposition on my part was asserted 
throughout the state to be nothing but a pretext. I was charged with 
being opposed to the acquisition. And it was in vain that everywhere I 
declared myself in favour of the acquisition upon such terms as would 
give the South security. It was again and again asserted that I was 
demanding what I knew could never be obtained. I insisted that we 
should accept no terms of annexation that did not secure in the bonds of 
union the right of all states that might be formed out of the territory 
South of 36.30 the line established in 1820 to come into the Union with 
Slavery if they saw fit. This it was said was equivalent to open hostility 
to annexation and I was accordingly charged with being an enemy to 
Texas annexation. This to me was painful. For there was not a man 
perhaps in Georgia more in favour of annexation upon safe terms than 
myself. This was the first great sectional struggle after I came to Con- 
gress. I maintained my position. I withstood the assaults upon my 
motives and patriotism. And to my gratification then I succeeded with 



94 



Documents 



six other Southern men who acted with me in defeating any scheme of 
annexation which did not contain the guaranty that I demanded. And 
when the friends of annexation North and South found that they could 
carry no other measure they were compelled to take the plan advocated 
by me. And the Resolutions drawn up by Milton Brown of Tennessee 
after consultation and advisement with me exactly on the basis I had 
maintained throughout Georgia in the canvass of 1844 were finally passed 
and became the bond of Union between the two Republicks. There 
were no afterclaps. The slavery question involved was settled and put to 
rest in the very terms of the Union between the two countries. This I 
say was the first contest between the North and the South after I came to 
Congress. The next grew out of our Mexican acquisitions. That was 
much the fiercest and became much the most dangerous because this 
question was not settled at the time of the acquisition as it ought to have 
been. The part I took in that contest was also much the most dangerous 
and perilous to me personally. The danger and peril I met. The whole 
South, nearly, again under the lead of Mr. Calhoun, had agreed, after the 
strife had become threatening, to what was called the Clayton Compro- 
mise. This was a Bill introduced in the Senate in 1848 providing for 
the establishment of territorial Governments for the country acquired 
from Mexico by the treaty of Peace of that year and Oregon. 

The North had for several years claimed the right and power to ex- 
clude Slavery from all these common territories. This Legislative exclu- 
sion under the lead of Mr. Wilmot had passed the House every time it 
had been offered. The right thus to exclude by Congress was almost 
universally denied by the South. But besides this difference there was 
still another point of disagreement. I beliei>ed and knew that upon the 
acquisition all the laws of the Country ceded which were not inconsistent 
with the Constitution of the United States would continue in force until 
changed or modified by the lawmaking power of the new sovereign to 
whom it was transferred. I knew also that Slavery had been abolished 
by law throughout the Mexican territories before the cession. We got 
the country therefore with a positive exclusion of Slavery by law at the 
time of acquisition. This exclusion I insisted should be taken off or 
provided against by Congress so that the South might have some partici- 
pation in this vast region of public domain. But in this position I stood 
almost alone in the entire South. And at this stage of the controversy 
Mr. Claytons Compromise was agreed upon in the Senate. It abstained 
from a positive exclusion of Slavery by Congress. In other words it 
omitted the Wilmot Proviso upon which the North had insisted with 
such pertinacity and referred the question as to whether the Mexican 
antislavery law had been rendered null and void by the operation of the 
Constitution of tin- United States alone or not to the Supreme Court of 
the United States. Their decision was to be final. If they should de- 
cide that the Constitution by itself without any legislative act did not 
change, repeal, or modify an existing local law of that nature and char- 
acter then the South was to before7>er excluded from the territory thus 



A Letter of Alexander H. Stephens, 1854. 95 

acquired. And the Bill further provided that neither Congress or the 
people of the territories should ever pass any law either establishing or 
prohibiting slavery therein. The status of the country was to remain 
forever as it was at the time of the acquisition upon the subject of 
slavery except in so far as the Constitution by itself without any exercise 
of the legislative power under it had changed or altered it. This was 
the Clayton Compromise. The whole South nearly hailed it as a tri- 
umph. I looked upon it as worse than the " Wilmot Proviso." For if 
the Wilmot Proviso was unconstitutional as was held generally by the ad- 
vocates of this Bill the Supreme Court would so hold anyhow. So no 
harm could come of that if our rights were in any event to be left to 
them in the last resort. But in case the Supreme Court decided as I 
had no doubt they would that the Constitution by itself neither estab- 
lished or abolished slavery anywhere that it simply protected and guar- 
anteed its enjoyment in all parts of the Union, territories as well as 
States where it was not prohibited by the law of the place — I say in case 
the Supreme Court so held then by the terms of this Clayton Compro- 
mise the power or right to change the status of the Country or the law 
of the place in this particular was denied by an express clause both to 
Congress and the people of the territories. It was this Bill you know I 
was so bitterly denounced for defeating. On my motion it was laid on 
the table in the House after it was passed by the Senate. I was called a 
traitor an Arnold etc. I was asked if I had any hopes of ever getting 
a better Compromise even by friends who did not like it very well them- 
selves. I stood this and a great deal more but not without the shedding 
of some blood. I stood it all nevertheless however looking to that future 
of which I have just spoken. Time rolled on — 

"Men change with fortune, manners change with climes, 
Tenets with books and principles -with times.'" 

My justification came sooner than I expected. For in little over two 
years I lived to hear men demanding a repeal of the Mexican anti- 
slavery law, which they had denounced me as a traitor for saying 
existed ! But this is not all. The question was again up in Congress. 
The strife raged hotter and fiercer than ever. I was willing to divide the 
country on the line of 36.30, the same which was fixed on the acquisi- 
tion of Texas, with a recognition of our rights south of that line. This 
the North would not grant and a majority of the South also opposed upon 
constitutional grounds. I need go no further into detail. Suffice it to say 
that if the South had then stood by me we should have got a clear and 
unequivocal repeal of the Anti Slavery law existing in the territories at 
the time of the acquisition. But as it was we got the guaranty that ihe 
people when they come to form state Constitutions should come into the 
Union either with or without slavery as they may determine for them- 
selves. This guaranty was not confined or limited to territories South of 
36.30 but up to the 42d North latitude. We got the right secured to the 
people of the territories of Utah and New Mexico to change the anti 



gb Documents 

slavery law of those territories if they saw fit to do so, and under which 
right secured the people of Utah have recognized slavery in their system. 
New Mexico I have little doubt will also do the same. But the great 
principle established in 1850 was that there should be no Congressional 
restriction or exclusion of Slavery in the territories of the Union, and 
that new states shall come into the Union either with or without Slavery 
as the people in forming their state constitutions shall determine for 
themselves. This was the principle established in 1850. The restriction 
in 1820 was inconsistent with that and hence when we came this year to 
organize Govmts for Kansas and Nebraska we demanded — I demanded — 
that this principle should be recognized and carried out and the restric- 
tion of 1S20 declared null and void. It has been done. Are we not in 
a much better condition today than we were in 1843 when I took my 
seat on the floor of the House — I mean the South ? Are we not in an 
infinitely better condition than we would have been in if the Clayton 
Compromise had been adopted? May I not look back and proudly 
demand of my bitterest assailants whether time has not shown that I was 
right and they were wrong? Could or ought ambition to ask or desire 
more ? But I have done. You must excuse this long scroll. When I 
commenced it I had no idea of filling one sheet. I have just run on as I 
might talk to you if I were with you and to nobody else. You know there 
are certain things with [which] everybody treasures up in the heart which 
are communicated to but few. So it is with me today towards you. I 
would not so express myself as I have to you to hardly any other person 
for various reasons. In the first place it might be thought that I treas- 
ured ill will towards those who thought differently from me in days gone 
by upon issues now past, when in fact I have no such feelings. Nor 
have I any wish to exult in a triumph which would awaken unpleasant 
reminiscences. Conscious all the time of being in pursuit of the right 
and nothing but the right I am amply rewarded by seeing the right tri- 
umphant in the end. I barely intended to say to you that I have no 
desire to build up parties as such. All combinations of men have a ten- 
dency in themselves to grow corrupt. And the best position for every 
honest man in public position especially is to have as few party obliga- 
tions to fulfil as possible. I trust for the honor to say nothing of the 
safety of the South that there never will be another affiliation on the part 
of any portion of her people with the Northern Whig Party constituted 
as it now is. And I trust also that no portion of the Southern people 
will ever again go into any National Convention to nominate candidates 
for President and Vice President with any Party which does not first 
purge itself of all freesoil elements. This is what I wanted done in 1852. 
The country is in better condition for this plan or reorganization than it 
has ever been before. Mr. Pierce is a good, social, clever gentleman, 
individually sound and right upon all these questions. But he will not 
make tfeetti a test. The consequence will be that he will fall. His 
administration is now powerless. His cabinet is divided. He was for 
Nel raska, but those democrats at the North who have received the 



A Lettei' of Alexander H. Stephens, /Sjj 97 

largest amount of patronage for their friends went against it. Marcy I 
have no doubt was hostile to the bill. Mr. Pierce is also for Cuba. But 
Marcy is not. And I fear that the South will be "gulled " by him on 
that question. As for myself I am for Cuba, and I think if our citizens 
see fit to go and rescue the Island from Spanish misrule and English 
abolition policy they ought not to be punished by us for so doing. In 
other words I am for repealing our laws which make it a misdemeanor 
and punishable to take part in such a struggle as it is believed will take 
place there between the planters and the Govmt before the legislative 
decree goes into effect in August next. If the people then resist I am 
for aiding them. It will be another St. Domingo struggle and any 
American in my opinion should feel a sympathy for his own race. I am 
against Cuba's becoming a negroe state. But again enough. Excuse my 
haste. I have but a few moments to scribble you these lines. I hope to 
see you before many months and talk over these things. But I must 
repeat once more that my strong desire is to get out of this bustle and 
retire to the quiet and repose of my own sequestered home and leave the 
world to take [care] of itself. 

My best respects to Mrs. Burch and kind regards to all the family. 
Yours most sincerely 

Alexander H Stephens 
Robert S. Burch, Esq 
Marietta 
Ga 



AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. 



REVIEWS OF BOOKS 

The Great Persian War and its Preliminaries ; A Stud}' of the 

Evidence, Literary and Topographical. By G. B. Grundy. 

(London : John Murray ; New York : Charles Scribner's Sons. 

1 901. Pp. xiii, 591.) 

The author of this ambitious and important monograph spent the 
winter of 1892-1893, the summer of 1895 and the summer of 1899 in 
Greece and in the course of these visits examined the principal mili- 
tary routes used in ancient times and the most famous battle-fields. Thus 
equipped with an accurate knowledge at first hand of the theater ot 
operations, he has studied afresh the literary evidence concerning the 
Persian wars, with a view to settling the political, strategical and tactical 
questions to which it has given rise and incidentally to determining the 
character of Herodotus as an historian. 

What gives his book its unique value is its topographical apparatus. 
This includes not only notes made in all parts of the field but also the 
results of especially careful observation in the plain of Marathon and the 
strait of Salamis, both already surveyed by others, and above all detail 
maps of Thermopylae and Platsea, as surveyed the first time by Mr. 
Grundy himself. His analysis of this material, which is illustrated by a 
large number of original sketches and some photographic views, must be 
taken into account in all future discussion of the four great battles of the 
war and the campaigns that hinged upon them. 

While at work in the field Mr. Grundy naturally depended upon the 
evidence of his own eyes. In reporting physical data he could afford to 
ignore the opinions of those who had never seen the ground. It would 
seem as if this had led him to believe that, in the very different work of 
interpreting the literary tradition in the light of this new evidence, he 
could safely rely, to an altogether undue extent, upon his own unaided 
reason. Except in a few instances, he has entirely failed to assimilate 
the contributions which others have made toward the solution of his 
problems or to test his own conclusions by entering fully into their argu- 
ments. He discusses consequently a vast amount of irrelevant detail, 
raises old difficulties long since solved, proposes rejected explanations, 
and proves over again established conclusions. The half of his book 
would be more than the whole. 

1 1 is now fifteen years since Hans Delbriick in his Perserkriege und 
Burgunderkriegr laid the basis for all future treatment of the military and 
literary problems of the Persian wars. This book is nowhere named by 
Mr. Grundy. Its author is mentioned twice, each time in a foot-note. 

(93) 



Grundy : The Great Persian War 99 

Thus we read on page 210, in support of the statement that some modern 
writers have underestimated the size of Xerxes's army : " E. g. Delbruck 
attributes to Xerxes an army of from 65,000 to 75,000 combatants.' ' 
Now this is a question of fundamental importance and, whether Delbrlick's 
estimate be right or wrong, the very remarkable chain of argument by 
which he led up to it, deserves consideration. Mr. Grundy writes as 
if he had never read it and although he admits that the figures given by 
Herodotus are impossible, yet he concludes solely from the extent of the 
Persian Empire and from the Oriental reliance upon numbers that 500,000 
should be regarded as the minimum figure for the troops employed on 
land. How such a force, with at least an equal number of non-com- 
batants could be maintained in Greece, how it could be manipulated on 
the battle-field, or how such an overwhelming predominance of numbers 
on one side can be reconciled with the actual conduct of the war, he 
omits to explain in the course of the few sentences with which the whole 
matter is dismissed. 

His survey of Thermopylae and his examination of the strait of 
Salamis were not made until the summer of 1899. In November of the 
same year, in ample time for him to use it, appeared the second volume 
of Eduard Meyer's Forschiingen zur alien Geschiclite. However difficult 
it may have been for him at that advanced stage to adopt a truly critical 
attitude towards Herodotus, for whom indeed he claims extraordinary 
accuracy in the statement of facts, he might at least have learned from 
Meyer not to credit the legend that the Greek fleet on the eve of Salamis 
was in a state of panic nor to repeat the charge that Leonidas was sacri- 
ficed by the failure of his government to reinforce him. According to 
Meyer's view, the force under Leonidas was large enough to hold the 
pass until the Greek fleet at Artemisium should engage the Persian ships, 
and no force that Sparta could furnish could have done more. The hesi- 
tation of the fleet to risk a decisive battle made the position on land 
untenable. 

Delbruck and Meyer agree in urging on general principles that such 
a position as that at Thermopylae can always be turned sooner or later. 
Both mention the road from Malis into Doris as a possible route by which 
the turning movement might have been made. In controverting Del- 
brlick's statement of the case, Mr. Grundy adduces real grounds against 
the assumption that this road existed in ancient times but fails entirely 
to meet the main point, — the force of which, for instance, the Mexicans 
at Cerro Gordo and the Confederates at Rich Mountain found out to 
their cost. He emphasizes the connection between the Greek positions 
at Artemisium and Thermopylae, ascribing to them, however, co-ordi- 
nate importance, but he ignores Bury's article in the Annual of the Brit- 
ish School at Athens for 1895-1896 to which Meyer, in discussing the 
same question, has acknowledged his indebtedness. It is curious to note 
further that, while acknowledgment is made of another article of Bury's 
— -year and volume not given (p. 3S9) — the explanation of the Scythian 
expedition suggested by the same scholar in the Classical Review for 



ioo Reviews of Books 

July 1S97 is mentioned .as "a theory which has recently been put for- 
ward," without further identification. It is difficult to account for this 
haphazard method of reference. Often enough Mr. Grundy shows his 
capacity to learn, if he will, from others. Thus, in the chapter on Sala- 
mis he accepts, with ample recognition, Professor Goodwin's view as to 
the Persian position — that it was outside, not inside the entrance to the 
st rait — and repeats the arguments on which it was based, reinforcing 
them by observations of his own. He finds it impossible, however, to 
reconcile this with the account given by Herodotus and offers an ingeni- 
ous explanation of the latter' s mistake ; but he neglects to tell us of the 
manner in which Goodwin so interpreted the crucial passage in Herodo- 
tus as to bring it into harmony with the testimony of /Eschylus and the 
nature of the scene of action. 

After all that has been said in criticism of Mr. Grundy's method, it 
is only fair to repeat that large parts of his book possess permanent value. 
His chapter on Platasa especially will repay careful study. It is to be 
hoped that he will carry out his purpose to deal in another volume with 
the remaining campaigns of the fourth century, but no less to be desired 
that, in expressing his opinion of the strategy of Pericles and the au- 
thority of Thucydides, he will not overlook two books which have ap- 
peared since his first one was written. One of these is the first volume 
of Delbriick's Gescliichte der Kriegskunsi and the other is the fourth vol- 
ume of Meyer's Gescliichte des Altertums. 

H. A. Sill. 

Gescliichte des hellenistischen Zcitalters. Von Julius Kaerst. Ers- 
ter Band. Die Grundlegung des Hellenismus. (Leipzig: B. G. 
Teubner. 1901. Pp. x, 433.) 

The author has for some years been favorably known as a critical 
student of the sources for the history of Alexander, and his articles in 
historical and philological periodicals have roused expectation of some 
such general historical work as that of which the first volume is now 
before the world. " Ich habe mir die Aufgabe gestellt, " he explains in 
his preface (p. iv), "die Umwandlung des in den engen Grenzen der 
Polis sich darstellenden Staates in die umfassenden politischen Gestal- 
tungen der hellenistischen Zeit und der in der hellenischen Polis erwach- 
senen Kultur in die hellenistischen Weltkultur nachzuweisen und das 
Wesen dieser neuen universalen Bildungen, die treibenden Krafte, die 
wichtigsten Entwicklungstendenzen' derselben darzulegen." 

The first volume is exclusively devoted to the political philosophy of the 
evolution of Alexander's world-sovereignty. Of the economical, social, 
artistic and religious aspects of the Hellenistic as contrasted with the 
Hellenic period, subsequent volumes will doubtless treat. For a history 
of the period " grossen Stiles," we must still go to Droysen : for detailed 
pragmatic history, with exhaustive apparatus, to Niese. Of the first pred- 
ecessor in the field, the author speaks everywhere with due apprecia- 



Kaerst: GeschicJite des hellenistischen Zei (alters 101 

tion ; of the second no mention whatever is made in the preface, and 
none in the main text of the work. Less than a dozen references to him 
in the foot-notes are without exception controversial and even depreca- 
tory, though neither in this nor in any other case is the author's contro- 
versial procedure virulent or undignified. With Hogarth's recent book 
the author shows a slight acquaintance, and honors it with a somewhat 
disdainful reference. 

The main tendencies of the work are perfectly clear. Toward our 
tradition of the histories of Philip and Alexander of Macedon, the author 
takes a distinctly conservative position, and the kernel of historical truth 
within the husk of romantic accretion is, as a rule, carefully sought. 
There is refreshingly little of the arbitrary subjective pronunciamento 
so prevalent in much recent work on ancient history among the Germans. 
Toward the personalities of Philip and Alexander the attitude is consist- 
ently favorable, not to say apologetic, and yet admiration and praise are 
never allowed to escape the' most perfect control. Dignity even to heavi- 
ness characterizes the whole work ; plan and method are noble and 
sedate. Military details and attractive anecdotes obscure in wonderfully 
slight degree the main political thread of the argument. Alexander's 
siege of Tyre is disposed of in less than two pages ; his capture of the 
Aornos fastness in a brief sentence, and as a result of this self-control, 
the conception of the Greek Palis, with which the volume opens, is 
given a truly artistic contrast to that of Alexander's world-swaying per- 
sonality, with which the volume closes. 

The Battle of Chasroneia decided the claims of city-state and mon- 
archical supremacy to the leadership of Hellas. The Athenian city- 
state, during its leadership, had slowly lost sight of the national, Pan- 
Hellenic idea, in attempting to satisfy the local and social demands of 
its sovereign democracy. Sparta and Thebes, during their leaderships, 
had been unable to triumph over city-state exclusiveness and achieve a 
general Pan- Hellenic symmachy. Persia had become the chief power 
in Hellas. Meanwhile, in spiritual, economical and political life, the 
technical superiority of the gifted individual was seeking and obtaining 
scope for itself. The Socratic doctrine of " knowledge " favored the 
conception and realization of a technically skilled bureaucracy and a 
technically qualified individual leader of the state. The Macedonian 
monarchy, as developed by Philip II., and as enlarged by Alexander, fur- 
nished both individual leader and trained bureaucracy. Philip II. won 
for this political system the leadership of Hellas. 

The Macedonians were a distinct folk from the Hellenes, but nearly 
related to them, more nearly than any of their neighbors were, or than 
they were to any of their neighbors. The royal line were of genuine 
Macedonian stock. Their pure Hellenic origin was a political fiction of 
great influence in the Hellenizing process which had been under way 
long before Philip II., but which was not complete till the time of Per- 
seus. The Macedonian monarchy, with its elastic principles of folk and 
territorial unity, contrasts fully with the city-state's separation and 



102 Reviews of Books 

exclusiveness. Philip II. based it more broadly than ever on the people, 
at the expense of the nobility. The vigor of the monarchy in Hellas 
had been appropriated by laws and constitutions until monarchy had 
become a mythical memory. But when new intellectual and social cur- 
rents brought the monarchical ideal again into prominence, lo ! the court 
of an Archelaiis could attract a Euripides. The monarchical folk of 
Macedonia had developed a political system which was to wrest to itself 
the leadership of Hellas and show itself capable of swaying the inhabited 
world. 

Demosthenes was champion of the Po/is, as a sovereign political sys- 
tem ; Philip of the democratic monarchy. Demosthenes led a pathetic, 
but not a Pan-Hellenic struggle. The Macedonian monarchy was a better 
spreader of Hellenic culture than the isolating city-state colonial system ; 
but the culture was the peculiar product of the city-state principle. The 
Macedonian Empire at last achieved what Pericles attempted in vain. 

Philip's conquest of the leadership of Hellas was primarily in the in- 
terests of Macedonia rather than of Hellas ; then such a humiliation of 
Persia, the deposed Great Power of Hellas, as was consistent with a 
monarchy based on the Macedonian folk and culminating in the leader- 
ship of Hellas, doubtless lay in Philip's plans. Even the retaliatory 
idea in Persian punishment was not too romantic for a monarch who had 
posed as a champion of Apollo ! The creation and the development of 
the Corinthian national Assembly was Philip's greatest Hellenic service. 
This was an instrument of wonderful scope and power. It marked, not 
the end of Hellenic freedom, but the consummation of Hellenic unity. 

Over against the organic unity of the Macedonian monarchy under 
Philip is set, by way of contrast, the vast aggregation of the Persian Em- 
pire under Darius III., with its disintegrating tendencies in active opera- 
tion notwithstanding the unifying cruelties of Assyria. From Philip's 
idea of humiliating this Great Power, and deposing it from supremacy in 
Hellenic politics by the concerted efforts of all Hellas under Macedonian 
leadership, Alexander passed by successive steps to the ideas of conquest 
and sway of the Persian Empire, conquest and sway of the East, conquest 
and sway of the world. He early freed himself, even at great loss in 
efficiency, from dependence on the Corinthian Assembly, and therefore 
from his father's narrower plans, and from exclusively Macedonian poli- 
cies. His delay in pursuing Darius after the defeat at Issus, in order to 
conquer Egypt and secure the divine sanction of Amnion, indicates the 
inception in his mind of the idea of world-empire. 

With the defeat of Agis at Megalopolis by Antipater, in 331, the 
powers and influence of the Corinthian Assembly practically ceased, and, 
at the death of Darius, Alexander assumed the Persian monarch's heri- 
tage. A Macedonian successor of the Achaemenids now exercised their 
domination in Hellenic matters, but the Macedonian folk-army, the 
national foundation for the successes of Philip and Alexander, under- 
went modification. The jealousies and hates arising in the process were 
< urbed with savage and even faithless cruelty. There is ample political 



Rainy : The Ancient Catholic Church 103 

apology for the deaths of Parmenio, Kleitos and Kallisthenes. The 
heritage of policy from Philip was ruthlessly discarded by Alexander 
during the very struggles in the heart of Iran (329-327 B. C. ) whose 
success best attests the consummate wisdom and workmanship of Philip. 
The Macedonian folk-army won their victories only to lose their national 
monarchy. But Alexander had not deteriorated with his enormous suc- 
cesses — the popular error ; he had risen to and adopted a world-policy 
which demanded the creation by assimilation of a world-folk. 

The Indian expedition, long contemplated and prepared, was part o 
this world-policy, not merely the completion of a task left incomplete 
by Persia. And it was the physical and moral exhaustion of his new, 
conglomerate army, not rebellion against his world-policy, which stayed 
Alexander's progress eastward. He returned to establish a world-cap- 
ital, to complete and organize his world- empire and above all to make the 
ocean his vassal and minister. Divine honors for the central and domi- 
nating personality in this world-empire were part of his policy, and no 
confines to that empire except those of the world itself were allowed. 
Macedonia and Hellas alike were politically sacrificed to this culminating 
vision of the greatest wielder of the destinies of the ancient world. 

Such are the leading thoughts and tendencies of this able book. 
Following the lead of a seductive political philosophy, and ignoring the 
exaggerations of romantic tradition, it sets both Philip and Alexander on 
higher pedestals in the hall of fame than romantic tradition ever claimed 
for them. B. Perrin. 

The Ancient Catholic Church, from the Accession of Trajan to the 
Fourth General Council (A. D. 98-4.5T). By Robert Rainy, 
D.D., Principal of New College, Edinburgh. [The Interna- 
tional Theological Library.] (New York : Charles Scribner's 
Sons. 1902. Pp. xii, 539.) 

The editors of the "International Theological Library" have en- 
trusted two volumes of the church history in their series to the venerable 
Dr. Rainy, of Edinburgh, his subject being Catholicism. The first of these 
lies before us. It comes down to the council of Chalcedon, A. D. 451. 
The second volume will cover the period of later Catholicism, by which the 
author understands the history of the Church to Gregory I., or perhaps 
to Charlemagne, although his plan is to carry the narrative over two or 
three centuries more, — a " transition period," — to Hildebrand. We may 
assume, no doubt, that in the present volume we have the facts which 
forty years' experience in teaching church history have convinced Dr. 
Rainy are most important for students of this period to know. 

The book is divided into three parts : (1) to the close of the reign 
of Marcus Aurelius, (2) to the toleration edict of 313, (3) to the Fourth 
Council. The reasonableness of the first of these epochs is less obvious 
than that of the second. Why should a church historian select "the ac- 
cession of Trajan," or of any other emperor to mark a turning point in 



104 Reviews of Books 

his narrative? For him to borrow epochs from political history is as un- 
scientific as it would be for an historian of politics to make a dividing 
line out of the Monophysite controversy, or for a writer on economic 
history to date a period from the publication of Paradise Lost. It is a 
pity that every ecclesiastical historian, before attempting to map out his 
chronology, does not read, mark and inwardly digest Baur's Epochen der 
Mrchlichen Geschichtschreibung. He might not accept Baur's periods, 
but he would at least be impressed with the necessity of having ecclesias- 
tical affairs control his whole chronological scheme. 

Dr. Rainy distributes his materials under comparatively few and simple 
rubrics, such as " Environment," "Church Life," " Beliefs and Sacra- 
ments," "Heresies," "Worship," the "Clergy," "Discipline and 
Schism," " Monasticism," and " Ecclesiastical Personages." Relatively 
greater space is devoted to matters of doctrine than to the institutional 
side of the history (e. g., church organization, government, law and 
ritual). Almost half the total number of chapters discuss doctrine, 
heresy and schism. The geographical extension of Christianity receives 
little attention. But in this distribution of emphasis our author simply fol- 
lows the example of most Protestant historians before him. Dr. Rainy's 
style is clear and straightforward. Details are kept in the background, 
and the main features of the history are made to stand out prominently. 
The chapter on Gnosticism may serve as an example of excellent historical 
exposition, well conceived and well carried out (pp. 94-119). And 
there are others as good. The author is on the whole fair-minded, and 
does not obtrude his theological prejudices upon his readers. His candor 
enables him to deal with vexed questions with a more even-handed justice 
than one often finds in similar works. 

On the other hand, there are disappointing features in the book. 
We are obliged to look in several different places for information on 
some subjects whose treatment should be unified. Take for instance 
the Paschal controversy. Why must we turn from p. 81 ff. to p. 236 ff. , 
before we discover all that Dr. Rainy wishes to tell us about it ? Or in 
reading of the tibellatici, why must we pass from p. 15, where they do 
not belong, to p. 142 ff., where they do belong but are hardly mentioned, 
and from there to p. 191, — and after all fail to find any description of 
the ancient ttbelli, from the Decian persecution, which have recently been 
discovered ? Among the more striking cases of insufficient treatment, 
we mention the early history of the British Church, the general change 
from primitive to Catholic Christianity, the growth of the New Testament 
canon, and the development of the Roman primacy. 

A few errors have crept into the book. What evidence is there that 
baptizing in the name of Christ alone was "always rather questionable " 
(]>. 75)? If Papias is " usually placed about A. D. 145-160" (p. 60), 
we confess never to have heard of it. Papias's work entitled Interpreta- 
tions contained five books, not "four" {ibid.). Cyprian's death is 
placed three years too late (p. 197). Apollonius of Tyana seems, in 
one passage (p. 155, n. 2), to be regarded as a contemporary of Plotinus, 



Glover : Life and Letters in the Fourth Century 105 

but in another we are more accurately informed (p. 283). Rufinus's 
Latin versions of Origen's works are euphemistically called ' ' translations ' ' 
(p. 501 ). It is unfair to Cyprian, if to no others, to assert that all which 
was greatest in Christian literature down to the year 313 had been writ- 
ten before the year 230 (p. 157). There is carelessness in citing titles: 
e. g., Irenasus is credited with having written a " Refutatio" (p. 112), 
and Tertullian's work De testimonio animaz has received the gratuitous 
addition of " naturaliter christians " (p. 187). 

We have noted the following typographical errors : P. 3, for Neu- 
mann's " Romische Staat" read Romischer Staat. P. 51 (twice) for 
" Funck " read P'unk. P. 157, for Celsus's Al^Or^ Aoyos read 'AXyjdijs 
A6yo$. P. 161, for Origen's Uspi Apywv read lhp\ 'Apz&v. P. 118, for 
metaphysical "identities" read entities. 

The attempts at bibliography form the worst feature of the book. 
Very few of them are up to date. At the head of each chapter refer- 
ences to the literature are meager, and resort is had to the inconvenient 
device of a bibliographical appendix (added at the instigation of the 
editors?), which is also very unsatisfactory. Chapter XIX., on "The 
Clergy," refers to only two authorities; one is Bingham, the other still 
older. For information on "Objects of Worship" (p. 451) we are re- 
ferred to nothing more recent than 1755 ! But it is only fair to Dr. 
Rainy to add that his own history is much more up to date than his 
literary references. 

This book illustrates the disadvantages which inhere in the produc- 
tion of a "series." Drs. Briggs and Salmond started out to give the 
world a modern and scholarly theological library. But it appears to have 
been impossible to secure uniform merit in all parts of the series. It 
would have been a notable achievement indeed if all the volumes could 
have reached the high level of Driver's Introduction to the Literature of 
the Old Testament, or McGiffert's History of Christianity in the Apostolic 
Age. John Winthrop Platner. 

Life and Letters in the Fourth Century. By Terrot Reavelev 
Glover, M.A. (Cambridge : The University Press ; New 
York : The Macmillan Co. 1901. Pp. xvi, 398.) 

Books like this go far toward withstanding the anti-classical tendency 
of modern education. It is an encouraging sign of the power which 
Greek and Roman culture still possess that we should have Comparetti's 
great work, and that it should be followed by such books as Dill's Roman 
Society, Taylor's Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages, and the work be- 
fore us, — to mention no others. To be sure, none of these books deals 
directly with the classical period. Yet through the history and literature 
of the early Middle Ages through knowledge of its social life, and 
through observation of the working even of the decadent classical spirit, 
we may learn to seek the fountain-head, whence these streams flowed. 
■So we are grateful to Professor Glover, and the rest, for their leadership 



io6 Reviews of Books 

in this educational circuit. We enjoy tarrying with them by the way, 
for they offer us pleasant fruits, if not the apples of the Hesperides or the 
honey of Hymettus, and from them we derive needed refreshment for our 
inevitable journey through certain barren stretches of the modern world. 

Mr. Glover's book is made up of historical and literary essays. The 
author truly says of the fourth century that its literature is hardly known 
to-day, even to educated men. By "reading across the period" he 
hopes to show that it is not without vitality and interest, and we may 
say, once for all, that he succeeds. The writers discussed include Am- 
mianus Marcellinus, Julian, Quintus of Smyrna, Ausonius, Symmachus, 
Macrobius, Augustine, Claudian, Prudentius, Sulpicius Severus, Palladas 
and Synesius. If the treatment of a few of these seems to lack fresh- 
ness, it is not because the author is not independent, but because other 
scholars have recently traversed the same ground. It is hard to say much 
that is new about Julian, interesting as that emperor undeniably is. Dill 
has, if anything, overemphasized the history of Symmachus. Harnack's 
admirable pamphlet on Augustine's Confessions leaves little more to be 
said on that subject. But no one can read Mr. Glover's charming ac- 
count of Ausonius, or of Synesius, without wishing to know them better. 
The chapters on " Women Pilgrims " and " Greek and Early Christian 
Novels " will open a new field to those not already familiar with the his- 
tory of the early Church. As for Quintus of Smyrna, Macrobius and 
Palladas, they may be said to have needed this re-introduction to the 
modern world. 

It is no reflection upon Mr. Glover's learning to say that the essays are 
not always critical. He does not write wholly, or even mainly, for experts, 
but addresses the more general audience of cultivated men and women 
everywhere. Accordingly he writes, not with the technicalities of criti- 
cism, but with insight and fairness, with sympathy and appreciation. In 
the general history of the period he follows Boissier, making frequent 
appeal also to Seeck. On the patristic side his authorities are not so 
good. We have noticed an occasional slip with reference to the Church, 
but mostly on controverted points, where difference of opinion is par- 
donable. The reviewer thinks it entirely inadequate to say that the 
episcopate grew out of the presidency of Roman (Christian) burial asso- 
ciations (p. 16). A perusal of Conybeare's book entitled Philo about 
the Contemplative Life ought to have convinced Mr. Glover that Philo 
did write that work after all (p. 360). The Life of Antony may very 
well be from Athanasius's pen, in spite of Weingarten's effort to reclaim 
it " for its anonymous author " (p. 386). 

Our author's English style is on the whole unusually good, so that 
his occasional lapses into carelessness are all the more surprising. We 
struggle in vain to disentangle the mixed metaphor, when we read that 
' sudden wealth joined forces with a flippant scepticism to sap the Roman 
character" (p. 4); and we wonder whether it was Hibernian humor 
which made Mr. Glover say that the plague "contributed to the de- 
population " of the empire (p. 8). We like better to call attention to his 



Breysig: Kulturgeschichte der Nenzeit 107 

fine metrical translation of Prudentius's description of heaven and hell 
(p. 259), which shows him to be possessed of no mean literary gifts. 
On the whole the book is to be distinctly commended. 

John Winthrop Platner. 

Kulturgeschichte der Neuzeit. Vergleichende Entwicklungsge- 
schichte der fuhrenden Volker Europas und ihres sozialen und 
geistigen Lebens. Von Kurt Breysig. Zweiter Band. Alter- 
thum und Mittelalter als Vorstufen der Neuzeit. Zweiter Halfte. 
(Berlin: Georg Bondi. 1902. Pp. xxxix, 519-1443.) 

A book with the title of Kulturgeschichte comes ill-recommended to 
American readers. The German word Kulturgeschichte is about equiva- 
lent to kaleidoscope. A book appears with a number of interesting facts 
arranged in the frame of some theory, the next book shows the same 
facts broken up in new combinations ; the pictures are brilliant, the 
books are easy reading, but the increase of knowledge with the turn of 
the kaleidoscope is desperately small. There are honorable exceptions 
to this, Lippert's book, for instance, and among the exceptions the 
present volume by Breysig will take its place. The author is known 
already to the stricter class of historians by his work on the history of 
Brandenburg. While he has devoted to the history of the Brandenburg 
finances and estates the painstaking care in investigation and the sober 
exposition which those subjects demanded he has taken the opportunity 
in his lectures at the University of Berlin to develop his gift for general- 
ization in the line of sociology and the philosophy of history, and he 
presents in this essay the product of a combination of philosopher and 
historian. It is proper and necessary, as he has said elsewhere, for his- 
torians to pause sometimes in their accumulation of details, and to take 
stock in general terms of the advances that they have made ; he has set 
himself to this task in the present work, of which the first volume 
appeared in 1900, and which will require a number of volumes yet for 
its completion. 

The volume under review, covering the Middle Ages to the thirteenth 
century falls into two parts, of which the first is devoted to the rise of 
Christianity. This topic, more important, as Breysig says, than all 
others in the spiritual development of mankind, has already been worked 
up so thoroughly that he has wisely restricted his treatment of it to less 
than two hundred pages. In that compass he describes, in a rationalistic 
but thoroughly sympathetic tone, the development of the Christian 
dogma and the Church, and gives an appreciation of the significance of 
Christianity to civilization. Breysig treats the religion almost entirely 
from the standpoint of social, not personal, humanity, and from that 
standpoint finds the effect of Christ's teachings to have been, in briefest 
terms, an elevation of the individual, but the repression of personality 
(p. 602). "Jesus' Religion war aller geistigen, politischen und mate- 
riellen Kultur abgeneigt " (p. 587). 



10S Reviezvs of Books 

The bulk of the volume treats of the Germanic peoples from the time 
of the migrations through the transition period of the Middle Ages. 
Some of the sections are characteristic of the old style "history of civil- 
ization," discussing topics .in literature and science, art and religion, 
passing from concrete descriptions of individual poems and buildings to 
broad and vague statements of the relations between the subjects con- 
sidered, hovering always between the danger of saying something unim- 
portant and the danger of saying something untrue. I will cite only one 
example of the perils which the author has not always escaped, taken 
from his discussion of the relation of the papacy to the crusades (pp. 
864-865 ). The first and fourth Crusades, he says, were those most 
influenced by the Church; it is "characteristic" and furnishes a 
" vivid proof" of the leadership of the papacy, that both of these Cru- 
sades resulted in the foundation of international colonies in the east. 
Surely it would be hard to distort more completely the significance of 
the fourth Crusade, and the parts played in it by the papacy and by Venice. 

A large part of the book, however, a part to which the reader refers 
with increasing pleasure and profit, is of a very different kind ; the 
statements are exact, they are thoroughly organized, and they furnish 
comparisons and conclusions which will be of the greatest assistance to 
students seeking acquaintance with the broader lines of European polit- 
ical development. This part may be called a comparative constitutional 
history. Those who followed Breysig's articles in Schmoller's Jah rbuch 
from 1896 on, will find the methods which he applied there so success- 
fully to the period since the Reformation applied now to the early Middle 
Ages. The organization of Germany, France, England, Italy, the Span- 
ish and Scandinavian states and the Netherlands, is described in terms 
applicable to all the countries : terms of economic organization in agri- 
culture, commerce and industry; terms of social-political organization, 
peasant, noble, burgher. Never before has there been brought out so 
clearly the general similarity in the institutions of the peoples of western 
Europe, a similarity which stimulates both by likeness and by contrast, 
and which gives new meaning to the old facts of history. The main 
features of political and economic organization are suited to a much 
broader treatment than that which they have generally received, and 
Breysig shows in handling them an admirable judgment in avoiding in- 
significance either of detail or of generalization. He has a wholesome 
distrust of the abstract theories which would distribute influences among 
the economic, social and political factors in history, and decides each 
case according to the facts; he grants the decisive influence of an eco- 
nomic factor in one case (rise of the city classes), and denies it in an- 
other (rise of the nobility). As the source of his information he is 
forced of necessity to rely almost entirely on secondary authorities, but 
he draws them from a wide range and selects them with discrimination. 

breysig calls his book a Versuch, and even the part of it to which I 
have just referred, the most definite and substantial of the book, can be 
regarded only as a stepping-stone to fuller knowledge. The time was 



Hodgson: The Early History of Venice 109 

ripe, however, for such a work, and the work is worthy of the time; 
students of constitutional history will find no book more helpful in stimu- 
lating them to broader views. A feature which will increase its useful- 
ness is a very full table of contents. 

Clive Day. 

The Early History of Venice. From the Foundation to the Con- 
quest of Constantinople, A. D. 1204. By F. C. Hodgson. 
(London : George Allen. 1901. Pp. xx, 473.) 
Mr. Hodgson's volume aims at presenting the history of Venice on 
a scale larger than that employed by Mr. Horatio F. Brown and smaller 
than Mr. W. C. Hazlitt's. A comparison of his work with theirs shows 
that it fills a field which theirs do not, and has, accordingly, a sufficient 
reason for being. Mr. Brown's plan precluded elaboration. Mr. Haz- 
litt is elaborate even to diffuseness, and in spite of all his immense 
knowledge of Venetian history and life, this diffuseness, coupled with a 
ponderous style, becomes at times wearisome. Mr. Hodgson, on the 
other hand, devotes much space to a critical analysis of his material with- 
out wholly exhausting the reader's patience. At his best, he is never so 
vivid as Mr. Hazlitt's best passages but his average is more satisfactory. 
Mr. Hodgson differs from both Mr. Brown and Mr. Hazlitt in having 
made larger use than they of recent German material, and perhaps it is 
on this account that he inclines to accept their interpretation of some of 
the moot questions in early Venetian history. Chief among these ques- 
tions is the determining of the exact relations of Venice to Byzantium 
during the first four centuries of the Republic's existence. Venetian his- 
torians have minimized the dependence ; Mr. Hodgson, in common 
with Gfrorer, and, it should be added, with many earlier writers, seems 
to regard the dependence as so pressing that we must suppose that the 
early doges were Byzantine officers. The advocates of this view lay much 
stress on the facts that several of the doges held the title " Hypatos " from 
the Eastern Emperor, and that " Magister Militum " was " the title of a 
high functionary in the Byzantine Empire,'' as well as in Venice in the 
eighth century. But in the absence of final proof, which has not yet 
been produced, I believe that the other view is preferable. The key to 
Venetian history down to the twelfth century is the adroitness with which 
the statesmen of the Lagoons steered their safe course between the 
Western Empire and the Eastern, always siding, in case of danger, with 
the more remote. That the Byzantine influence was great, cannot be dis- 
puted, but it never, so far as I recall, took the form of political dictation. 
If Venice had actually been a Byzantine dependency, it is incredible that 
from 460 to 1 160 we should have no record of an attempt to set up im- 
perial governors, or to exert active imperial authority in the Venetian 
community. Titles, of themselves, prove little, and it is certain that the 
Venetians rendered lip-service to the Frankish emperors as compliantly 
as to the Greek : they rendered lip-service, and then went on their own 
political road undisturbed. 



i i o Reviews of Books 

But to criticise a single point is hardly just, unless the critic has much 
space at his command. Even readers who are well-informed on Venetian 
history, will find throughout Mr. Hodgson's book so careful an analysis 
of material that it will be worth their while to consult it. He has evi- 
dently studied the sources at first hand, and not merely the early chron- 
icles, but also the philologists, Ducange and Diez, for the light they can 
throw on the early medieval customs and titles. He has studied care- 
fully minute details of geography, on a knowledge of which the solution 
of many problems depends. He is least satisfactory in failing to give 
from time to time illuminating summaries of the course of events, and in 
missing legitimate opportunities for vivid description. The meeting ot 
Pope Alexander III. and Frederick Barbarossa at Venice, for instance, was 
one of the transcendent episodes in medieval history ; to describe it in 
the colorless language which might suit the minutes of a missionary so- 
ciety meeting, betrays either unusual insensibility or timidity on the part 
of the historian. Probably Mr. Hodgson was afraid to let himself go, 
lest by being fervent he might be suspected of inaccuracy. But surely 
that is a false view of writing history which forbids one to treat great 
events greatly, and which hopes to attain to a specious veracity by using 
the same language and the same scale for great and small. 

Mr. Hodgson's last chapter, in which he tells the story of the fourth 
Crusade, is the most interesting, perhaps because he wisely gains vivid- 
ness by frequent reference to the delightful old Villehardouin. He also 
discusses fully the charge that the Venetians, in diverting the Crusade. 
acted in bad faith. He keeps his judgment clear amid the ethical tangle 
in which Innocent III. involved the crusaders. An appendix contains 
an excursus on the sources for the history of the fourth Crusade. 

To sum up : Mr. Hodgson's success has been sufficient in this volume 
to warrant his going forward and completing the history. Painstaking 
and fairness are indispensable foundations to any historical work ; if to 
these he will add enthusiasm, a more effective style, and a full recogni- 
tion that the men who made history were once really alive, his later vol- 
umes will be better than his first. He provides a good index, but his 
'single page of errata does not give half of them. English scholars seem 
to be congenitally indifferent to the spelling of foreign words. 

William Roscoe Thayer. 

A Short History of Germany. By Ernest F. Henderson. (New 
York : The Macmillan Company. 1902. Two vols., pp. x, 
517; vii, 471.) 

Jn the delightful Letters of the historian Green, there are repeated 
passages in which the author tries to distinguish between his own con- 
< eptions and methods and those of what he calls the pragmatic historians 
of the German school. The expression is a good one and can be applied 
in its full validity to the present work. Mr. Henderson has given us a 
pragmatic history. Indeed it would be curious if a man who bears the 
manifest hall-mark of the German seminar, who shows the widest 



Henderson: A Short History of Germany i 1 1 

acquaintance with German historical resources and a profound sympathy 
with German ways of thought, who, in a word, has been admitted into 
the German house upon an intimate footing, it would be curious, I say, 
if the confirmed habits and established environment of such a man did 
not proclaim themselves in the lineaments of his work. But I hasten to 
add that the pragmatic method and the general German derivation of 
these volumes imply no surrender of his racial personality on the author's 
part. If the pragmatic note is largely the consequence of the too exclu- 
sive ideal of correctness, and if this ideal may, in summary terms, be 
declared to be the goal of German Wissenschaft, it must be granted on 
the other hand that Mr. Henderson has not forgotten that the literary or 
humanistic ideal, for which Green, for example, in his above-mentioned 
letters contends, has still a strong hold upon the cultured world, and in 
a book like this, intended not merely for university consumption, must 
imperatively be represented. The solid and scientific character of the 
book will be found to be preserved from anything like the heaviness, 
which is associated with so many otherwise excellent German works, by 
a certain mental vivacity, which never flags and which gives to each par- 
agraph an inner sparkle and to the whole story something at least of its 
necessary epic movement. 

It is not apparent why a work, embracing two very stout volumes, 
should be denominated a " Short History," except to convey the obvious 
information that there have been omissions, and to afford the author a 
shelter against criticisms on that score. It hardly seems necessary for Mr. 
Henderson to have adopted that device, but his having done so brings 
before us that he must have been considerably troubled about the ques- 
tion of what material he would introduce within his given frame, embar- 
rassed as he was by a wilderness of riches. And this question, which is a 
question of proportions, is indeed in every general work an all-important 
one. The author solved it finally by conceiving of the history of Ger- 
many as a stream, which swells by constant and regular stages to a 
mighty river, and becomes important in measure as it approaches its 
mouth. In consequence, to the whole medieval period is devoted no 
more than about one half of the first volume, while the second volume is 
to all intents and purposes a history of Prussia in the eighteenth and 
nineteenth centuries. Obviously this theory and its results are open to 
criticism, but it must be acknowledged that the author has kept his prime 
conception consistently before him and carried through its application 
with much skill. Still, whether owing to this preconceived plan or not, 
there are omissions which leave a keen regret, and with all due respect to 
the author's freedom to define his own task, cannot easily be justified. 
I do not of course speak of the hundreds of details about which even- 
one has his own notions and preferences, and regards as petty or essential 
according to his philosophy and temperament ; I refer to the very slight 
treatment 'which the author accords the matter of German civilization — 
to Kulturgeschichte, and to the oblivion or at least neglect, to which he 
condemns the constitutional history of the country. Thus though the 



I 12 



Reviews of Books 



paragraphs on the periods of the Hohenstaufen and the Reformation 
may still pass muster as partial pictures of the life of these two great 
epochs, the total absence of the eighteenth century revival, by which 
were laid the foundations of the modern science, and as many think of 
the modern power of Germany, must be felt as a painful gap ; and in the 
matter of the constitution of the Holy Roman Empire the great stages 
in its evolution can hardly be said to be discussed with the requisite 
incisiveness. The stem duchies are passed over ; not a word will be 
found on the immensely important culmination of what German writers 
call the Lehnstaat under Frederick Barbarossa ; and if the development 
of the Prussian administration and the reforms of Stein inspire the 
author to some of his most vigorous pages, this pleasant gift is offset by 
his refusal to give us anything like an adequate analysis of the present 
German constitution and of its fate since 187 1. Perhaps it is correct to 
explain such omissions by the resolutely pragmatic character of the work. 
The author deals with events, that is, with the dynamic element of his- 
tory, and has no time to interrupt the march of politics with legal, con- 
stitutional, or philosophical reflections. Even his many pen-portraits of 
great men exhibit this predilection. They never fail to contain weighty 
matter, being the product of a method which has gone straight to the 
sources, but though they are uniformly excellent readings of the subject's 
mind, they are deficient in color and play of light, qualities which come 
from looking at a subject in a variety of ways. 

New and startling views are not characteristic of this work. With 
unflagging industry the author has assimilated a vast material, with ripe 
judgment he has weighed it. The result is a whole enveloped in an at- 
mosphere of dignity and authority. One could differ as to numberless 
details. The author is very severe upon Philip of Hesse, Luther's land- 
grave ; he ascribes the burning of Magdeburg without question to its in- 
habitants ; his association of Frederick the Great's Histoire de mon Temps 
with Caesar's literary work would indicate that he has only the school- 
boy's irritated recollection of the Gallic War; he does the French As- 
sembly scant justice in reviewing its motives for declaring the war of 
1792. In every chapter the specialist of that field could find some 
phrase that might advantageously be altered, a judgment that has 
neglected some points of evidence ; and from first to last a carping re- 
viewer might object that the author is plainly prejudiced in favor of his 
subject. But in this connection Mr. Henderson, perhaps, remembered 
the wise word of Goethe, to the effect that only he who writes of a matter 
with favorable bias can hope to bring forth anything of profit. 

In conclusion, to say that Mr. Henderson has given us the best his- 
tory of Germany in the English language is no great praise. The open- 
minded reader will feel no desire to express his opinion so ambiguously. 
He will be constrained to acknowledge that this work need not fear the 
comparison with German works of similar scope, and that its' erudition, 
liveliness, and sympathetic tone are calculated to insure its success with 
both the university and the general public. 

Ferdinand Schwill. 



Hassall: The French People 1 1 3 

The French People. By Arthur Hassall. [ The Great Peoples 
Series.] (New York : D. Appleton and Co. 1901. Pp. xii, 
400.) 

The history of the French, according to the main argument of this 
book, is the history of centralization in government. Though composed 
of race elements which were somewhat discordant, divided into separate 
states for many centuries, and into hostile creeds for generations more, 
the people of France have steadily worked toward a compact union under 
strong rulers. This goal was at first reached under a monarchy, and the 
nation attained its harmonious development under Louis XIV. But the 
incapacity of the royal financiers, and the unjust levies of taxes paved the 
way for the French Revolution. Napoleon brought order out of con- 
fusion, established equality of citizenship before the state treasury, and 
founded an administration, which has survived the political disturbances 
of a hundred years, and which seems destined to last. The growth of 
the trades classes and artisans, and the influence of the Church were also^ 
important factors in bringing about royal supremacy. Territorial feuda- 
lism had practically disappeared by the thirteenth century, but was soon 
replaced by the feudalism of appanage. Agincourt, with its slaughter 
of nobles, and Joan of Arc, with her appeal to patriotism, saved the 
King, and Louis XI. made his position secure. Freed from danger at 
home, with a united nation behind it, the royal court turned its at- 
tention towards foreign conquests, and with the exception of the gen- 
eration of the religious wars and the regencies of the seventeenth 
century, European politics and plans of colonial aggrandizement occu- 
pied the thoughts of the French until the advent of Louis XVI. Napo- 
leon inherited a part of this tradition and aimed at a world-empire. 
Since Waterloo colonization has seemed the more feasible, though the 
present republic is not at all unmindful of foreign alliances. 

The longest chapter (pp. 309-362) is devoted to a history of the 
foreign relations of France. In spite of the decay of the aristocracy and 
the alliance of the king and people, "of all European nations, France 
has been the most willing to sacrifice constitutional progress for military 
glory" (p. 309). Foreign affairs would also appear to possess unusual 
interest for the author. At least, this is the only part of his narrative 
which deals with minutiae, witness the short monograph (pp. 334-354) 
on the affair of Nootka Sound in 1790. 

As the purpose of the book is to show the development of French 
society in its broader lines, but little attention is paid to current hap- 
penings, and dates are few. The pressure of material is so great as to 
affect the author's style at times, especially in the earlier chapters. 
These read more like lectures, with repetitions of phrases and a confused 
presentation. The proof-reading has been hurried and perhaps not done 
by the writer himself. Notice attahed (p. 9), 4^6 (p. 15), Sancourt 
(p. 50), the Sorbonne founded in 1202 (p. 99), Henry 117. (p. 146) 
sacred (p. 196, sixth line), prevawt (p. 228), provincial government (p. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 8. 



1 1 _|. Reviews of Books 

271, third line from end), and the dates for the various publications of 
the Romantic School (pp. 255-261). Certain statements are obscure. 
Thibaut (Theobald p. 70) of Champagne (p. 83) fought under Louis 
VIII., not under Simon de Montfort, as the order of events would indi- 
cate ; Lafayette \sfor war with England (p. 344), and apparently against 
it (p. 356 ). Lamartine's Jocelyn (p. 260) is spoken of as prose, Hugo's 
Han a" Islande (1. c.) is made its contemporary, and George Sand (1. 
c.) is said to be a follower of Chateaubriand (not Chateaubriand — see 
index). The compliments paid to the Ecole des Chartes (pp. 372, 
373) seem, from the allusion to natural science, intended for the Ecole 
des Hautes Etudes. As the subject of the volume is the " French 
People," the sentence devoted to the poetry of Richard the Pilgrim 
(not preserved in its original form) and the crusade songs of William 
IX. (lost), on page 76, might be fittingly expanded into a paragraph on 
the relation of the national epic of France to the popular enthusiasm for 
the conquest of the Holy Land. But, these are slight blemishes in a 
work which is both strong and suggestive. 

The bibliography is well chosen and the index full and correct. 

F. M. Warren. 

The Two First Centuries of Florentine History : the Republic and 
Parties at the Time of Dante. By Professor Pasouale Villari. 
Translated by Linda Villari. (New York : Charles Scribner's 
Sons. 1 90 1. Pp. xii, 576.) 

Professor Villari' s history of Florence is a volume of nearly six 
hundred pages, made up for the most part of papers contributed to the 
Nuova Antologia, collected in 1895, and now given to the English-read- 
ing public. It is the result of a careful study of Florentine documents, 
critically applied to the statements of Villani and other early historians. 
The diction has the same characteristics of clearness and directness which 
have made the Machiavelli and the Savonarola so attractive ; a Latin 
diction, refreshing after the kitchen-midden style of German composi- 
tion. The translation is good, as might be expected from the experience 
of the translator, with here and there a reversion to the Italian idiom, as 
in the frequent use of " the which " for introducing relative clauses. The 
word " arisal " (p. 35 "the arisal of the communes") has an unfamiliar 
look. The book is plentifully supplied with illustrations, many of them 
reproductions of architectural remains of the Roman period. 

Investigating the origins of Florence, as the community arose from the 
disastrous experiences of the Langobard invasion, Professor Villari seeks 
to steer a middle course between the chauvinistic conclusions of the Ger- 
man and the Latin schools. His judgment, however, and, perhaps, his 
sympathies reject the idea that the essential elements of reorganization 
arc likely to have been contributed by the invaders. Why say, he sug- 
gests, that the Langobard invasion originated the new life following in 
Italy any more than that the French invasion of Napoleon, when the 



Villari: Two Centuries of Florentine History 115 

French flag flew in every city in Germany, was responsible for the new 
Germanic impulse ? 

The main purpose of the author's labors, as stated in the introduc- 
tion is, " to discover some leading thread through the mazes of Floren- 
tine history, which even when treated by great writers has often been 
found exceedingly involved and obscure." The early chroniclers were 
concerned with human passions and actions, and had little interest in the 
rise and growth of human institutions. They afford but little aid in de- 
termining such important events as the establishment of self-government 
in Florence. The documents themselves, in so far as they are at hand, are 
also inconclusive. The persistence of Roman terms over periods of im- 
portant political change give an apparent similarity to institutions whic h 
are in reality widely divergent. The Florentine commune itself gives 
evidence of being well under way, when its independent character is 
first established from documentary evidence. This is due. in part at 
least, to the fact that the birth of the commune was unaccompanied 
with any great political upheaval. On the death of the Countess Ma- 
tilda, in 1 1 15, Tuscany was' split into fragments by the dispute between 
Emperor and Pope. The fact that Henry IV. naturally leaned for sup- 
port on the Germanic nobles of the contado threw the city into a position 
of hostility toward the imperial claims. Standing between the rival pow- 
ers, too proud and'too conscious of her strength to feel the need of sub- 
jecting herself to either, Florence found her advantage in independ- 
ence. This implied no drastic change. The same grandi, who, under 
the mild rule of the Countess, had administered the affairs of the city in 
her name, continued to rule by the authority of the people, becoming 
consuls of the commune. In this manner a popular government was 
achieved with a minimum *of change and invention. Popular choice, 
however, brought about a wider distribution of civic honors, and certain 
great clans, aggrieved at the loss of the monopoly of power they had 
enjoyed under the Countess, allied themselves to the imperial interests 
and brought about a division of the great families into Ghibellines and 
Guelphs, with the ensuing civil strife which forms the background of 
Dante's history. 

Many other problems of early Florentine history are interestingly 
treated: the origin and rise of the Podesta ; the repeated attempts to 
perfect the constitution ; in Chapter VI. the rise of the wool-dyeing in- 
dustry, and the subsequent development of weaving. That the Floren- 
tines should have been content for so long to import coarse " Frankish" 
stuffs from the looms of Flanders is due to the unfavorable attitude of the 
commune toward agriculture. The Italian wool, although extensively 
manufactured into coarse fabrics for domestic use, was of poor quality. 
No effort was made to improve the breed of sheep. Indeed, the laws 
and decrees relating to trade are full of good sense and foresight, while 
all concerning agriculture seem dictated by prejudice and jealousy. 
Chapter VII. is a study of the Florentine family in its relation to the 
state ; Chapter VIII. treats of the judicial system ; both institutions be- 



1 1 6 Reviews of Books 

ing carried through the late imperial, Langobard and republican times. 
The remaining two chapters deal with Dante and the social conditions of 
Florence in his day. Merrick Whitcomb. 

Mediceval Rome, from Hildebrand to Clement VIII., /ojj-i6oo. 
By William Miller. [The Story of the Nations Series.] 
(New York : G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1902. Pp. xiii, 373.) 
The object of the book, as stated in the preface, is to furnish to 
people who have not time to read the longer works, as Gregorovius, a 
short history of medieval Rome, the author having especially in mind 
the numerous British and American visitors of that city. The work is 
based on the best secondary authorities, no claim to original research be- 
ing made, except in so far as a thorough familiarity with modern Rome 
and other places alluded to in the text is concerned. 

The extreme difficulty, perhaps impossibility, of giving a satisfactory 
brief popular account of Rome in the Middle Ages is here illustrated. 
The question immediately presents itself, what is to be done with the 
papacy. If we try to consider the city without the papacy its history 
during that time is, of all considerable Italian cities, the most petty and 
unprofitable. If we try to get an adequate understanding of papal his- 
tory we are led far away from Rome,- and our short history immediately 
expands to an impossible length. The present work tries to steer between 
these two alternatives by giving an account of those events in papal his- 
tory that happened in or near Rome, and pretty thoroughly neglecting 
everything else. The result is in the last degree confusing. The unin- 
formed reader can gain no intelligent notion whatever of the investiture 
contest or the conciliar movement of the fifteenth century, while the 
kidnapping of Gregory VII., the pageantry at the consecration of Inno- 
cent III., and the story of Djem are given much space. Even a matter so 
locally important as the territorial policy of the popes is treated in no 
connected and coherent manner. The author is chary of generaliza- 
tions ; we are given no guiding threads to follow ; he writes like a chron- 
icler recording what has happened from pontificate to pontificate, rarely 
seeking to show the connection with what goes before and what follows 
except where there is some supposed resemblance or analogy to some- 
thing extremely modern. We are left in what was presumably the state 
of mind of some na'ive and rather ignorant contemporary who saw many 
striking and bloody happenings at Rome, but was much in the dark as to 
what it was all about. It is a sort of truncated papacy that is given us, 
where all the more important sources 'and results of action lie in the por- 
tion that has been cut of. 

After the papacy, the matter receiving most attention is the history 
of external material Rome ; to show how Rome as left by the emperors 
and early barbarians was modified, destroyed, or added to by popes or 
nobles during the medieval period. Here is shown very full knowledge 
and careful study on the part of the author, but the practical use of the 



Jenks: Edward Planta genet 117 

book to the prospective visitor of Rome is much lessened by the way in 
which this material is presented, and perhaps has to be presented, the 
plan of the book remaining what it is. At the end of the account of 
each pope who left any important impress on Rome's external appear- 
ance is given a rather inchoate summary of the changes made throughout 
the city during his time. The fact that the buildings, streets, and monu- 
ments are not classified or grouped in any way, makes it extremely diffi- 
cult to follow the history of any individual object ; one would have to 
hunt through the whole book for it, and the index only very partially 
helps in this matter. 

As to some minor matters, one feels at the conclusion of the book 
that many bloody and tragic details and accounts of ceremonial and 
pageantry might well have been omitted ; they repeat themselves from 
pontificate to pontificate and century to century until one thoroughly 
tires of them, and there is a conviction that the author is underrating the 
calibre of his audience in giving them so much of this and so little in- 
telligent interpretation and explanation. Also his very frequent allusions 
to present-day matters, brought in as if to enliven the subject and in 
language verging on the slangy or modern newspaper order but having 
no valid connection with the matter in hand, certainly add nothing to 
the force and clearness of the book and vitiate any dignity in its style. 

A. B. White. 

Edivard Plantagenet {Edward I.), the English Justinian or the Mak- 
ing of the Common Law. By Edward Jenks. (New York and 
London : G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1902. Pp. xxiv, 360.) 
This volume sustains the high reputation already gained by the useful 
" Heroes of the Nations" series. The author apologizes "for the in- 
trusion of a mere lawyer upon a scene so dominated by great historians," 
because he is unable to " understand how any one but a lawyer can pos- 
sibly appreciate the true inwardness of Edward's reign." For "the 
Common Law which came into existence during his lifetime was, and is, 
the very picture of English national life, the concrete form into which 
the national spirit crystallizes with the moving centuries." Such an 
apology, it is to be hoped, will hereafter be unnecessary. Happily it is 
becoming pretty well recognized that a thorough treatment of institu- 
tional history implies a broad knowledge of law ; just as an intimate ac- 
quaintance with the details of constitutional development is absolutely es- 
sential for a scientific study of jurisprudence. Indeed the most original 
and helpful parts of Mr. Jenks' s book are those in which the great statutes 
of Edward's reign are analyzed and interpreted. 

The first three chapters present a rapid but vigorous sketch of Euro- 
pean history previous to the year 1250. Of these the first chapter, en- 
titled " The Middle Ages in Europe," deals especially with the origin of 
feudalism and with the rise, decay, and revival of monastic institutions ; 
the second, with the " Emergence of Modern Europe " ; while the third 
draws a clear picture of " England in the Thirteenth Century," accent- 



i i S Reviews of Books 

ing the economic and social conditions and explaining the meaning of 
the advent and influence of the friars of the order of St. Francis. The 
next three chapters give a concise history of Henry III. 's reign to the 
close of the Barons' War. Here the reader finds little with which he is 
not already familiar from the works of Stubbs and other writers, except 
that some new proofs and illustrations have been gleaned through an in- 
dependent examination of the sources. The character and ability of 
Simon de Montfort are duly appreciated ; and the crisis of 1258 is ex- 
plained as mainly the result of the royal extravagance, the papal extor- 
tion, and the greed of the horde of foreign place hunters. 

By far the most interesting portions of the book are the seventh, 
ninth and thirteenth chapters in which Edward's legislation and reforma- 
tory measures are discussed. The King's " first great act of home policy 
is significant. Two months had not elapsed since his return" from 
France after his father's death, " when he ordered a great enquiry into 
the feudal franchises." In England, feudalism had "shaped itself in 
conscious imitation of foreign models, and had aimed deliberately at 
reproducing the anarchic privileges of the Continental seigneur." Al- 
though this purpose was but partially realized, the " King's officials, 
traversing the land to exercise justice or to collect revenue found them- 
selves met by claims of feudal privileges which deprived them of the 
power to exercise their most important duties." These claims were of 
course most pretentious in the palatinates, and in the " Marcher Earl- 
doms on the Welch border, which came very near them in feudal inde- 
pendence." In 1274, therefore, a systematic visitation of all the fran- 
chises of England was made " on a scale like that of Domesday itself, 
with a view to ascertain the exact boundaries of feudal and royal jurisdic- 
tion." The "labour of the commissioners resulted in the following 
year, in the compilation of the Hundred Rolls, a record second only in 
importance to Domesday Book, as a picture of national life in a remote 
age." If the latter is the great Tax or Geld Book, the former is the 
great Franchise Book, of the medieval kingdom. The report of the 
commissioners was followed by the Eyre of 1279 which resulted in a con- 
servative reform of existing abuses and put a stop to further encroachments. 
Scarcely less significant of Edward's policy is his earliest great law, 
" the famous statute of Westminster the First," adopted at a parliament of 
"magnates " in 1275, and designed to remedy the corruption and other 
abuses of the official system. But especially instructive is the author's 
discussion of the Statute of Merchants or Acton Burned (12S3) in its 
relation to the Statute of Entails or Dc Donis as the first chapter of the 
Statute of Westminster the Second (1285) is called. Before Edward's 
day the merchant could only with great difficulty enforce the payment of 
a debt. The "right of the creditor to seize the chattels of his debtor, 
through the hands of the sheriff, had become generally recognized. But 
the strongest instincts of feudalism were opposed to the suggestion that a 
debtor's land might be sold for payment of his debts, and a new tenant 
thus imposed upon his lord." The Statute of Merchants changed all 



Coville : Les Premiers Valois \ 1 9 

this. " If the debtor fails to pay, at the appointed time, he may not 
only be imprisoned, but his chattels and 'burgage' tenements ( i. e., 
lands in the borough) may be sold, without any preliminary proceedings, 
by the mayor to satisfy the debt, or if there is any difficulty in effecting 
the sale, the debtor's chattels and all his lands may be handed over at a 
reasonable Valuation to the creditor, until, out of the issues, the debt is 
liquidated." The remedy was effective though radical. Hence, it is 
pointed out by Mr. Jenks, the institution of entails in the same year must 
be regarded as a kind of counter concession to the feudal aristocracy, 
which was rendered of little practical value through the later invention 
of the collusive action by common recovery. 

Lack of space prevents further illustration of the author's discussion 
of Edward's constructive legislation. It must suffice to say that his book 
is a well-written and sound contribution to English constitutional history. 

George Elliott Howard. 

Histoirc de France depuis les Origines jusqiia la Revolution. Par 
Ernest Lavisse. Tome IV. Les Premiers Valois et la 
Guerre de Cent Ans (1328— 1422). Par A. Coville. (Paris : 
Hachette et Cie. 1902. Pp. 448.) 

The political and social transformations of France during the Hun- 
dred Years War were so remarkable, the evolution of institutions and 
ideas so rapid, the relations of France with foreign states so intricate, the 
military events so far-reaching in effect, that the co-ordination of these 
various classes of writing has really never been attempted by one his- 
torian to any great extent in this particular field. The distinction 
between classifications is as sharp as that between the constitutional his- 
tory of England and its political and military history, without such a 
divorce in the writing thereof being possible in the case of France. The 
Battle of Poitiers had little effect upon the development of the English 
Parliament. It exerted an immense influence upon the political, institu- 
tional and social history of France. 

M. Coville at the first blush seems to have achieved his task admir- 
ably. But examination discloses that he has limited himself almost 
wholly to French sources. The limitation was natural, perhaps even 
necessary, in view of the immensity of the subject, and would not have 
jeopardized the general result in almost any other period of French his- 
tory ; but the omission is unfortunate in this case. French and English 
history become in many ways the obverse and reverse side of the same 
thing during these centuries ; not all the truth, and often not enough 
of the truth to make the treatment intelligible and just can be derived 
from one side exclusively. 

In common with every French historian, M. Coville exaggerates the 
importance of Edward III. 's claim to the throne of France and the vexed 
question of liege homage. The first was not a cause of war at all, but 
merely a pretext to cover the real reasons of the English ; and the ques- 
tion of homage was not a legal quibble merely. Edward was determined 



120 Reviews of Books 

not to perform liege homage until he was satisfied of his suzerain's inten- 
tion to do him justice as a vassal of France. M. Coville omits to notice 
the important fact that Edward III. did not perform liege homage until 
the French government promised the redress of the injuries complained 
of by England. Edward III. is accused of playing a double game in 
making peace, though preparing for war and intriguing in Flanders. 
But why not Philip VI. also, not only in his relations to the Scotch, but 
in the unfair use made by him of the popes at Avignon? 

Only half the truth will be learned from the French sources in the 
case of any great event. The history of Edward's campaign in Flanders 
and Picardy in 1339 is a one-sided account, for the author omits to men- 
tion the ravages of the English admiral, Sir Robert Morley, on the Nor- 
man coast, the fact that the Gascon nobles supported the French King, 
and that the French fleet was dispersed by a storm. A similar omission 
does injustice to the Flemings, for the circumstance that they were bound 
in the sum of two million livres penalty was a factor with their commer- 
cial interests in their desire that Edward III. should assume the French 
regal title. Van Artevelde's insistent overtures to Edward in 1342 are 
ascribed to the Flemish opposition to his domination and the policy of 
Louis of Nevers and the Duke of Brabant, the fact being ignored that 
the expiration of the truce of Esplechin threw Flanders back into a posi- 
tion of political peril independent of these influences. 

The events preceding Crecy are clearly told, though there are some 
errors and one important omission. Edward arrived before Caen on 
July 26th and not on July 20th ; the French constable was Raoul, not 
Robert de Brienne ; the "count" of Tancarville was a simple sire. 
The omission is reference to the notable capture in the siege of Caen of 
the agreement made by the estates of Normandy with the crown in 1338, 
when a grand attack upon England was projected. The document was 
brought to England by the Earl of Huntingdon and publicly read by 
Archbishop Stratford in St. Paul's churchyard on August 12. Perhaps 
M. Coville regards it as a forgery of Edward to stimulate English feeling, 
but the English editor of Avesbury makes no doubt of its genuineness. 

The chapter, " Le Gouvernement de Philippe VI.," is most excel- 
lent, and compensates the reader for the omissions of any notice either of 
the government of Lancaster in Guyenne — brief but valuable for the 
future history of the war — or of the English conduct of the war in Brit- 
tany. The reader would have been glad of an opinion upon the question 
of the immediate origin of the Jacquerie from so high an authority as the 
author, who is not so cautious in judging Etienne Marcel. The Peace 
of lln-tigni is treated in all its phases save in the question of church prop- 
erty, provision for the restoration of which was introduced in the supple- 
mentary treaty of Calais, too important to be passed over without some 
allusion, especially in the light of the evidence collected by Father 
Denillc. 

Nowhere, perhaps, is it more evident that the book has been written 
from French sources wholly than when the author is writing of Aquitaine 



King s ford : Henry V. 121 

under the Black Prince. 'The policy of Charles V. was conspicuously 
able and the achievements of Du Guesclin remarkable. Yet part of the 
French success must be ascribed to the consummate folly of the Black 
Prince in the government of the south, and to the lack of efficient com- 
manders among the English after the death of Sir John Chandos ( 1370), 
the noblest 'Englishman of them all ; but the Prince's policy is dismissed 
in two lines and a half and Chandos's death not even mentioned. 

After 1380 French history until Agincourt is less dependent upon 
English sources, and the latter portion of the book is less one-sided. It 
is strange, though, that when relying upon French sources merely, the 
French-Scotch alliance of 1383 to check the crusade of the bishop of 
Norwich in Flanders should fail of mention, the raid of the Scotch being 
later presented as an independent movement and one not inspired by 
France. This brevity to the point of sacrifice contrasts with the state- 
ment made relative to Philip Van Artevelde that " il avait rempli dans 
la ville quelques offices importants " (p. 278). The words seem super- 
fluous, even untrue, unless there are Belgian authorities unknown to the 
eminent editor of Froissart. 

When we come to the relations of France with the first Lancastrian 
King, the failure to use English sources still vexes the reader. A para- 
graph is devoted to an account of the vain-glorious challenge of the Eng- 
lish King by the Duke of Orleans, as if it were of real historic importance. 
An examination of the first volume of the " Proceedings of the English 
Privy Council ' ' would have cast a more valuable light upon the relations 
of the two countries and showed how French gold and guile fomented 
the Scotch war. A reference to Rymer would have trimmed the smooth- 
ness of this sentence : " Malgre tous ces defis, la treve de vingt-huit ans 
fut expressement maintenue, confirmee tous les ans ;" for as a matter of 
history, the English council was deliberating a declaration of war (Feb. 
9, 1400) when the tardily approved truce (Jan. 29, 1400) was returned 
from Paris. Peace escaped into the temple of Janus by the narrow mar- 
gin of eleven days ! 

The errors, fortunately, seem to be few; three of them (p. 37, 39, 
note, 58, note) are misprints in the case of English words. On p. 29, 
the affair of Cadzand happened November 9, 1337, and not in Octo"ber ; 
the bishop of Lincoln, instead of getting to Paris in 1337, as stated on 
p. 39, got no farther than Boulogne. 

James Westfall Thompson. 

Henry V. The Typical Mediczval Hero. By Charles L. Kings- 
ford. [Heroes of the Nations Series.] (New York : G. P. 
Putnam's Sons. 1901. Pp. xxxi, 418.) 

The successive volumes of the " Heroes of the Nations " series keep 
up to a very satisfactory grade of excellence. There are few if any of its 
volumes which fall below the standard of good serious historical work. 
Certainly this biography of Henry V. is no exception to the rule. It is 
based entirely on original authorities which are used with skill, care and 



i 22 Reviews of Books 

discretion. Moreover the combination of treatment of the more personal 
events of Henry's life, which are proper to a biography, with the more 
general description of the events of English history during that period, 
which is also necessary, is made with evident effort and with considerable 
success. The material left to us for showing the personality of any king 
or statesman of the fifteenth century, aside from the events of which he 
was a part, is scanty enough ; and the life of Henry V., even more than 
the lives of others, was so completely bound up in his campaigns and 
diplomatic negotiations that the man apart from the king is scarcely 
more than a shadow. This brings up one of the few points of adverse 
criticism that can be made on the book. The author in his search for his, 
hero's personality has been led to ascribe to Henry more general and far- 
reaching lines of policy than there is any warrant for believing he had. 
Henry seems to have been a specially laborious, practical, cold and 
direct man. To credit him with ultimate designs for a unification of 
Christendom, or with any definite "ideal of authority in church and 
state" ; or to speak of him as "instinct with all the traditions of the 
past," or as "the champion of a lost cause," is to -be misled by the 
requirements of the sub-title of the book. 

With all respect to Dr. Stubbs, to whom this cognomen for Henry V. 
is due, and to Mr. Kingsford, who approves it, we cannot but feel that 
it is singularly ill-chosen. In the first place the expression ' ' mediaeval, ' ' 
as in some other places in the book, is somewhat of an anachronism 
when applied to a military commander who made use of cannon and of 
regularly paid volunteer soldiers in his campaigns, and to a ruler who 
obtained his income from taxes on exports, imports and personal prop- 
erty granted by a Parliament. It was just the things which were least 
medieval in fifteenth century England that Henry made use of most reg- 
ularly. Moreover, the heroic impression made by Henry on his own and 
later times was almost entirely due to his military successes. He was 
not many-sided, like Edward I., for instance. His insistence on ortho- 
doxy in religion was not unusual or striking. His sincere acceptance of 
existing constitutional limitations did not interest the contemporary man, 
however great the interest which it possesses for modern students. 
There was little that was medieval in Henry, and, except for the general 
mediocrity of his times, it would hardly have occurred to any one to ele- 
vate him to the position of a " hero," typical or otherwise. 

Not that Henry V. was not a great man and an able ruler. Few men 
have had such uninterrupted success in what they have set their hands to 
do, and few have been so sorely missed when they dropped their work. 
This comes out clearly in Mr. Kingsford's narrative, which, notwitstand- 
ing his restricted space, discloses admirably the fine thoroughness of 
Henry's military and diplomatic preparations, and the steady accomplish- 
ment of his purposes. 

We do not get much light on the old uncertainties of Henry's career, 
the extent of the excesses of his youth, his real reasons for renewing the 
French war, and his personal feelings toward Lollardry. But probably 



Toutey: Charles le Temeraire 123 

there is no new light to be obtained on these from the existing material. 
Certainly the author has neglected none of this, and has not disregarded 
the problem. These besides were not the real matters of importance in 
Henry's career. Motives are less important historically than actions ; 
and these Mr. Kingsford has given in a full, interesting and clear narra- 
tive. The' book can be heartily praised, except that we should like to 
have seen the author refrain from giving to his subject a fanciful position 
as " the typical mediaeval hero," and ascribe to him his true significance 
as a firm administrator of the old balanced English constitution of king 
and three estates, a brilliant leader of the nascent national feeling of 
England in the war against France, a conscientious king carrying out a 
clear if not very broad idea of his duty in that office. 

E. P. Cheyney. 

Charles le Temeraire et la Liguc dc Constance. Par E. Toutey. 

(Paris: Hachette. 1902. Pp.475.) 

The scope of M. Toutey' s book is broader than its title. What lies 
nearest his heart is neither the fortunes of Charles of Burgundy nor those 
of the League of Constance, but the beginnings, a score of years before 
the French invasion of Italy, of a European balance of power and of in- 
ternational congresses ; and what he has really given us is scarcely less 
than a diplomatic history of central Europe in the time of Charles the 
Bold. Yet a diplomatic history only. Of military history, save as inci- 
dent to diplomacy, one learns little more than of society or institutions, 
of letters or of art. Even Grandson and Morat are despatched with less 
than a page apiece, and with a vagueness in striking contrast to the 
graphic narrative of a Delbriick or a Kirk. 

Though it is now nearing two score years since John Foster Kirk 
gave to the press his Charles the Bold, the American's is still the one 
biography of the great Burgundian ; but in the interval a multitude of 
special studies have thrown light upon one or another episode of his 
career, and scholars have unearthed not a few documents which escaped 
the patient search of his biographer. Of this newer literature, as of the 
older, M. Toutey has made a wide and thorough use attested not less by 
his text than by the half-dozen pages of his appended bibliography. Re- 
assuring to the English reader is the respect he still shows to the book of 
Mr. Kirk ; yet point of view and results could hardly be more antipodal. 
Nor can this be charged wholly to the anti-Burgundian sympathies natural 
to a French scholar ; for his facile use of German sources and the excel- 
lent temper with which he can discuss an Alsace and Lorraine still im- 
perial, show, on the whole, a rare absence of chauvinism. Nay, when he 
once slips as to the allegiance of a province, it is to aver (p. 200, note) 
that "la plus grande partie de la Flandre relevait de 1" empire." 

Hear, then, his estimate of Charles (p. 70, note) : 

" It is well known that his contemporaries called him Charles le Hardi 
until 1472, then Charles le Terrible after his campaign of Nesle, Beauvais, 
Rouen, and finally Charles le Temeraire in the last years of his life, ■ when 



i 2 4 Reviews of Books 

he seems ' says Comities, ' no longer to have had his understanding so 
clear.' In truth he was always ambitious, brutal, cruel (Dinant, Liege, 
Nesle), and little scrupulous in the choice of means (affairs of Peronne, 
of Guelders) ; but in the first part of his life he liked to parade political 
probity and chivalric sentiments, and in fact his treachery was not exces- 
sive for the age, his cruelty and his hate gratified themselves indeed only 
against his foes (the burghers' of the towns, the King of France), or per- 
haps in cases where he had in view an evident advantage or where the 
victim to some extent deserved his fate (Louis XL, Adolf of Guelders). 
After 1473 hi s nate ' s y et more savage (Etienne de Hagenbach at Bel- 
fort, the garrison at Grandson), and his knavery is profitless. One could 
then believe that he did evil for evil's sake, as if out of a sort of vin- 
dictiveness toward mankind in general ; it is, in fact, that he is avenging 
himself for having been deceived, not only by his enemies, like Louis 
XL, but by his friends (the Emperor at Treves, the King of England at 
Picquigny, Sigismund at Constance, etc.), and that, on the other hand, 
his schemes have so lifted him above the earth that he loses footing, that he 
is attacked by a veritable madness, la folie des grandeurs." 

Nay, M. Toutey will not even grant him military genius. Despite 
his personal bravery and his skill as a drill-sergeant, "the truth is that 
he had the same military conceptions as his ancestor, King John the 
Good : to march against the foe and fight him face to face — mats on rfen 
etait plus Id a la fin da ij' : siecle " (p. 324, note). Nor was he a states- 
man, but only an ambitious prince, haunted with memories of the Middle 
Ages, who still confused the idea of the state with that of property and 
believed that nation could be added to nation like field to field ; while 
Louis of France, the Swiss cantons, the Alsatian towns, the Duke of Lor- 
raine, "represent a principle essentially modern, that whereby every 
group of men having the same customs, the same aspirations, has a right 
to live and develop by itself, according to its own tastes and genius." 
Verily, this is to see them with modern eyes. 

The book abounds in terse summaries and happy general views. 
Two maps and an appendix of documents add to its usefulness. Alas, 
the volume has no index. George L. Burr. 

The Italian Renaissance in England. Studies. By Lewis Einstein. 

[Columbia University Studies in Comparative Literature.] 

(New York : The Columbia University Press ; The Macmillan 

Co., Agents. 1902. Pp. 420.) 

This work is the latest issue in a series which includes a history of 
literary criticism in the Renaissance, together with volumes on the classical 
heritage of the Middle Ages and Spanish literature in the England of 
the Tudors. The present volume, like its predecessors, deals not with 
the technicalities of literary form, but with wider aspects of intellectual 
life and expression. The exact scope of the work is perhaps not at once 
apparent from the title, owing to the ambiguity of the term Renaissance. 



Einstein: The Italian Renaissance in England 125 

In reality the work is an attempt to estimate the influence of Italy upon 
England along all lines, excepting the diplomatic and political, from 
the beginning of the fifteenth century to the death of Elizabeth. The 
justification for this attempt Mr. Einstein finds in the fact that, in spite 
of detached studies upon various phases of the subject, hitherto " no 
serious effort has been made to discover a common impulse running 
through the Italian influences in England : to find at the university, at 
court, and among the people at large, in different and even in opposite 
directions, the results of one and the same great movement." 

In the development of his theme, the author traces three stages to 
the movement. The first was the purely scholarly and scientific stage, 
centering in the University of Oxford, and lasting until the end of the 
fifteenth century. The second stage was that in which Italian culture 
grew at court ; it covers especially the first half of the sixteenth cen- 
tury. The third, covering the second half of the sixteenth century, 
saw the extension of the movement among the people at large, while at 
the same time there arose a national and puritanical reaction which ulti- 
mately put an end to the dominance of the Italian spirit. As is implied 
in the title, the volume is essentially a collection of studies. In Part I. 
these are entitled " The Scholar," " The Courtier, " " The Traveller," 
and "The Italian Danger." Part II. contains brief accounts of the 
leading Italians in England in this period — churchmen, artists, diplomats, 
merchants, and others. Here are also included chapters on Italian 
political and historical ideas in England and the Italian influence in 
English poetry, while in an appendix is added an interesting account of 
English Catholics at Rome. The first part claims to concern itself 
chiefly " with the Englishman as affected by Italy . . . and later with the 
movement against Italian influence " ; the second " treats rather of the 
Italians in England." As will be seen from the summary of contents 
above, this distinction is not altogether maintained, and influences and 
persons are dealt with more or less indiscriminately in both parts. Indeed, 
a certain lack of definition, a looseness of organization which causes con- 
fusion and needless repetition, is one of the faults of the book, betraying 
its origin in the researches of the industrious but unpracticed graduate 
student. 

A large part of the book is made up, perhaps necessarily, of some- 
what disjointed biographical fragments. In the chapter dealing with the 
Scholar, we start with Duke Humphrey of Gloucester, trace the influence 
of the individual Oxonians, Grey, Free, Flemming, Gunthorpe, and 
Tiptoft, Eirl of Worcester — all students under or connected with 
Guarino Veronese — until the Renaissance movement is definitely estab- 
lished at Oxford by Grocyn, Li nacre, and Latimer. Chapter II. deals 
largely with the courtesy books of Delia Casas and Castiglione, which 
voiced and modified the social aspirations and ideals of the age. In 
every department of courtly life, — in manners, horsemanship, falconry, 
fencing, the etiquette of the duel, masks and music, etc., ■ — Italian influ- 
ence is traced. Chapter VI., on the Italian merchant in England, con- 



1 2 6 Reviews of Books 

tains a summary of an interesting contract for the establishment of a 
mercantile and banking house in London, dated 1446. Cosimo de' 
Medici and Giovanni Benci are the parties of the first part, and their 
London agent or partner is of the second. Another document, taken 
like this one from the Florentine archives, contains instructions to guide 
the agent, and affords interesting glimpses into the methods of business 
and wide ramifications of the Italian banking houses. 

In the main Mr. Einstein has succeeded in accomplishing what he 
undertook and has presented us with a useful summary of his subject. 
The book is provided with an index, some excellent illustrations in pho- 
togravure, and is comparatively free from errors of fact or print. A few 
slips, however, should be noted. The pope of the Renaissance was Paul 
II., not Paul I. (p. 23). The characterization of Rizzio as "prime 
minister of Scotland" (p. 76) is not altogether accurate. Finally the 
statement that Sebastian Cabot "commanded the first English ship to 
visit the West Indies and South America" (p. 278) would scarcely be 
made by any one conversant with the Cabot literature of the last twenty- 
years. Samuel B. Harding. 

Mary Queen of Seots and Who Wrote the Casket Letters? By 
Samuel Cowan. (New York : James Pott and Co. 1901. 
Two vols., pp. viii, 387 ; 407.) 

The strife which raged around Mary Stuart did not cease with her 
life ; she lives on, an immortal subject of dispute between her ardent, un- 
compromising admirers and champions, and those who fail either to be 
dazzled by her brightness or to mistake tragic misfortune endured with 
marvelous spirit and steadfastness for snow-white innocence. Between 
the extremes of complete, unquestioning apology and of utter condemna- 
tion there is, however, ample room for sympathetic, though open-minded 
and unbiased discussion. For even those who approach the subject with 
the absolutely frank, honest and unfettered design to discover the truth 
will probably find it impossible to agree fully upon a solution of the more 
important historical riddles of her career. So that, when much remains 
really and honestly obscure and capable of various interpretation, it is 
scarcely wonderful that partizanship has run so high, considering that the 
question involves so much that appeals not only to British politics, 
patriotism, and religion, but to universal sympathies, which have natur- 
ally ever gone out to the almost incredibly tragic life of a beautiful, 
lovable, high-spirited, if guilty queen. 

The latest knight to enter the lists against all who dare whisper 
aught against the Queen of Scots is Mr. Cowan, himself a Scotsman. 
His two handsome volumes are an uncompromising defense, a popular 
biography, based ostensibly upon a study of good historical materials 
loth original and second-hand, but giving, it is to be feared, decided if 
not exclusive preference to evidence which tells in Mary's favor. In fact 
the book is hardly to be taken seriously as a real contribution to history, 



Cozvan: Mary Queen of Scots 127 

though it is evidently intended as such. It is obviously a labor of love, 
the pious, enthusiastic work of a chivalrous, patriotic Scot, whose soul 
boils at the thought of the diabolical wrongs done the living Queen by 
her political enemies and to her memory by cold-blooded if not dis- 
honest historians. The author's task has thus been not so much with labori- 
ous patience to inform himself if possible beyond his predecessors with 
a view to enlightened and authoritative judgment, as to place before his 
readers a narrative which, aided by passionate appeal for sympathy and 
noisy denunciation of slanderers, shall convert men to a set of Marian 
dogmas which he has apparently never been able or willing to regard for 
a moment as susceptible of honest doubt. In a word he is not a trained 
historian, not even a competent amateur. It is not to be expected that 
a task which taxed to the utmost the resources and trained faculties of a 
Mignet, should be creditably performed by so casual a writer. 

If an author makes no pretense to be an impartial judge, he ought at 
least to prove himself a competent advocate. It is to be feared, how- 
ever, that Mr. Cowan is neither the one nor the other. His is a book, 
not, as he evidently thinks and intends, suitable to rank with the 
scholarly defenses of Mary Stuart, but rather a book for that vague and 
presumably uncritical person, the general reader. But all this is merely 
saying that Mr. Cowan's is a bad book if judged from a strict historical 
standpoint, and scarcely calls for serious consideration in an historical 
review. 

Still as the book is imposing in bulk and alluring in appearance, and 
as the author challenges the serious attention of critics by claiming to 
throw " new light on questions of great historical interest," it is but fair 
to give a few explicit reasons for our unfavorable judgment. First of all 
as the authorship of the Casket letters is so prominent on the title-page 
one would have expected that problem to occupy a considerable part of 
the book, as in Mr. Andrew Lang's recent acute and painstaking volume, 
which, by the way, gives the scholar such infinite relief and satisfaction 
after the inadequate, all too complacent work of his fellow-countryman. 
As a matter of fapt Mr. Cowan has very little to say about the perhaps 
insoluble enigma of the letters, and that little is not very enlightening 
or convincing. It is amusing in this connection to contrast Mr. Cowan's 
cock-sure dictum that they are forgeries and " not the work of genius, 
but coarse incoherent pieces of composition" with Mr. Lang's modest 
and reverent judgment, that if the famous crucial Letter II. "be in 
part, at least, a forgery," it is "a forgery by a master in the science of 
human nature," and seemingly "beyond the power of the Genius of 
Forgery to produce." Mr. Cowan is not a good student of evidence. 
" Many of his criticisms," to use the words of that great Scottish author- 
ity, Dr. Hay Fleming, "are of the most puerile nature, and he has 
perfect faith in theories which have been long exploded." The same 
authority points out the textual inaccuracy of the many documents which 
Mr. Cowan has published, and notes that the original bond for Riccio's 
murder, which Mr. Cowan claims to have discovered and published for 



i 2 S Reviews of Books 

the first time, was printed from the original with facsimiles of the signa- 
tures in 1843. ^ is needless t0 multiply instances. 

The most valuable feature of Mr. Cowan's book is the series of six- 
teen portraits of Mary. One would like, however, to find critical notes 
on them, for, strictly speaking, portraits, to be useful historical material, 
should be studied and tested as relentlessly as written documents. 

"The present work," says Mr. Cowan in his preface, "is not free 
from faults and blemishes, for no work on this subject can be so on 
account of the imperfect nature of the material we have to draw upon." 
In this estimate of his book no critic will venture to differ from Mr. 
Cowan, but we are inclined to think that there are faults and blemishes 
for which no imperfections of material can account. 

W. F. TlLTON. 



History of Scotland. By P. Hume Brown. Vol. II. From the 
Accession of Mary Stewart to the Revolution of 1689. (Cam- 
bridge : University Press. 1902. Pp. xiv, 464.) 
The notes of the Scottish Reformation are unanimity and idealism. 
The awakening of a national conscience was naturally followed by grave 
political results. But the peculiarity of the movement in Scotland was 
the profound conviction with which the majority of the nation accepted 
Calvinism and the devoted idealism of their attempt to put that system 
into practice. 

The Treaty of Edinburgh assured the ultimate success of the new 
religion. The reformers broke the ancient alliance with France and 
turned to England whose help had enabled them to win out in their long 
struggle. Mary Stuart's attempt to maintain the two religions side by 
side failed. But the conflagration in which this failure involved Scot- 
land, by removing the Queen, gave time and space for the diffusion of 
the new thought. Knox and Melville, Moray and Morton working in 
various spirits and for various ends organized the Kirk. And this Kirk 
was a new thing with its own constitution and its own infallible sanction, 
rooted in the unhesitating assent of a reflecting and intelligent people over 
whose life it exercised a strenuous supervision. This body confronted 
James Stuart when, in 1578, he began to govern the nation of which he 
conceived himself to be the divinely appointed ruler. It was no empty 
boast of Melville's that in Scotland there were two kings and two 
kingdoms. 

James's religious convictions as well as his political ambition of 
uniting England and Scotland moved him so to remodel the Kirk as to 
allow of its being incorporated into the English establishment. Once 
master of the endowment of the ancient church he was able to promote 
his ends by playing on the cupidity of the nobles and the necessities 
of the reformed clergy. By 161 2 he had established a modified form of 
episcopacy. The next move, the readjustment of rite and doctrine con- 
tained in the Five Articles of Perth, was made by " a dead lift of royal 



Brown: History of Scotland 129 

power." Charles I. undertook to go further and precipitated 1 the storm 
that had gathered over his father's head. From the first Bishop's War 
until the Restoration the Calvinism of Calvin prevailed in Scotland. 

But other forces were at work. The Scots were a loyal as well as a 
religious people. They feared God and honored the king, and if they 
found predestination in their Bibles they found royalty there as well. 
There was, too, an irreconcilable antinomy between the Kirk as shaped 
by Knox and Melville on the Geneva pattern and the Stuart conception 
of royalty. Each was a receptacle of infallibility ; to accommodate its life 
to either might have been thought task enough for any nation. Though 
the Scots, up to 161 2 and again at the Restoration, were willing to 
sacrifice to their loyalty something of the disciplinary side of Calvinism, 
this one concession did not suffice to resolve the antinomy. But the 
idea of toleration was at work, strengthened on the one hand by indi- 
vidualism, on the other by indifference, and Scotland took back the 
uncovenanted Stuarts and abandoned the Cameronians. 

The nation was preoccupied with politics rather than theology, when 
in 1688 the birth of a Roman Catholic heir to their Roman Catholic 
king presented them with a problem involving both of those interests. 
The idea of constitutional monarchy furnished a solution and Scotland 
was for the moment at rest under two sovereigns who, although of Stuart 
blood, had repudiated in terms the Stuart conception of royalty. 

The present volume suggests to the student of the comparative his- 
tory of institutions an interesting line of speculation. What, namely, 
might have been the fate of royalty in Scotland had not the two crowns 
been united. The feudalism of the Middle Ages was immediately suc- 
ceeded by the Kirk of the Reformation. What could the Kirk have 
made of a king (God's silly vassal indeed) unsupported by another king- 
dom and another crown ? 

Professor Hume Brown has done his work well. He has dealt with a 
big subject in a little book which turns out to be at once readable and 
scholarly. His detachment is exemplary ; like Knox, he can face Mary 
Stuart unmoved. His judgments of her (p. 1*16) and of Montrose (pp. 
335-336) are admirable for justice and temperance. He throws more 
light on the intrigue of Lennox with the Roman Catholics in 1581 (p. 
183) and on the details of the Cromwellian Union (pp. 365 ff.), and 
argues (pp. 340 ff . ) that the Scots army did not sell Charles but sur- 
rendered him because, in the face of his refusal to take the covenant, no 
other course was possible. In his account of the Battle of Dunbar he 
follows Firth as against Carlyle and Gardiner. But when he speaks of 
"the feudal instinct for a sovereign lord" (p. 342) one must register a 
protest. It has been well argued that the logic of feudalism did not 
require a king at all, it did not surely admit of any sovereignty in the 
office. Gaillard Thomas Laps ley. 

1 Professor Hume Brown relegates Jenny Geddes and her stool to the limbo of 
tradition (p. 301 n. ) where, even by historical scholars, she will not soon be forgotten. 
AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — q. 



] }o Reviews of Books 

The Histo-y of the Jesuits in England, ijSo-i/jj. By Ethel- 
red L. Taunton. (Philadelphia : J. B. Lippincott Co.; London : 
Methuen and Co. 1901. Pp. xii, 513.) 

THIS work purports to trace the history of the Jesuits in England 
from the advent of Parsons and Campion to the suppression of the society 
by Clement XIV. In reality, however, it is mainly an estimate of the 
character, work and influence of Robert Parsons, an undertaking which 
claims nearly four-fifths of the entire book. From the author's point of 
view this division may be justifiable, since he regards Parsons not only as 
the greatest of the English Jesuits but also as the founder of the policy 
which dominated them throughout the period. Nevertheless, one regrets 
to see a single phase of the subject treated so exhaustively while the 
remainder is disposed of in mere bold outlines. Father Taunton's esti- 
mate of the aims of the society and of the means by which it sought to 
Tealize them is severe and searching. " The Jesuits as a body," he says, 
" stood for the Catholic Reaction, from first to last, a political expedient. 
The clergy, on the other hand, contented themselves with the cause of 
Religion." He has little confidence in the historians of their body, 
More, Foley, Constable, and Plowden, " to say nothing of Jouvency, 
Tanner, and Bartoli," and he remarks of Foley in particular, that he has 
" found him, at a critical point, quietly leaving out, without any signs 
of omission, an essential part of a document which was averse to his case." 
As to results : " Parsons and his followers only succeeded in achieving a 
brilliant failure," though "they were acute enough to snatch the credit 
of Campion, Southwell, Thomas Garnett, and others who did the better 
and more fitting work," and " were the true heroes of the Society 
in England." Heavy charges are brought against Parsons. He is ac- 
cused of plotting against Elizabeth's crown, against the succession of 
James VI., of founding seminaries abroad solely in the Jesuit interest, of 
having spies everywhere — in England, Spain, Flanders, Italy, and pos- 
sibly in France. His aim was not only to regain England for Rome but to 
establish the supremacy ®f the Jesuits: a purpose which he sought to 
effect not by " the patient toil and blood of missionaries " but by intrigue 
and the armed intervention of Spain. 

The attitude toward Henry Garnett and the other Jesuits alleged to 
have been connected with the Gunpowder Plot is equally condemnatory. 
In studying the evidence on this subject Father Taunton states that he has 
had to find his " way through a labyrinth of falsehood and contradictions 
on all sides," though he has nothing but praise for Gardiner's masterly 
work. His conclusion is that the accused Jesuits, though not actually 
instigators of the plot, were "mixed up in treasonable practices" with 
the conspirators. Garnett himself, though merely the instrument of 
those above him, had been privy to a plan as early as 1601 to induce the 
King of Spain to send another invasion to England, he knew all the par- 
ticulars of the Gunpowder Plot before July 25, 1605, and was "in no 
sense of the word ... a martyr for his religion nor a martyr for the 



Kovalevsky : Russian Political Institutions 1 3 1 

seal of confession." Here as elsewhere the author is anxious to show 
that the great body of English Roman Catholics were not guilty of either 
privity or sympathy with the machinations of the Jesuits. 

The remainder of the book calls for little comment. Except in one 
or two places the story from this point dwindles into a meager chronicle. 
Regarding the'position and influence of Father Petre, evidence is cited 
to show that James II. was a mere tool in his hands, while the Jesuit 
father himself was the scape-goat of others — i. <?., of the General, the 
Provincial, and the Confessor of the society. However, one would think 
that a safer guide might have been chosen for the characterization of 
Father Petre than Macaulay. It is interesting to note that Father 
Taunton goes so far as to attribute the fall of the Stuarts to the influence 
of Parsons and the society. 

Certain statements made by the writer might be questioned. For 
example, Gardiner has shown that James I. never knowingly signed the 
letter to the Pope requesting that the Scotch bishop of Vazion be made a 
cardinal ; again one would like the authority for the assertion that the 
King had no intention of "carrying out " the Spanish marriage. Later 
Charles II. is unjustly blamed for the failure to carry out the provisions 
of the Treaty of Breda with regard to liberty of conscience. Anthony 
Ashley Cooper, Earl of Shaftsbury, was perhaps the " chief and leader of 
the anti-Catholic party," yet it is hardly true to say that it was under his 
auspices that the Popish Plot was formed. 

The dignity of the author's style is marred by an occasional collo- 
quialism. In general, though the work contains much information, it 
can scarcely be regarded as a complete and well-proportioned history of 
the whole subject. The index, though long and full, is lacking in one or 
two important points. There is an appendix containing extracts from the 
writings of Parsons. Arthur Lyon Cross,. 

Russian Political Institutions. By Maxime Kovalevsky. (Chicago : 
The University of Chicago Press. 1902. Pp. ix, 299.) 

A History of Russia from the Birth of Peter the Great to Nicholas II. 
By W. R. Morfill. (New York : James Pott and Co. 1901. 
Pp. viii, 486.) 

However much the above two works may differ in other respects, 
they have at least one trait in common — they are both difficult reading. 
For Professor Kovalevsky we must make allowances. The lectures which 
he delivered last year at the University of Chicago, and which are here 
reproduced, should be judged with the leniency due any man writing in 
a language not his own. It is, therefore, neediess to insist on the faults 
of his style, even when he goes so far as to use the phrase "meddled 
with " when he means intermixed with ; and, by a stretch of charity, it 
is also possible to ascribe a number of pretty loose historical statements 
to his incomplete mastery of English phrase. Still, no indulgence can 
absolve him from the charge of having overloaded his lectures with a 



i ^2 Reviews of Books 

confused mass of detail, much of which could hardly be comprehensible 
without considerable previous knowledge on the part of his hearers or 
readers. It is all obviously unsuited to the average American public. 
Even less pardonable, because quite evitable, is the only too evident 
fact that, if Professor Kovalevsky has not a perfect acquaintance with 
English, his proof-reader must have been utterly ignorant of Russian. 
The glaring, absurd mistakes in the Russian words used are innumerable ; 
and as there is also more than one misprinted date, the total effect is 
very slovenly. Surely, it would have been possible to find somebody in 
Chicago who could have remedied this, and have saved the credit of a 
press that is a recognized part of a well-known university. What can 
one say, too, to the sending to "the Literary Editor" of three ready- 
made notices which " may be of value in connection with your review 
columns " ? 

However, after disregarding all defects of form and accompaniment, 
we can admit that the substance of Professor Kovalevsky's work is of 
serious value. He writes with knowledge and authority, even if care- 
lessly. His familiarity with the broader fields of law and economics has 
been of service in fitting him for the task of interpreting to foreigners the 
institutions of his native land. His bias is by no means ultra-national ; 
indeed, in his last two chapters, those on Poland and Finland, he does 
not even present fairly the Russian side of the case. His general stand- 
point is that of an admirer of parliamentary institutions, as we are warned 
by his preface, where he says that he has " no doubt that the difficulties 
which Russia has to undergo, and which arise from her present internal 
conditions, have no other cause than the interruption of the evolution 
already begun in favor of a constitutional monarchy. The only loser in 
this case will be, of course, bureaucracy. ' ' This is sweeping enough to 
show us that we must not look for a perfectly objective treatment of his 
theme on the part of the writer. His topic is well worth study. Rus- 
sian institutions and their development are little known to the western 
public, and it is by no means easy to get at reliable information about 
them. Despite the many features in them that have been borrowed from 
the outside, they have a strong national element, and they deserve much 
more serious attention than they have received in other countries. We 
have here an attempt to fill a gap, so that even if there still remains 
plenty of room we can be grateful for what we have got. It is to be 
regretted that, owing presumably to carelessness, the author has not 
escaped some pretty serious errors of detail — for instance, in spite of 
fresh information, the question as to the identity of " the false Demetrius " 
seems as far as ever from being settled, and he probably was not " a cer- 
tain Grishka Otrepiev " (p. 56). The Juriev represented at the Sobor 
of Michael Romanov in 1642 evidently could not be "the modern Dor- 
pat," then in the hands of Sweden, but was Juriev-Polski, in the present 
government of Vladimir. It is not true that the Tsarevich Alexis was 
" executed by the orders of his own father, Peter the Great " (p. no). 
He was condemned by the court which Peter had instituted, and the 



M or fill: History of Russia 133 

sentence was confirmed ; but the prince died before it could be carried 
out, thus leaving a possibility of doubt whether it ever would have been. 
On the next page we read that Elizabeth "was a bastard, for there was 
nothing to prove a marriage between Peter the Great and Catherine." 
Peter publicly, married Catherine in 171 2, after the campaign of the 
Pruth. The attacks on the legitimacy of their daughters were due to the 
fact that both of them were born before this marriage, and that Peter's 
first wife was still alive. The reference to the murder of Ivan VI. (p. 
124) is unpardonably wrong. Mirovich was not " the man who perpe- 
trated itj" but, on the contrary, was trying to free the captive, who was 
put to death by his keepers to prevent the rescue. Finally, Alexander I. 
was the grandson, not "the great-grandson" (p. 286), of Catherine II. 
These are not the only errors, but when all is said, one can read Professor 
Kovalevsky's book with a good deal of profit. 

The same remark can hardly hold true of Mr. Morrill's last work. 
He has written for " the general reader," but it is hard to imagine any- 
thing more confusing to such a reader than his jumble of names and facts, 
and his sudden digressions and sub-digressions in every possible direc- 
tion. The garrulousness of his style is at times absolutely bewildering. 
Although he may have, as he says, mostly drawn from Russian sources, 
and have freely availed himself of the material furnished, not only by the 
leading historians of the country, but also of what is contained in the 
historical reviews and the transactions of Russian learned societies, it 
profits us but little : his narrative consists often of hardly more than a 
string of disconnected anecdotes. There is no sense of proportion. For 
instance, though it may be worth while to devote over fifty pages to Na- 
poleon's Moscow campaign, especially as this is the best written part of 
the book, still, all the subsequent events in the reign of Alexander I., 
such as the campaigns in Germany and France, the Congress of Vienna, 
the Holy Alliance and the reactionary policy of the last years, deserve 
more than a total of fifteen. And yet this is a trifle compared with the 
fact that in a history of modern Russia an event of the most transcendent 
importance, which has been called perhaps the greatest legislative act in 
the history of mankind, the emancipation of the forty million serfs by 
Alexander II., is disposed of in a page and a half, much less than is squan- 
dered away on many a superfluous anecdote. 

After this it is hard to treat the work seriously, as it rambles on, from 
one subject to another. The beginning is characteristic. We get to an 
anecdote in the third line, and in the preamble thereof we meet the 
extraordinary pronouncement that "Alexis was perhaps the first Tsar 
who had what would now be called a foreign policy." Typical of Mr. 
Morfill's looseness is his calling Maria Theresa indiscriminately "the 
German Empress" and "the Austrian Empress," both terms open to 
criticism. As for his general views, one notes that he carries his parti - 
zanship of Peter the Great to the point of glossing over the terrible story 
of the Tsarevich Alexis ; that he does not do justice to the statesmanship 
of Bestuzhev, the minister of the Empress Elizabeth; that in dealing with 



134 Reviews of Books 

Peter III. and Catherine II. he attaches, characteristically enough, too 
much importance to the untrustworthy gossip of Rulhiere ; that he has a 
rhetorical aversion to the Turks, and gives a false idea of the respective 
strength of the opposing fleets at the Battle of Navarino ; that his attitude 
towards "the great emperor" Nicholas I. is in the main sympathetic, 
while his tone toward the French in the Crimean War is throughout fault- 
finding and unfair. He abounds in loose and hazardous statements, but it 
is needless here to point out his errors of detail, some of which are, doubt- 
less, mere slips. For the "general reader " the book contains not a little 
useful information if he can succeed in extracting and remembering it. 
Mr. Morfill has a wide knowledge of Slavic history and languages, and a 
kindly personality shines through his pages, but oh ! how could an Ox- 
ford professor use the word " researcher "? 

Archibald Cary Coolidge. 



The Development of Cabinet Government in England. By Mary 

Taylor Blauvelt, M.A. (New York : The Macmillan Co. 

1902. Pp. xvi, 300.) 

In this volume the author shows the historical origin of the English 
Cabinet and traces the successive steps in its development. The discussion 
begins'with the differentiation of the Cabinet from the Privy Council and 
ends with the early years of the reign of Queen Victoria. The author 
has done her work well and has made a valuable contribution to historical 
and political literature. The importance of the subject can scarcely be 
overestimated. The Cabinet is the most important feature of the English 
government. It sways and guides the House of Commons, which is the 
real governing power in England ; and its history has never before been 
presented in monographic form. Traill, Todd, Anson and others have 
given us brief sketches of the development of special phases of the 
Cabinet but the subject has never before been treated in a connected 
and detailed way. This has been well done in the volume now under 
discussion, and the book has, therefore, a distinct place in the literature 
of the subject. 

The author's task has not been an easy one. The development of 
the Cabinet has extended over a long period of time, hence it was neces- 
sary to work over an immense amount of historical material. This ap- 
pears to have been conscientiously done as the author, for the most part, 
has consulted the original sources. Some readers will regret that the 
author did not see fit to bring the discussion down to a somewhat later 
period. The book practically closes with the accession of Queen Vic- 
toria, and there are some interesting phases of Cabinet development in 
the reign of the late Queen which might well be made the subject of an 
additional chapter. Such a continuation would add force and a degree 
of completeness to the volume which it now lacks. In fact the conclud- 
ing pages of the book are weak because of too great condensation. 



Blaitvclt : Cabinet Government in England 135 

While the book is a good substantial piece of work, it might be im- 
proved in some respects. It does not show so great a degree of famili- 
arity with the actual practice of the English government as might be de- 
sired. The printed sources have been studied with great care but there 
is much information concerning the actual working of the government 
which is " ip the air " and not in books or documents. This phase has 
not been developed as fully as it might be. An illustration will serve to 
make my meaning clear. On page 2 the author remarks: "He [the 
Prime Minister] is appointed nominally by the Crown, but where the 
ruling party has a distinctly recognized leader, the Crown has no choice 
but to appoint this leader. When there is no such preeminent leader- 
ship, the Crown may choose from among the two or three most prominent 
members of the party." This is the usual way of putting it, but the 
latter part of the statement is somewhat misleading. It is no longer true 
that " when there is no such preeminent leadership, the Crown may 
choose from among the two or three most prominent members of the 
party." The Crown has practically no choice even in such a case as 
this. The appointment of Lord Rosebery in 1894 is a case in point. 
When Mr. Gladstone resigned the premiership in that year there was no 
" recognized leader " in the liberal party besides himself. It might seem 
then that Queen Victoria would have been free to choose the Premier 
from the " two or three most prominent members of the party " then in 
power. This was not true, however. Lord Rosebery and Sir AVilliam 
Vernon-Harcourt were the two most conspicuous men in the Liberal 
party at the time, aside from Mr. Gladstone. Both of these men had 
been prominently mentioned in connection with the premiership, but the 
choice was not left to the Queen. A conference of Liberal leaders de- 
cided to recommend the appointment of Lord Rosebery, and he was ac- 
cordingly chosen. No one expected that the Queen would disregard the 
wishes of the party leaders. No one now supposes that King Edward 
exercised his free choice in the appointment of Mr. Balfour. There was 
no alternative. Had he preferred Joseph Chamberlain he would not 
have been able to elevate him to the premiership against the wishes of 
the leaders of the Conservative party. It is now safe to say that the ap- 
pointment of the Premier is, in practice, dictated by the party leaders, 
and that the Crown exercises no discretion in the matter whatever. It 
should be said, however, that in the neglect of the practical side of the 
subject our author has not erred more grievously than the larger majority 
of those who discuss the English government. The older writers follow- 
ing Blackstone and tradition, have elaborated the theory and ignored the 
practice. A few later writers, following the refreshing example of 
Bagehot, have ventured to show that the practice does not always coin- 
cide with the theory. 

The book is not as satisfactory from the standpoint of good English 
as it is from that of historical excellence. It cannot be said to be well 
written. The book lacks definiteness and precision of statement through- 
out, and not infrequently the construction of its sentences is decidedly 



136 Reviews of Books 

faulty. However, the above defects are by no means vital, and the 
volume is, on the whole, a worthy one. T. F. Moran. 

The Scotch-Irish, or the Scot in North Britain, North Ireland, ana 
North America. By Charles A. Hanna. (New York : G. 
P. Putnam's Sons. 1902. Two vols., pp. ix, 623 ; 602.) 
There is a story of a certain sick judge who instructed his daughter 
when reading books to him to read only the quotations. She would have 
had much to read if she were dealing with Mr. Hanna's volumes. In 
truth they are mostly all quotations. No one can deny that as a result 
much varied information is imparted, but what we have is not a history, 
as the title implies, not even well arranged materials for a history, but a 
collection of materials, much irrelevant, which might be worked up into 
a history of the Scotch-Irish. It seems a pity that Mr. Hanna has not 
done this working up himself, but he has not even attempted it, nay he 
frankly avows that " these volumes are designed to serve as an introduc- 
tion to a series of Historical Collections " " relating to the early Scotch- 
Irish settlements in America," and so we are as far away as ever from 
what is really a desideratum, a history of the Scotch-Irish. 

Let us now see what Mr. Hanna has given us. Volume I. contains 
very sketchy and far from exhaustive chapters upon the Scotch-Irish and 
the Revolution, the Scotch-Irish and the Constitution, and other themes 
connected with their early history in this country, with a view to show 
that by all odds they were the most important factor in the formation of 
the republic. Much of the proof consists in naming the nationality or 
ancestry of the prominent men in the early American days, which reveals 
that they were Scotch-Irish in a surprising proportion of cases. The notes 
to these chapters are valuable because of their quotations and references. 
With the eighth chapter, Mr. Hanna begins a new cycle. He now 
abandons the Scotch-Irish in America to their fate and for thirty-one 
chapters leads us through Scottish, English and Irish history. Premising 
that we are entirely ignorant of all knowledge of the history of those 
countries he presents us with hundreds of pages of excerpts from the 
sources and from standard historians. True, some of the material thus 
brought together is inaccessible and all of it is in itself valuable, but it 
seems a pity that so much should have little to do with the declared ob- 
ject of the volumes. We could have spared the space given to Scots and 
Picts, Norse and Angles and such like. We fear few will read the ex- 
cerpts from the English Chronicles. We then get down to the Great 
Ulster Plantation and the Emigration thence to America. 

Volume II. has only five chapters. " The American Union " (5 pp.) 
showing it was a Simon-pure Presbyterian product, "Seventeenth Cen- 
tury Emigration from Scotland and Ulster," in which Theodore 
Roosevelt is claimed for Presbyterianism (!); "The Seaboard Co- 
lonies"; "Pennsylvania," "The Settlements Enumerated." Then 
follow the "Appendixes," excerpt matter upon the themes treated 
in the previous part of the volumes; a "Scotch-Irish Bibliography," 



Funck Brentano : The Diamond Necklace 1 3 7 

which is not so good as it might be because not upon a good plan : it 
combines a subject, author and title catalogue, arranged under the rubrics, 
countries; states and counties, but the plan is not carried out uniformly ; 
and an index, which though very elaborate is mostly of names, and 
unfortunately not inclusive of all the names, for at the bottom of each 
page of the -index we read: "For additional names see references on 
page 553 of this volume." 

The Volume I. is prefaced by a map of Scotland, which has no special 
place. One of Ulster, Ireland, would have been more acceptable ; to 
Volume II. is prefaced a specially drawn map of the thirteen colonies 
with the centers of Scotch-Irish settlement marked upon it. These cen- 
ters are 123 in number and are particularly thick in North and South 
Carolina. This special map deserves warm commendation. It is a real 
contribution to the subject. It may be said also that the mechanical 
appearance of the volumes reflects great credit upon the Knickerbocker 
Press. 

There surely is a welcome awaiting a history of the Scotch-Irish. We 
wish Mr. Hanna would give it to us. He can come measurably near it 
and serve the cause he has at heart if he is willing to rearrange the con- 
tents of the two volumes he has given us so as to put together his chap- 
ters upon the Scotch-Irish in chronological order and with omission of 
the irrelevant matter. He might throw into less space the valuable lists 
of the original Scotch-Irish and their descendants in America, revise his 
bibliography so as to make it consistent and even fuller, and arrange his 
index so as to take in all the names and also so as to be more analytical. 
He can thus reduce his two volumes to one, relieve himself of the suspi- 
cion of having emptied a huge scrap-book upon the unsuspecting public, 
and increase the number of his readers. Such a volume will then be a 
fitting introduction to the historical collections he promises us and which 
we shall be very glad to receive. Samuel Macauley Jackson. 

The Diamond Necklace, Being the True Story of Marie Antoinette 
and the Cardinal de Rohan. From the new Documents re- 
cently discovered in Paris. By Frantz Funck-Brentano. 
Authorized Translation by H. Sutherland Edwards. (Phila- 
delphia : J. B. Lippincott Co. 1901. Pp. 350.) 
La Mort de la Reine. (Les Suites de P Affaire du Collier.) D'Apres 
de Nouveaux Documents recueillis en partie par A. Begis. By 
Frantz Funck-Brentano. (Paris : Hachette et Cie. 1902. 
Pp. 262.) 

It is a pleasure to find another Revolutionary episode rescued from 
the domain of Carlylean declamation and presented to us with a vivid- 
ness equal to that of the Sage of Chelsea, with wider research, juster 
criticism and without the homilies. The author of these books is a 
skilled historical student with no disturbing preoccupations, who has 
already proven himself a past-master in the art of tracing the intricate 



i 38 Reviews of Books 

and deceptive windings and turnings of great crimes and conspiracies. 
In the two books before us we have a very detailed and carefully authen- 
ticated history of the most famous case of the eighteenth century, which 
Mirabeau called the "prelude of the Revolution" and which was so 
fateful for all the participants voluntary and involuntary. After the 
labors of M. Funck " this poor opaque intrigue of the Diamond Neck- 
lace " may be considered to have attained a clear and authoritative de- 
scription. Not only has the author been content with narrating this his- 
tory in its main lines but he has gone elaborately into the minutise of 
the case, has traced the careers of the secondary persons involved, with 
care and fidelity and has thrown new light upon some of the conditions 
prevailing in the France of the Old Regime. 

He has searched a large mass of material, the National Archives, the 
archives of the city of Paris, of the Bastille (a field which he has pre- 
viously made his own), and of the Arsenal, besides the memoirs, judi- 
cial pieces, newspapers and pamphlets of the time. With this merit of 
exhaustive investigation M. Funck unites literary talents of a high order, 
a style vigorous, compact, full of color, an exceptional analytical quality, 
an artist's ability of arrangement and co-ordination. His narrative in- 
deed has much of the brilliancy and precision of the ill-starred necklace 
which is its central theme. 

He presents us with a series of portraits drawn with delicacy and 
vivacity, — for instance that of Cardinal de Rohan, tall and lithe in figure, 
proclaiming in every movement the nobility of his race, an "aristocratic 
product such as the most refined civilizations produce in their most deli- 
cate developments," a man of " much heart and much wit, with a subtle 
elegance, whose singular charm was heightened by his dignity as an 
ecclesiastic," moving easily and with honor among the Immortals of 
the French Academy, by whom he was received at the age of twenty- 
seven, a man whose great fortune allowed him to do good on a large 
scale, which he did, " graciously and in a genial spirit," living with 
magnificence the worldly life, no crabbed censor of the peccadilloes of 
frail men and women, in short, a man to charm and win. Yet this pol- 
ished, sceptical, satirical, worldly prelate was an ardent follower of Cagli- 
ostro, whom he luxuriously housed for long periods of time and was to 
be the easy and pitiable dupe of Madame de la Motte. " The great dif- 
ficulty in the strange story of the Necklace," says M. Funck, "is the 
excessive credulity attributed to the Cardinal. But here are precise 
documents agreeing with one another which prove that the Cardinal was 
incredibly credulous. Two days before he was arrested, Cagliostro per- 
suaded him that he had dined with Henry IV." The portraitures of 
Maria Theresa, of Marie Antionette, of the Countess de Polignac, of 
Jeanne de Valois, of Cagliostro, Boehmer and Bassange, Nicole d'Oliva, 
Metre d'Etienville and the wonderful Baron de Fages are equally well 
executed. 

The author shows the origin of the animosity felt by Maria Theresa 
against the Prince de Rohan, — an animosity dating from that person's em- 



Funck— Brentano : The Diamond Necklace 139 

bassy to Vienna, that " horrid shameful embassy" as she called it, — 
and holds an initial and exceedingly grave error of that monarch to have 
been her insistence that Marie Antoinette share in all its vehemence 
her own intense dislike, and also her constant endeavor to use her 
daughter to reinforce her own Austrian policy. 

M. Furick's narrative abounds in dramatic incidents, brilliantly told, 
— the opening chapter where the Cardinal Coadjutor, young Prince de 
Rohan, receives in the cathedral of Strassburg the young Princess Marie 
Antoinette, coming from Vienna to Paris to be Dauphiness and Queen, 
— the early life of Jeanne de Valois, with its fierce restlessness and envy 
— and that tremendous moment when on the day of Assumption, before 
all the court of Versailles, the Prince-Cardinal, Grand Almoner of France, 
arrayed in his pontifical garments, prepared for divine service, is arrested 
like a thief. 

This arrest, in the opinion of the author, was an irreparable fault, a 
mistake than which none could be more grievous. The King and Queen, 
on first hearing the story that implicated the latter, took the conduct of 
the affair, which they did not in the slightest degree understand and 
were not competent to fathom or appreciate, into their own hands. 
"The affair", writes the Queen to her brother Joseph IL, " has been con- 
certed between the King and myself. The ministers know nothing of 
it." Most unfortunately, says M. Funck, for the Queen was actuated not 
by wisdom or understanding, but by indignation, by intense antipathy 
to the Cardinal inspired by her mother and now revived in all its force, 
whereas, if the matter had first been referred to the ministry, there was 
one man in it of profound knowledge of men and things, who would 
have insisted that action be postponed until some light had been thrown 
upon the intrigue, who would have appreciated the political significance 
of the humiliating arrest of so notable a seigneur and prelate upon mere 
suspicion, who probably would have prevented the terrible blunder. A 
second blunder no less disastrous, was Louis XVI. 's action in handing the 
case to the Parliament, for trial, — a body whose first desire was not justice, 
but the humiliation of the crown and the overthrow of the arbitrary 
power of ministers. The trial throws a sharp light upon the nature of 
'' absolute " monarchy in France in the eighteenth century (pp. 327-328). 

In his second volume, La Mort de la Reine, a continuation of the 
Diamond Necklace, M. Funck traces the later careers of those implicated 
in the Necklace affair, the Queen, the Cardinal, Cagliostro, the Countess 
de la Motte, a fugitive in London, trading in her infamy, writing 
mendacious memoirs, assisted in so doing, it seems clear, by Calonne, 
frequently supposed to be the Queen's favorite minister but really one of 
her most venomous and most persistent enemies, the Count de la Motte, 
living till 1830 and practising intermittently the gentle art of blackmail, 
part of the time receiving a pension from the restored Bourbons. 

The translation of the Diamond Necklace by H. Sutherland Edwards 
is accurate and spirited. Neither book possesses an index. 

Charles D. Hazen. 



140 Reviews of Books 

The History of the Louisiana Purchase. By James K. Hosmer. 
(New York : U. Appleton and Co. 1902. Pp. xv, 230.) 

This story of our first expansion, attractively bound and neatly 
printed, is divided into eleven chapters. The first gives a running his- 
tory of the country up to the time of its transfer to Spain in 1762. The 
second chapter deals with Louisiana under Spain, and the next with the 
work of Toussaint in San Domingo, so important in thwarting Napoleon's 
colonial designs, the negotiations of Napoleon with Spain, and the first 
movement of Jefferson toward purchase. Chapters IV. -VI. are devoted 
to further events in America and Europe which spurred the Americans 
to buy and Napoleon to sell the bone of contention. Two of these 
chapters deal with the quarrel of Napoleon with his two brothers, Joseph 
and Lucien, because of their opposition to the sale, the details of which, 
largely based on Lucien's memoirs, are given at some length, including 
the famous bath-room scene. The two next chapters take up Living- 
ston and Monroe at Paris and the conclusion of the treaty of purchase. 
Herein, together with the two preceding chapters, the author makes much 
of his belief, expressed in the preface, that "the transaction was a 
piece of Napoleonic statesmanship, Jefferson and his negotiators playing 
only a secondary part." Yet Dr. Hosmer takes care to point out that 
Livingston foresaw that the relinquishment of the whole territory was 
inevitable. Chapter IX. treats of the constitutional questions involved 
in the purchase as discussed in Congress, and the violent opposition of 
the Federalists. The next chapter gives a dramatic account of the for- 
mal transfer of sovereignty at New Orleans, and the last recites the salient 
points in the history of the Louisiana territory to the present day. 
Three appendices contain Livingston's memorial of February 1, 1803, 
giving reasons why France should sell Louisiana, Napoleon's order for 
the sale, and the treaties of session and payment. 

The book under review is timely in a twofold way, appearing when we 
are about to celebrate the centenary of our first expansion and when the 
question of expansion itself still lingers in the public mind. Though 
written for ' ' youths on the verge of maturity and men and women too busy 
for a deep study of the matter," the book is both readable and scholarly. 
While acknowledging his indebtedness to his predecessors, the author 
claims to have made a new presentation of the subject. He has brought 
into the compass of about forty thousand words a most interesting story, 
but, in spite of the use of original sources, largely French, and although 
he gives "at length some important secret history not heretofore fully 
set forth in English," his addition to our stock of knowledge on the sub- 
je< t is rather small, and it must be said that some of the additions are 
questionable. One who has read the correspondence of our various rep- 
resentatives al Madrid will be surprised to learn that "the Spanish atti- 
tude to the United States was, in fact, most friendly, though little ap- 
preciated then or since" (p. 35). If Dr. Hosmer has discovered that 
the "favorable disposition of the King," so often held out to our min- 



Harris: The Sectional Struggle 141 

isters but never put into deeds, was real, it is due to history that the 
proof be forthcoming. If " it was not easy for Madison to feel that this 
free navigation of the Mississippi was so very important " (p. 63), why 
did he express his amazement to Monroe that the thought of surrendering 
it should even be entertained, 1 or why did he return to Congress (1786) 
mainly to defeat Jay's proposed treaty surrendering this right?" The 
statement that " the Spanish officials had withdrawn with all the stately 
circumstance that had surrounded them," probably refers only to their 
withdrawal from office, but is likely to mislead, since they lingered in 
Louisiana and fomented much trouble until finally ordered away. The 
author's treatment of Jefferson is similar to that of Mr. Henry Adams, 
whom he has read with care, though a little more favorable. 

David Y. Thomas. 

The Sectional Straggle. An Account of the Troubles Between the 
North and the South, from the Earliest Times to the Close of 
the Civil War. First Period Ending with the Compromise of 
1833. Part concerning the Early Tariffs and Nullification. 
By Cicero W. Harris. (Philadelphia and London : J. B. Lip- 
pincott Co. 1902. Pp. 343.) 

The author of this work thinks that "the time has come when the 
more thoughtful people of both sections are ready to receive a fulblength 
view of the long political and constitutional struggle between the North 
and the South." He has accordingly " devoted his spare time " to con- 
structing such a work "from original sources . . . with infinite . . . 
care as to data and great catholicity in the handling of vexed questions." 
As announced in the title, the plan covers the entire field of sectionalism, 
but the author, for reasons not apparent, has seen fit to publish a part 
only, which has a decidedly fragmentary character. As it stands it is not 
a monograph dealing with the early tariff controversy, but a number of 
chapters from a larger work, whose unity is to be found only in the fact 
that they deal with struggles involving sectional feeling. 

The scope of the work is narrow, being confined practically to tariff 
discussion in Congress. Four-fifths of the book is taken up with ab- 
stracts of debates, the rest being devoted to extremely brief statements 
of political events. Nothing is said about the economic conditions 
which caused the tariff controversy except in so far as these are referred 
to in southern speeches, and while the contents of every bill and amend- 
ment are given, there is nothing done by the author to explain the rates 
proposed or adopted. Even when votes are recorded no attempt is made 
to analyze them, nor is it shown in most cases to what extent sectionalism 
influenced the result. Political parties are seldom mentioned. In its 
very limited range the work seems to have been carefully and system 
atically carried out, being based apparently upon the Annals of Congress 
and Niles's Register. It is perhaps most useful in the chapters where 

1 June 26, 1786. 

2 bay's Maduon, 81 ff. 



142 Reviews of Books 

the nullification debates of 1830 and 1S33 are summarized. Here the 
legal problems of constitutional interpretation are handled with a freedom 
not elsewhere observed. 

In the brief narrative paragraphs no mistakes of any consequence 
have been noted, but there is nothing origin il in them, nor indeed is 
there in the whole book, unless it be a certain unusual freedom from sec- 
tional bias on the author's part. He differs from nearly all his prede- 
cessors and contemporaries, northern and southern, in condemning no 
one for his opinions. On the contrary he bestows praise upon all, 
reserving his nearest approaches to severity for Webster, Clay and Cal- 
houn. In fact, this uniform laudation gives the work a curiously old- 
fashioned, high-polite air, which persists in spite of the presence of occa- 
sional words like " brainiest." No one of the political worthies of those 
days fails to receive due salutation. The membership of every Congress, 
convention or legislature is "eminent," "distinguished," or "illus- 
trious"; speeches are invariably "logical and ingenious," "learned 
and argumentative," "notable," "subtle," "long and luminous," 
"elegant and impassioned," "powerful," or "tremendous." Yet if 
the book is to be welcomed for any one feature it is for holding such an 
appreciative attitude toward Lowndes, Hayne, McDuffie, Forsyth, Mal- 
lary, Cambrelong, Lawrence and others who, as the author says in the 
preface, "have seldom received their dues from historians." The men 
who did the real work in the earlier Congresses are by no means always 
those whose names appear most frequently in the pages of later writers. 
This feature apart, the book is in reality not so much history as a digest or 
summary of part of the material for the history of the tariff controversy. 

T. C. Smith, 

The Life of Charles Robinson, the First State Governor of Kansas. 

By Frank W. Blackmar. (Topeka, Kansas : Crane and Co. 

1902. Pp. 438.) 

THE controversies over the early history of Kansas have revolved 
mainly about three men — John Brown, General Lane and Governor 
Robinson. The biographers of Brown were early in the field, Redpath 
being the pioneer among them with his sensational book published in 
1860. Though newspaper sketches, like the rather interesting screeds 
of " Kicking-Bird," in The Kansas City Times, were not wanting, no 
formal life of Lane appeared until 1896, while that of Robinson was de- 
layed until 1902. 

Perhaps it would be hazardous to say that these Kansas controversies 
have been practically settled by the investigations and discussions of the last 
two decades, but certain points seem to be fairly established. It is evi- 
dent that John Brown, who went to Kansas for the avowed purpose of 
fomenting the disturbances and precipitating a collision between the 
North and South, hindered the free-state movement in the territory, 
quite as much as he helped it ; that Lane, with all his brilliant and 
attractive qualities, was rash and unscrupulous, and that Robinson repre- 



Blackmar; The Life of Charles Robinson 143 

sentecl the more conservative type among the Northern settlers — the 
men who would fight if attacked, but proposed to settle the territorial 
difficulties at the polls and finally carried their point. 

Professor Blackmar's book appears, then, after the fierceness of the 
old controversies has abated, though the crude blackguardism which was 
often a conspicuous characteristic of them is not yet wholly extinct. This 
work certainly ought not to revive the quiescent feuds, as it is notably 
moderate and judicial in temper. The writer has endeavored, and with 
a good degree of success, to render to all the Csesars what belongs to 
them. We do not remember that he anywhere calls Governor Robinson 
" the Saviour of Kansas" — a phrase which the partizans of Brown and 
Lane are fond of associating with their names. The burden of his con- 
tention is that, in the border troubles and during the Civil War, Robin- 
son rendered great services to Kansas — a position not likely to be suc- 
cessfully assailed. In the prosecution of his task many of the chief events 
of Kansas history pass under review. If Professor Blackmar does not 
throw much new light upon the subject, he certainly contributes to it no 
fresh confusion. The narrative might have been made more effective by 
compression. At times it carries a burden of details which cloud its dis- 
tinctness and contribute little in the way of compensation. 

The most serious criticisms of Governor Robinson have been occa- 
sioned, not so much by what he did in the territorial days, as by what 
he said about them after they were past. The fact that he outlived John 
Brown thirty-five years and General Lane twenty-eight ; that he had both 
the opportunity and the disposition to put his version of the border struggle 
before the public is thought by some to have given him an advantage over 
rivals in the award of honors. In the first place he is charged with intro- 
ducing into Kansas history " the curious myth " that there were two well- 
defined parties in the territory, "the one wishing to carry its ends by 
war, the other by peace," where, as a matter of fact, no distinctively 
peace sentiment existed. Professor Blackmar in reply quotes from the 
address of Governor Stanton at the old settlers' meeting at Bismarck 
Grove in 1884 to the effect that on his arrival in Kansas he found the 
Free-State party divided in opinion — one faction advocating extreme 
measures and the other moderate. He might also have quoted from a 
remarkable speech which Lane delivered at Lawrence twenty-seven years 
earlier. The immediate occasion of that speech was President Buchan- 
an's characterization of him in a message to Congress as a turbulent 
and dangerous border leader. Adroitly avoiding all discussion of his 
own personal record or that of the radicals he reviewed the course of 
the Free-State party and contended that from first to last its policy had 
been pacific. Or if Lane's testimony needed corroboration, Professor 
Blackmar might have reinforced it by that of John Brown, who in a speech 
delivered at Concord in the spring of 1857 assailed " the peace party " 
in Kansas — the party which "discountenanced violence." 

The other point of criticism relates to " the Pottawatomie massacre." 
On the appearance of Townsley's confessions in 1881, Governor Robinson 



1 4.4 Reviews of Books 

publicly denounced the affair and in no very measured terms. Some three 
or four years afterwards a letter of his, written to the late Judge Han- 
wav in 1878, came to light, in which he said that he never "had much 
doubt that Captain Brown was the author of the blow at Pottawatomie," 
because he was the only man who "comprehended the situation . . . 
and had the nerve to strike it." This letter, eagerly caught up by enemies 
of Governor Robinson, furnished them a convenient text for uncompli- 
mentary discourse. His defense was that, when he wrote the letter, he 
did not know the facts — that he never fully understood the situation until 
Townsley's narrative was printed. In passing upon the validity of this 
defense we are to remember that, for reasons not particularly difficult to 
conjecture, the Free-State folk avoided looking too closely into the 
Pottawatomie transaction. They by no means neglected border-ruffian 
outrages ; but here was another story in regard to which they, like the 
Republican members of the Congressional investigating committee of 
1856, preferred the bliss of ignorance. Under the circumstances they 
were quite in the mood to believe that a desperate state of affairs, which 
demanded the most heroic measures, existed at Dutch Henry's Crossing. 
Townsley made his statement with reluctance. It was only after repeated 
and urgent solicitations that he consented to do it. The gentlemen to 
whom it was dictated — one of them a prominent Kansas lawyer and a 
well-equipped student of Kansas history — were deeply impressed with 
his intelligence and sincerity. When this statement, which dissipated 
the enveloping mass of rumors, surmises and perversions and disclosed 
the essential facts, was published, not only Governor Robinson but the 
friends of John Brown as well, changed their attitude in reference to the 
so-called "executions." The former shifted from apology to denuncia- 
tion — the latter from negation to defense. In explanation all offer the 
plea of imperfect information. And we should certainly wish to hear 
counsel before allowing it in the one case and denying it in the other. 

Lev-erett W. Spring. 

Lee at Appomattox and Other Papers. By Charles Francis Adams. 

(Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Co. 1902. 

Pp. 3 X 7 .) 

'I'n is volume is made up of detached papers of very unequal length, 
not to say of unequal value, — a remark made not for invidious com- 
parison, but only to notice a fact. Where all is good and valuable, dis- 
crimination and comparison are not of prime importance. 

The title paper — "Lee at Appomattox" — has attracted most 
attention, but seems to the present writer to be of least value, and is of 
least length. Still it emphasizes strikingly what is perhaps the wisest 
act of Lee's career, — the determination, for himself as well as for his 
army, that the surrender at Appomattox should be the end of the war. 
It was an essentially bold determination, for Lee was not the com- 
mander-in-chief of the Confederate forces, but only the general in com- 
mand of the army of Northern Virginia. Lee, however, knew his army 



Adams : Lee at Appomattox and other Papers 145 

was the last reliance and hope of the Confederacy ; and he must have 
known, too, that nothing but a desultory, irregular struggle could be 
kept up after his surrender. It is most interesting to know, as Mr. 
Adams shows, that Lee had maturely considered the issue and had 
reached his conclusion before the last step must be taken. He had evi- 
dently taken thought, too, of a contingency which did not arise, — the 
refusal of his army to follow his example of surrender. There is true 
pathos and true heroism of a very high order in these words of Lee to a 
confidential friend and officer just before the final act: "And as for 
myself, you young men might go to bushwhacking, but I am too old ; and 
even if it were right for me to disperse the army, I should surrender my- 
self to General Grant, as the only proper course for one of my years and 
position." It is not easy to point to any finer example of poise of char- 
acter and unselfish obedience to duty in the annals of military or civil life 
of any age. The scene and the act, the man and the event, put Lee, to 
use a familiar phrase, in the company of Plutarch's heroes. It is a good 
service of Mr. Adams to have set this passage clearly before the world. 

By far the longest and most important paper of the volume is 
entitled "The Treaty of Washington: Before and After." We say 
most important because it presents in broad outline and in well-chosen 
details a very large and influential chapter of our recent history. We 
think it plain that no other man could have done this so well, from so 
full and minute knowledge, and in a style at once so trenchant and vivid. 
The course of English feeling, the sequence and incidents of the diplo- 
macy of England and the United States from 1861 to 1871 are a twice- 
told tale to Mr. Adams, and into this narrative and review he has put a 
wealth of personal characterization of the chief actors and of painting of 
the great scenes and crises of the eventful period, which makes its 220 
odd pages fascinating with the liveliest personal and historical interest. 
It was necessary to review the whole course of events of the ten years 
which immediately preceded the treaty of Washington in order to put 
the final transaction in its proper setting. Mr. Adams has taken space 
to do this. Especially he has not shrunk from passing positive judg- 
ments upon actors as well as events. Here he has of course had to meet 
the usual fortune of critics of individuals. The present writer does not 
regard it as ground of wise criticism that one who writes of recent events 
paints men and manners and motives as seems to him justly. Good 
faith, a fair spirit, is all that can be rightly required. Mr. Adams's judg- 
ments of many individuals have been, and doubtless will be, seriously 
disputed ; but in our belief no fair charge of intentional misrepresentation 
will ever lie against the treatment of individuals in this free and outspoken 
paper. Elsewhere the present writer has expressed his dissent and the rea- 
sons therefor from Mr. Adams's judgment of one large figure on his can- 
vas, but he recognizes not the less that the canvas is a large one and that 
it has been drawn and filled with much skill and general fidelity to facts. 

The treaty itself Mr. Adams regards as the complement of the Eman- 
cipation Proclamation, " rounding out," to quote his words, " andcom- 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 10 



i ^6 Reviews of Books 

pletingthe work of our Civil War." "The verdict of history," he con- 
tinues, " must then be that the blood and treasure so freely poured out by 
us between Sumter and Appomattox were not expended in vain ; for 
through it and because of it, the last vestiges of piracy vanished from the 
ocean, as slavery had before disappeared from the land." 

Notwithstanding the length of this paper the treatment of its topic is 
necessarily succinct and compendious. The ten years covered by it will 
require for full historical exposition hundreds of pages to each of Mr. 
Adams's ten. But, as already intimated, this paper will long stand as the 
best short review of its period and theme. Its value lies especially in 
the fact that it is largely enriched and illustrated by first-hand investiga- 
tions and hitherto unpublished material. This refers principally to the 
private papers of Hamilton Fish to which Mr. Adams has fortunately 
been given access and from which he has drawn important information. 
While we see no evidence of undue effort to apotheosize Mr. Fish, yet 
the result is undoubtedly, so far as this paper goes, to give him a place 
in the ranks of practical statesmen considerably higher than the general 
estimation has heretofore given him. To Mr. Fish, to his initiative as 
well as guidance, to his sound valuation of the situation — its men, espe- 
cially President Grant, and its background of public opinion both in 
England and here — to his patience and tenacity in pursuing his clearly de- 
fined policy and end, Mr. Adams does full justice ; some will feel more 
than justice, with less than justice to some others. For his implied or 
inferential, as well as his expressed, estimate of Mr. Fish's statesmanship, 
there appears to be good grounds. Mr. Fish's achievements as Grant's 
Secretary of State, especially his conduct of the whole matter of the 
treaty of Washington and its sequel, the Geneva Arbitration, furnish a 
striking example of the easy ability with which a great public transaction 
may be handled by one who may have been, and still be, rated as com- 
monplace or the extreme opposite of brilliant. Mr. Fish's figure in the 
public eye till 1869 was small, though he had held the highest offices in 
the gift of the Empire state. He made no set speeches. For diplomacy 
as a business or as a study it is not known that he cared either during 
nis previous public career or during his subsequent retirement prior 
to 1869. Yet with all this lack of what is usually regarded as necessary 
equipment, to which should be added a notable absence of personal am- 
bition, Mr. Adams makes it clear that Mr. Fish was the author and fin- 
isher of the whole great work of this treaty from the start in his own 
parlors at Washington to the conclusion at Geneva. Controversy over 
him will rage so long as men persist, as Mr. Adams here does, in attack- 
ing and depreciating others associated with him; but this ought not to 
lead to failure to put due estimate on his chief work or to denial of his 
full title to the rank of a prudent, forceful, and successful statesman in 
the high field of domestic and foreign diplomacy. 

Of the remaining three papers, importance of contents and space at 
our disposal dictate notice here of but one — the paper entitled "An Un- 
developed Function." This paper of 65 pages is, shortly speaking, an 



Ellicott: Life oj Jo Jin Ancrum JVinslow 147 

effort to show the low plane on which the discussions of our gravest 
public questions have hitherto been conducted, and to point out a remedy. 
Mr. Adams finds it easy, by a swift review of our Presidential canvasses 
since i860 to show the correctness of his criticism. He concludes 
that "taken as a whole, viewed in the gross and perspective, the retro- 
spect leaves much to be desired," — a summation evidently not open to 
the criticism often, perhaps not without a degree of justice, made on 
Mr. Adams of over-statement. Of the whole development of what we 
often hear called political thought and education in our Presidential 
canvasses, our author finally declares with more emphasis and more ade- 
quacy of characterization : "It has been at best a babel of the common- 
place." 

To his own query, " Wherein lies the remedy? " Mr. Adams's answer 
is a singular one ; in substance, this : Assemble the American Historical 
Association, for example, and there in the thick of the canvass, let its 
members discuss the great present issues of Trusts, Imperialism, etc., and 
thus make appeal to the real intelligence of the country. It is hardly 
needful to specify the impassable hindrances to the application of the 
remedy, or its inefficacy, if otherwise practicable. But Mr. Adams gives 
us something far wiser and better than his remedy. He himself proceeds 
to discuss the so-called burning topics of the day — trusts and monopolies, 
currency, and imperialism. Passing by the discussion of all but the last, 
it may be said, we think, without exaggeration, that in 20 pages (pp. 
316-335) Mr. Adams has presented the soundest, best-reasoned, and 
most impressive discussion we have yet had of the essential substance of 
what we now know as imperialism — its source, its motive, its end, its 
effect, its necessary final result. In these few pages he moves with the 
steady, firm step of a master, calling in for reproof and instruction the 
aptest lessons of history and the safest conclusions of philosophy applied 
to politics or political concerns. The volume would deserve warm and 
wide welcome if only for this one score of pages. 

Mr. Adams as a writer is not to be praised without reserve. Certain 
literary and moral qualities which are fair topics for criticism, appear in 
all he writes. Our space would not permit us here to elucidate this 
remark, if we were disposed to do it. Nor does it temper the heartiness 
of welcome with which we receive the volume — a volume which in its 
whole effect adds to our stock of light and wisdom, and everywhere by 
its free vision and unhampered tone uplifts and cheers those who would 
know the truth and be guided by it D. H. Chamberlain. 

The Life of John Ancrum Win slow, Rear Admiral United States 
Navy, Who Commanded the " Kearsarge " in her Action with 
the Confederate Cruiser "Alabama." By John M. Ellicott. 
(New York and London : G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1902. Pp. x, 282.) 
The diligent and painstaking author of this book has done well with 

his subject. If in certain parts the book seems padded with matters of 



1 48 Reviews of Books 

humdrum routine common to the career of the average navy man, the 
author may be pardoned in his effort to give a minute chronicle of the 
officer's life afloat and ashore, although the bulk of it relates professionally 
to the uneventful days of peace. 

Admiral Winslow came from old New England Puritan stock on his 
father's side and on his mother's side from North Carolina stock of Scotch 
strain. He was born in Wilmington, N. C, November 19, 181 1, and 
spent his childhood days there. But his father, Edward Winslow, a Bos- 
tonian, sent the future admiral and his brother Edward, in due course 
of time, to Massachusetts to be educated. While at school, at Dedham, 
John fortunately attracted the attention of Daniel Webster, who obtained 
for the lad a midshipman's appointment in the navy. This was in 1827, 
John then being eighteen years of age. In 1827, after various cruisings 
incident to naval life, he was promoted to a lieutenancy. In that grade he 
saw much service afloat in the Mediterranean, in the Gulf of Mexico and 
in the Pacific, as well as brief tours of duty on shore. As an officer of the 
splendid but ill-fated steam-frigate "Missouri," he saw her suddenly de- 
stroyed by fire at Gibraltar, August 26, 1843, and was honored with the 
appointment as bearer of despatches to the Navy Department reporting 
that memorable catastrophe to the government. In the Mexican War 
he was associated at times on terms of intimacy and good fellowship with 
Lieutenant Raphael Semmes, who was to become his most notable antago- 
nist in our Civil War on one of the most dramatic occasions of that con- 
flict. 

Now passing over his further service career until he reached the grade 
of commander in 1855, we may say that his criticisms in his home letters 
of Commodore Connor's operations in the Gulf during the war with 
Mexico might well have been omitted in his biography. He could not 
know the tenor of the Commodore's instructions and what he wrote in 
confidence to his wife in disparagement of Connor's actions, should have 
been regarded as confidential and not given to the public in cold print. 

Soon after the outbreak of our Civil War, Winslow was ordered as 
assistant to flag-officer Foote who had been placed in command of the 
Union naval forces in the northern Mississippi and its tributaries. In 
such capacity, Winslow did able and effective work, not only as an organ- 
izer but as an energetic and vigilant commanding officer ; but when 
Foote, owing to wounds received in battle, had to relinquish his command 
to flag-officer Davis, he asked to be relieved and sent to other duty. 
His request, however, was couched in such terms that both Davis and the 
Navy Department took offense and he was placed on furlough, a punish- 
ment in time of war almost worse than death. But Winslow, keeping his 
temper, wrote an explanatory letter so satisfying to Secretary Welles that 
he was soon restored, November 5, 1862, to his proper status. 

A month later he received orders to take passage in the " Vanderbilt," 
from New York to Fayal to take command of the "Kearsarge." Now 
the opportunity had come to him which he was to improve to his own 
ineffaceable distinction and lasting glory to the country, but through for- 



Ellicott: Life of John Ancrum Winslow 149 

tuitous circumstances, over which he had no control, he had to wait at 
Fayal three months and a half before assuming his command. This was 
on April 8, 1863, and he was charged with the onerous duty of hunting 
down the " Alabama " and other Confederate cruisers and their capture 
or destruction. The "Alabama," in particular, was the special object 
of his quest. For nearly two years she had roamed the seas under the 
able command of Semmes, and had destroyed a large part of our mer- 
chant marine. Welcomed, encouraged and petted in English ports, she 
managed to evade our cruisers at all points and seemed to have a charmed 
exemption from every effort to meet her and bring her to battle. Of 
her call at Simon's Bay, near Capetown, August, 1863, Lieutenant Sin- 
clair of the " Alabama" said in a letter to his mother : " If a Yankee 
man of war comes in they drive her off in twenty-four hours ; and if 
they complain that they are in want of repairs, the English order a board 
of their own officers, and they always decide that the repairs are not nec- 
essary ; but in our case they only say, ' We are glad to see you, old fel- 
lows, make yourselves at home, and anything you want let us know.' " 
That tells the whole story of English officialdom towards the Union 
cause during the war of which Craven, Wilkes, Pickering, Winslow and 
others of our captains had ample experience in British waters. 

In the fourteen months of Winslow' s arduous work of search and 
blockade, before he was able to bring the "Alabama" to bay, he was 
constantly harassed by the British authorities, and if he seemed to lose 
his head diplomatically on one or two occasions and bring upon himself 
an admonitory letter from Minister Adams, it was not to be wondered at. 
But all things have an end. On the 12th of June, 1864, Winslow got 
word that the ' ' Alabama ' ' had put into Cherbourg the day before and 
he proceeded thither with all despatch. Arriving off the breakwater on 
the 14th, he steamed in and out of the harbor, getting a good look at the 
"Alabama" in so doing, and then proceeded to blockade the port. 
Five days later, or on Sunday the 19th of June, the " Alabama " steamed 
gallantly out of the harbor to seek her eager antagonist and throw down 
the grim gauge of battle. The first shot was fired by the "Alabama." 
This was at 10:57 A. M. Sixty-five minutes later she hauled down her 
flag in distress and at 12:24 P.M. went to the bottom. To the Con- 
federates had come defeat but not dishonor. Semmes as he was about to 
go out and engage the " Kearsarge " had written Confederate flag-officer 
Barron that the "most of combats were always uncertain," and taking 
the uncertain chance he lost. For a full account of this famous ship- 
duel, so dramatic in incident, so momentous in import, we must refer the 
reader to the author's stirring narration. Here Ellicott is at his best, 
telling the splendid story with technical skill and clearness of detail in a 
way altogether graphic and admirable. 

At this day, it is difficult to conceive the thrill of delight that swept 
over the loyal North when the news of the "Alabama's" destruction 
reached the country. Winslow, his officers and men immediately became 
the heroes of the hour and after the " Kearsarge' s " arrival home, they 



I ^ Reviews of Books 

were feted without stint. Winslow himself was thanked by Congress and 
advanced by the President to the grade of commodore. In due season 
he became rear admiral, his last active service being in command of the 
Pacific squadron. Fortunate in the opportunity that came to him, his 
name goes down the stream of time as one of the nation's victory-achiev- 
ing seamen, well deserving the plaudits of his countrymen 

Geo. E. Belknap. 

Reconstruction and the Constitution, iS66-iSj6. By John W. Bur- 
gess, Ph.D., LL.D. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 
1902. Pp. 342.) 

Looking at the Reconstruction period from the point of view of the 
historian, it is certainly the most difficult in American history. Indeed, 
there is probably no more difficult subject to be found anywhere in 
modern history. To arrive at any fixed opinion of one's own concerning 
the main things that were done is hard enough. It is conceivable that a 
really intelligent student, possessed of all the important facts, and not 
without the power of sympathetic comprehension, might fail altogether 
in this initial part of his work. He might never achieve a view, a theory, 
a judgment, on which his own mind would rest with any degree of satis- 
faction, which he could with reasonable conscience and assurance com- 
mend to his readers. 

Granting, however, that one has come to have one's own views, that 
one continues to see the matter in the same way, and can see it no other 
way, to do anything for one's reader is still uncommonly hard. One can 
of course let him sense the same confusions one has been struggling with. 
There is a certain content to be got by merely making sure that one has 
chosen intelligently and set down correctly the important events at Wash- 
ington and in each of the southern states, no matter what the order or 
the form is. There is satisfaction, too, in stating boldly one's judgments 
of the men and the policies. When these things are done, however, 
nothing is done but the gathering of dry bones together. Perhaps it is 
enough to satisfy the demands of what Professor Burgess calls "sound 
political science." It enables one to gratify the liking all scholars have 
for working problems. It does not satisfy the ordinary reader. The 
writer, if he be at all artist, if he be completely an historian in his as- 
piration, can only acquiesce in his own work. He must fall back on his 
limitations or the impossibility of the larger task. 

There is little to suggest that Professor Burgess had the larger task 
in mind. What he has attempted permits us to think that he did not 
fall back from it for any lack of courage. He has had the courage to 
commit himself unreservedly to a theory and a plan of Reconstruction. 
In the seven pages of his first chapter he announces his creed as boldly 
as if there never had been an issue over the matter among such men as 
Lincoln and Sumner and Stevens and Chase. He states his plan in his 
still briefer preface. Both theory and plan are intelligent. His courage 



Burgess: Reconstruction and the Constitution 151 

in so stating them is not diminished by the circumstance that foot-notes 
are not employed in his review, and that he is under no necessity to 
supply, that way or any way, the material for controverting his opinions. 
The remainder of the volume, the last chapter excepted, which deals 
with one or two questions of our foreign relations, is a fairly clear set- 
ting forth of the Presidential and the Congressional policies, always with 
judgments and discussions. The actual process of Reconstruction in the 
Southern commonwealths is not followed in much detail. The carpet- 
bag regime is treated, as Professor Burgess tells us it should be, only in 
the vaguest outline. It is best, he thinks, to deal with it " briefly and 
impersonally," avoiding criminations and seeking only lessons of warn- 
ing. There is no attempt at narration, no painting of conditions, no 
concern about such things as atmosphere, little psychology, no drama. 
Of these things, apparently, "political science " can take no account, if 
it is going to stay "sound." It is all statement and reasoning ; forci- 
ble, but hard ; relieved by no grace of style, suffused with no tender- 
ness, charged with no enthusiasm. It is a book which makes one ques- 
tion the relation of political science to life. Yet there is no event, no 
law, no theory discussed in the body of this work which did not relate 
itself closely to the lives of countless men and women and children, dead, 
and living, and unborn. 

There are many of the specific conclusions which invite comment ; 
some of them occasion surprise. For example, Mr. Shellabarger, of 
Ohio, is credited with something like leadership of the Republicans in 
Congress when they came to plant themselves on a theory. Mr. Blaine's 
opinion that Seward's influence determined President Johnson's course 
is accepted, though it is not sustained by the testimony of those who 
came closest to the President. Professor Burgess seems to think there 
actually was a danger that the Southern congressmen chosen under the 
Johnson governments, uniting with Northern Democrats, might get the 
Confederate debt assumed and the Union debt repudiated. He says, at 
least, that the danger of these things was ' ' somewhat exaggerated. ' ' One 
would expect the American sense of humor to have asserted itself by this 
time on that particular point, even if one never ventured so far into the 
consideration of human motives as to perceive that the course marked 
out for the Northern Democrats, in that extraordinary foreboding was, 
humanly speaking, impossible. Stanton is condemned very plainly for 
his holding on to his place against Johnson's will. Here, for once, the 
author's positiveness is acceptable. He is equally positive that two-thirds 
of the states which had not attempted to secede were enough to ratify 
the amendments. He is at pains to be fair to Andrew Johnson, and 
does not go too far in what of praise he has to say of our most unfortu- 
nate President. His judgment seems as good as his courage when he 
praises Hayes and commends his administration. On that point, the 
few students of this very recent period seem to be approaching a concen- 
sus. Per contra, he says of Grant's argument in favor of annexing San 
Domingo that " it would be difficult to find another message of a Presi- 



i c 2 Reviews of Books 

dent of the United States which contained an equal amount of such 
extravagant nonsense." W- G. Brown. 

Elements d'une Psychologic Politique du Peuple Americain. Par 
Emile Boutmy. (Paris : Armand Colin. 1902. Pp. x, 366.) 
This book is a companion to M. Boutmy' s Psychologie Politique du 
Peuple Anglais au XIX s Steele, and like that it is interesting and sug- 
gestive ; but it is a better book, for the different parts are more closely 
connected by a central idea, and there is less that is purely fanciful or 
exaggerated. 

The author begins with a review of the work of Bryce and de Toc- 
queville, defending the latter against the criticisms that have lately been 
made upon him. Bryce's work he finds, as everyone else does, admirable; 
his only criticism being that Mr. Bryce confines himself too exclusively 
to portraying the facts, and attempts too little to study the psychology of 
the people. The criticism is doubtless based upon a truth, but whether 
Mr. Bryce's book would have been improved by the method of analysis 
suggested may be doubted. 

The kernel of Mr. Boutmy's thought is found in the opening pages 
of his second chapter, where he says that among the essential conditions 
for the formation of a nation are the existence of a stable population, and 
its effective occupation of a definite territory. These conditions, he 
points out, are not to be found in the United States; and, in fact, he 
attributes the prevailing character of the American people to the con- 
tinual migrations of the individuals of which it is composed, and to the 
unlimited land to be occupied in the western territory. " The source," 
he remarks (p. 26), "of every impulse to which the will has been sub- 
jected, and the matrix of every impression received by the character, 
are here the obvious necessity, the compulsion, if one can use the word, 
to reconnoitre, to occupy and to utilize this immense territory. This 
necessity furnishes, in a measure, to the imagination its notion of sover- 
eign good. All other motives efface themselves before it, or impregnate 
it. In a word, the United States are above all an economic society. 
They are only in a secondary sense an historic and political society." 

This theme he works out in many different phases. He describes 
the original settlement of New England and of Virginia, the beginnings 
of the movement towards the west, with the growing instability of the 
population consequent thereupon, the influx of European immigrants into 
the eastern states, and the sparse settlement of new regions in the west ; 
all tending, as he thinks, to prevent the growth of uniform national 
( haracteristics, and true national feeling. 

lie discusses at some length the question of immigration, pointing 
out that all the different classes of persons who have come to America 
have tended to increase the homogeneity of the people in spite of differ-, 
enccs in race, origin and character. The earlier ones, even down to the 
middle of the nineteenth century, were, he says, at least alike in the 
vigor ol their will, their spirit of adventure, and the desire of gain; 



Boutmy: Psychologie Politique du Peitple Amiricain 153 

while the more recent immigrants who have been of a feebler fibre, have, 
for that very reason, been the more ready to receive the impress of the 
surroundings among which they have fallen. 

In the third chapter he points out how much more ancient the con- 
ception of the nation is in Europe than in America, and in following out 
this idea he comes nearer to the fanciful than in any other part of the 
book ; for he says that the Americans have not the same feeling of 
patriotism as Europeans. That sentiment, he says, does not appeal to 
their imagination, their public spirit being based rather upon a super- 
abundance of individual energy and an enlightened conviction of self- 
interest. 

In the fourth and fifth chapters on "The State and the Govern- 
ment ' ' he makes the remark, which contains no little truth, that the 
European states and the American Republic belong to two distinct nat- 
ural species, so that grafts from one to the other are highly likely to 
remain sterile. He goes on to point out that in France royalty made 
the nation, and the nation made the individual ; whereas in America it 
is the individual who has made and marked off the functions of the state. 
The theory is developed, as the reader may well imagine, at great length 
and under many forms, which it is impossible to describe in the space of 
this review. It is brought into connection with the thesis already pro- 
pounded, that the United States is first and foremost an economic and 
not a political society. It would be interesting, if possible, to refer to 
many of his deductions. Some of them are very keenly put, as, for ex- 
ample, where he says that the checks and balances of power which have 
been represented as the marked trait of parliamentary government in 
Europe, are really only secondary and transitory. The real aim and 
crown of the system is the intensity of power, the authority and firmness 
of hand of the government due to the confidence which it draws from its 
manifest accord with the people. He points out, of course, that the 
American system is founded on exactly the opposite principle. In the 
course of his discussion he makes many interesting observations upon the 
organization of our government, state and national, and here he falls into 
occasional mistakes, especially in matters of law. He does not quite ap- 
preciate, for instance, the binding effect of decisions as precedents which 
practically enable a court to settle the law by a single case which is 
brought before it; nor does he seem to understand the meaning of the 
decisions of the Supreme Court on the protection of civil rights under the 
Fourteenth Amendment. He sums up the difference between the French 
and American ways of looking at the government with his usual terseness. 
The Frenchman says: " Let us rather be governed badly than not gov- 
erned at all," while the American says : " Let us be as little governed as 
possible, rather than be governed badly ; " and speaking of the conserva- 
tive tendency of our government he remarks that under the present 
organization the states find themselves under the most anti-progressive 
system which can be imagined. The chapters end with a discussion of the 
importance and the principles of local government. 



i 54 Reviews of Books 

The sixth chapter contains an interesting discussion of religion and 
ideals in America. There is not space to describe his views here, but 
merely to explain that he thinks the Americans lack inspiration in their 
religion, which has rather an ethical and practical, than a theological and 
imaginative, character. 

The last chapter is devoted to imperialism and the Constitution, and 
in it he points out that the desire of expansion is not new in America, 
but is the outcome of a policy followed constantly for more than a cen- 
tury, and has its foundations in the most undoubted traditions of the 
American spirit. Hence, he believes it will not upset the institutions 
and traditions of the country, because in its essence it is not inconsistent 
with them. A. L. Lowell. 

Japan: Its History, Arts and Literature. By Captain F. Brinkley. 
[Oriental Series.] (Boston and Tokyo : J. B. Millet Co. 1901. 
Vols. I. -VI., pp. 260; 286; 256; 267; 260; 301.) 
Until the Japanese write scientific history, we must rely upon those 
foreigners, who to mastery of the sources add industry and insight, for 
an intelligible picture of Japanese life in the past. While it is un- 
safe for a native at home to dissect ancient legends, the alien has free 
play. Happily we have here the work of one who began thirty-five years 
ago, in Japan, to acquire the language, striving to interpret the life 
around him by a knowledge of origins. These six volumes from his pen, 
to be followed by six more, form probably the best work that could at 
the present time be produced. To the three names, all of Englishmen, 
who are the "great lights of Japanese scholarship" to whom Captain 
Brinkley dedicates his work, we may justly add his own. Though subor- 
dinate to artistic features, Japanese history is here quite fully treated both 
with power and insight in this sumptuously illustrated work, which is to 
be completed in twelve volumes. Except some general notes in the ap- 
pendix to each volume, there are no references to authorities. In so far 
the work lacks that guarantee, which the exacting critic demands. How- 
ever, with the general lack of knowledge of original Japanese sources 
among Occidental readers, it is hard to see how references could be 
supplied, especially in a work like this. Those who know the author's 
breadth and depth of scholarship and the saturation of his mind with 
Japanese ideas, as well as his cosmopolitan experience and acquaintance 
with modem critical methods, can read these volumes with satisfaction. 
Not thai Captain Brinkley is infallible, for on American references and 
illustrations, we find ourselves compelled to make allowance occasionally 
for parallax. There are not a few places, also, in which he ought to 
have given us exact translations of important brief documents or passages, 
furthermore, as history, the work is seriously lacking in not allowing for 
thai continuous fertilization of the Japanese mind through contact with 
Europeans, and the continuous infiltration of Occidental ideas through 
ln < : I'utch, in which was scarcely an intermission for nearly three centu- 
ries. Even before the arrival of Perry these had produced a small army 



Brinkley : Japan ; Its History, Art and Literature i 55 

of physicians, critical inquirers and men hungry for more knowledge 
from the west. Nor is any allowance made for the influence of ideas 
derived from the work of Iberian missionaries during eighty years, which 
certainly modified powerfully the Shinto and Buddhist sects, besides 
keeping up continuously a subterranean history of Christianity in the 
islands. Yet on the whole we know of no other writer in any country 
who could have woven this history with such richness, color and accu- 
racy. Moreover the pages show the practised pen of the veteran editor 
of The Japan Alail. 

The author's method is first to get behind the looking-glass of popular 
Japanese tradition (which has served so handsomely as the age-old polit- 
ical engine for unifying the nation and restoring the imperial power, yet 
furnishing withal a motor for modern progress) and then to step out into 
the modern world of scholarship and tell what he has found. Until the 
fourth century the Japanese were without letters or almanacs. Their two 
most ancient books, written respectively A.D. 712 and A.D. 720, while 
containing material for history, are mostly compilations of myths and 
traditions. The Kojiki in pure Japanese is an artless narrative. The 
Nihongi is woven together with Chinese philosophy and classic quota- 
tion — or plagiarism. Captain Brinkley's conclusion, in harmony with 
that of probably every critical scholar, is that "among many borrowings 
made by Japan from China, the idea of her ' age of Gods ' has to be 
included." In a word the earlier historiography of the island empire is 
largely a reflection of models borrowed from China. The rise to power 
of the house or clan, of which the chief was called the Mikado, and the 
fluctuations of his measure of power constitutes in epitome Japanese his- 
tory. Chinese arts and letters were the first influences making for culture, 
but Buddhism was the great civilizing, centralizing and unifying influences. 
The author's clear demarcation of each epoch — prehistoric, early his- 
toric, Nara, Hei-an or Kioto, the military, the Tokugawa — and his keen 
appreciations of each feature and influence are delightful to the scholar. 
Epitomizing the social, moral and legal aspects of the Yedo epoch (1604- 
1868), which of all is best known to foreigners, he surveys rapidly the 
era of Meiji, or enlightened government, that is, the reign of the present 
Emperor (1868-1902 -(-). He then opens before us the financial and 
economic conditions, foreign politics, steps of progress, creed and caste, 
religion and rites, and superstition, closing with descriptions of the festal 
and ceremonial side of life and the history of foreign commerce. 

One is impressed in reading this story of Japan with the resourceful 
power of the Japanese, with their originality, and their ability to make 
much out of little, — whether in the way of enjoyment or of business, or 
of equipping themselves for modern struggle and the challenges of the 
future. Confucianism, Buddhism and Bushido (the school of the knight) 
have been the great culture elements. Chivalry in the Samurai and their 
wonderful arts, from which the whole world now gladly learns, are the 
consummate flowers of their genius. 

Volume VI. contains an analytical index of the whole work as thus 



1 56 Reviews of Books 

far issued, together with a large colored map showing the old empire with 
the modern railway routes and also the newer possessions of Formosa and 
the Kurile Islands. In the list of emperors, of whom one hundred and 
twenty-three are counted, the earlier are noted as legendary, the first 
seventeen being extraordinarily long lived and purely mythical. The 
dates of the reign and relation of each ruler to his successor are given, 
together with a list of the shoguns and a table of dates with list of gods 
and goddesses and celebrated characters in Japanese history. Three 
volumes on the arts of Japan especially indexed and three on the history 
and arts of China from the same author are to follow. 

William Elliott Griffis. 

Historical Sources in Schools ; Report to the New England History 
Teachers' Association by a Select Committee. (New York, The Macmil- 
lan Company, 1902, pp. ix, 299.) This in a degree is a companion vol- 
ume to the Report of the Committee of Seven which appeared three years 
ago ; it is published by the same firm and in the same general form as 
the earlier report. In addition to a general introduction on the use of 
sources in the schools, a list of accessible sources covering the field of 
history is given, with valuable comments on the character and usefulness 
of the material in question. The committee follows the division recom- 
mended by the Committee of Seven, and has consequently made a gen- 
eral grouping under the four heads : Ancient History ; Medieval and 
Modern European History ; English History ; American History. 

Concerning the extent to which sources can be used, the report for- 
tunately takes the middle ground, it does not advocate abandoning the 
use of a text and studying from the sources alone in the secondary schools. 
Probably few teachers believe that pupils can be taught successfully with- 
out the use of a text-book. But there are a great many still in existence 
who think that sources cannot be used at all ; such teachers ought, 
in fairness to their pupils and their profession, to ponder the introductory 
pages of this volume and remember that, if they are intent not simply 
on cramming boys for entrance examinations but on fitting them for life, 
they are losing opportunity for making their subject really a thing of liv- 
ing interest. The book may also be commended to those — erstwhile 
known as teachers of history — who do not quite know what sources are, 
in other words are ignorant of the essential character of the subject they 
profess to teach. 

A great deal of hard work has been expended in the preparation of 
this volume, and the labor will not be lost. That the comparatively 
untrained teacher may be overwhelmed by the wealth of suggestion is 
certainly quite likely; and perhaps even farther discrimination should 
have liccn made between what is of possible service and what is vivid, 
direi I and positively helpful. To discourage and burden a pupil by un- 
intelligent reference to a document beyond his thoughtful comprehension, 
is apl to be a very dangerous error. But after all, must books forever be 
made for untrained teachers who must make the acquaintance of the tools 
of their trade- after they begin active practice? 



Minor Notices 1 5 7 

The Trend of the Centuries : or the Historical Unfolding of the Divine 
Purpose, seems to describe fairly a recent book by Rev. A. W. Archi- 
bald, D.D. (Boston and Chicago, the Pilgrim Press, pp. 419). It is 
the title chosen for a series of twenty chapters, originally discourses, 
whose common object is to set forth the idea of " God in history," and 
thus remove doubt and strengthen faith in an overruling Power. They 
begin with a survey of the field : " The Whirling Wheels of Divine Provi- 
dence " ; and then march hurriedly through the ages to "The Trium- 
phant Nineteenth Century." E. W. D. 

Encyclopedia Biblica. Edited by T. K. Cheyne and J. S. Black. 
Volume III. (New York, The Macmillan Co. ; London, Macmillan 
and Co., 1902, pp. xvi ; columns, 3,988. J Eor notices of Volumes I. 
and II. see this Review for April, 1900, and July, 1901. The present 
volume (which beginning at L goes through the letter P) is rich in his- 
torical material ; only the longer articles can be mentioned here. Taking 
these in chronological order, we have, first, a general geographical sketch 
of Palestine (by Socin, W. M. Muller and others), in which is given, 
among other things, a list of the Palestinian places named in the Egyp- 
tian inscriptions that can be identified. A separate article is devoted to 
Phoenicia (by Ed. Meyer), in which it is attempted to give an accurate 
statement of what is known of the beginnings of the Phoenicians — ■ a 
point on which there has been much vague writing ; all that can be said 
with certainty is that their cities existed as early as the fifteenth century 
B. C. Meyer gives also a clear and judicious account of their religion, 
which was substantially identical with the other Canaanitish cults ( in- 
cluding the early Hebrew), yet with features of its own. There can be 
no reasonable doubt that the Phoenicians were Semites. On the other 
hand, of another interesting and much-discussed Biblical people, the 
Philistines, it seems to be true that they were non-Semitic ; such is the 
view taken in the article devoted to them (by G. F. Moore), which favors 
the theory of W. M. Muller that they came from the coast of Asia Minor, 
and were a warlike and not uncultivated people. There is a good deal 
to be said for this theory ; but, in the absence of definite information, it 
is safer to reserve opinion — the name "Philistine" and other points 
about the people are obscure ; by a curious chance they have given the 
country its name "Palestine." In the article " Mizraim " (by Cheyne) 
there is reference to a notable geographical and historical hypothesis that 
has lately come to the front. " Mizraim," or more properly " Misraim " 
(Arab, "Misr"), is the ordinary Hebrew term for Egypt; but the 
Assyrian inscriptions reveal a Musri in North Arabia, and attempts are 
being made to refer to this latter much in the Old Testament that has 
been held to refer to Egypt, one scholar asserting that the Israelites never 
were in Egypt, and that their exodus was from Arabia. Apart from 
such violent suppositions, the Arabian Musri sometimes throws light on the 
Old Testament statements, but the scantiness of the data warns us to be 
cautious. In connection with the North Arabian region Cheyne in va- 



i ^8 Reviews of Books 

rious articles undertakes an historical reconstruction of '• Jerahmeel," a 
clan or tribe in Southern Canaan, finally absorbed by Judah, and he sub- 
stitutes this name for others in a number of cases (for example, for Elijah, 
Elisha, Gog, Nimrod) ; such substitutions the reader must take as con- 
jecture, not as history. Under the title " Mesha " there is a full ac- 
count of the famous Moabite Stone (by Driver). In the article on Per- 
sia (by F. Brown and Tiele) we have the latest results from inscription, 
and in that on "Papyri" a statement (by Deissmann) of the recent 
remarkable finds in Egypt. The Maccabean history is treated at length 
(by C. C. Torrey) — a period of great importance. Other articles of his- 
torical interest are those on " Magic," " Music," and " Names." It is 
worthy of mention, as an illustration of the critical hospitality of the En- 
cyclopedia, that a portion of the article on the Apostle Paul has been 
assigned to van Manen, a leading representative of the school (mostly 
Dutch) that denies the existence of any genuine writings of Paul. 

C. H. T. 

Roman Constitutional History 753-44 B. C. By John E. Granrud. 
(Boston, Allyn and Bacon, 1902, pp. \ii, 294.) In writing this hand- 
book, which appears in Allyn and Bacon's admirable "College Latin 
Series," it has been the author's purpose " to provide collateral reading 
for students of Latin, to supplement the ordinary school histories of 
Rome, and, especially, to furnish an introduction to a thorough study of 
the political institutions of the Roman republic." With this threefold 
end in view he has given us a lucid and well-articulated account of the 
development of Roman institutions to the death of Julius Caesar, com- 
bining in its arrangement both the historical and the systematic point 
of view and noticing many of the economic, personal and other factors 
in the changes described. As the author confines himself to the straight- 
forward statement of results and makes no attempt to discuss disputed 
questions, to cite the sources of our knowledge or to introduce the stu- 
dent, even by means of a brief bibliography or an occasional foot-note, 
to the literature of the subject, one can hardly help asking whether his 
book will satisfy any general need. Students who have advanced beyond 
the point where their questions can be answered by one or another of 
the IcNt-books already available might perhaps better be referred to 
Moimnscn or to a purely systematic account like Greenidge's Roman 
Public Life recently noticed in this Review. If, however, there is a 
demand for another compendium of Roman history, with special 
reference to public law, one can only anticipate that Dr. Granrud's 
book will win the approval that it deserves on the score of its logical 
arrangement, its unaffected style and its completeness within its assigned 
limits. One might perhaps wish that it went further and included a 
brief account of the Augustan constitution, because this and not the 
monarchy of Julius Caesar was the final settlement of the long revolu- 
tionary struggle to which the author naturally devotes almost half (and 
quite the better half) of his book. In his treatment of the earlier period 



Minor Notices 159 

he has not sufficiently emancipated himself from the influence of Livy 
and of the hazardous constructions to which Mommsen gave the weight 
of his authority. We even find the story of the expulsion of the Tar- 
quins and the legend of Virginia told as if they were presumably true ; 
and the patricians again do duty as the only original citizens of Rome, 
although Botsford's admirable text-book has already acquainted many of 
those for whom Mr. Granrud's book is intended with the more reasonable 
view, that the plebeians were from the start as truly members of the body 
politic as, for instance, the commons in every period of English history. 

H. A. Sill. 

Town Life in Ancient Italy (Boston, Benj. H. Sanborn and Co., 
1902, pp. 62) is a translation by William E. Waters of New York Uni- 
versity, of Professor Ludwig Friedlander's " Stadtewesen in Italien im 
ersten Jahrhundert," originally published in the Deutsche Rundshau in 
1879 and since then reprinted as an introduction to the author's edition 
of Petronius. It has chapters on the appearance and condition of the 
towns, on municipal government, on social classes in the rural cities, 
on the fiscal management of rural cities and on their popular amuse- 
ments, religious observances and relations with Rome. The original, 
written from the sources, to which full reference is made in the foot- 
notes, is filled with interesting details of the everyday life in the Italian 
towns during the first century of our era. There is presented in attrac- 
tive form and with scholarly accuracy the sort of information that the 
average student needs. It is well worth translating for the benefit of 
our school and college students who have so little insight into the actual 
life of the Romans about whom they read in the classical texts. It ap- 
peals also to the interest of readers of history in general as covering in an 
attractive way a field but little touched upon by English or American 
writers. 

The translation is a readable one and in the main well done, though 
a few inaccuracies may be noted. On page 28 the " had been reduced " 
is a somewhat ambiguous rendering of " er habe klein angefangen." The 
failure also to cite a definite number of millions left by the parvenu spoils 
the point of Friedlander's observation in the next sentence in regard to 
the eagerness of the freedman to leave on his tombstone an exact record 
of the amount of his accumulations. The sentence on page 20 begin- 
ning, " The number of those," etc., does not correctly interpret the orig- 
inal. J. H. D. 

Roman Africa : an Outline of the History of the Roman Occupa- 
tion of North Africa, based chiefly upon Inscriptions and Monu- 
mental Remains in that Country. By Alexander Graham. (New York, 
Longmans, Green and Co., 1902, pp. xvi, 326.) The literary sources 
for the history of North Africa during the Roman period are meager. 
They surprise the reader occasionally by references to the fertility and 
wealth of the country, but give no just conception of the greatness of the 
territory under Roman rule, the density of its population in the more 



i6o Revieivs of Books 

favored regions, or its resources. Since the French occupation, which 
commenced with the capture of Algiers in 1830, every facility has been 
afforded for scientific exploration and excavations have been con- 
ducted on many ancient sites. The extent of the Roman dominion, 
which reached to the oases in the northern part of the Sahara, has been 
definitely determined, and a great amount of detailed information has 
been collected ; when the second supplement to the eighth volume of 
the Corpus Tnscriptiomcm Latinarum was issued, in 1894, the number of 
published African inscriptions was already more than 20,000, and each 
year since has made important additions to the list. The remains of 
Roman buildings of a monumental character at the present time are more 
numerous in North Africa than in any other part of the Empire outside 
of Italy. 

Mr. Graham has endeavored, by utilizing both literary and monu- 
mental sources, to reconstruct in broad outline the history of Roman 
Africa from the close of the second Punic War to the latter part of the 
fifth century of our era. He follows the chronological order strictly ; of 
the ten chapters the first treats of Rome and Carthage, the second of 
Africa under the Twelve Csesars ; the rest are concerned with the condi- 
tion of the country in the reigns of Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus 
Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Septimius Severus, Alexander Severus, the 
Gordians, and the later Emperors. Brief descriptions of the vanished 
cities, and comments upon intellectual and social conditions in the Ro- 
man period, are woven into the narratives of the different reigns ; to many 
readers the author's fresh and suggestive observations upon the Roman 
monuments and methods of construction will be of especial interest. 
The illustrations are of value. The two maps are quite inadequate ; they 
are not sufficiently full, and the omission of all modern names is not off- 
set by the separate list of ancient names with modern equivalents. 

The author possesses the advantage of long familiarity with the country 
about which he writes, having traversed parts of it again and again. His 
material is on the whole well selected ; his work is deficient in historical 
perspective and clearness of analysis. Though inscriptions are among his 
chief sources, he is not altogether reliable as an epigraphist ; he occa- 
sionally uses antiquated and erroneous versions of important inscriptions 
in cases in which correct versions are easily accessible ; instances in point 
are the dedications of the arches at Tripoli (p. 156 ; cf. C. I. L., VIII. 
24) and at Makter (p. 79; cf. C. 1. Z., VIII. 621). But notwith- 
standing its shortcomings the book is welcome as filling a lacuna in our 
English literature of ancient history. If is fuller than the French work 
with which one naturally compares it, Boissier's charming L'Afrique 
Romaine ( Paris, 1895 ), and will be consulted with profit by those who 
find it impracticable to resort to the original sources. 

Francis W. Kelsey. 

La Liberia Religiosa. Per Aw. Francesco Ruffini, Prof, ordinario 
nell'Universita di Torino. Volume I. Storia dellTdea. (Turin, 



Minor Notices i 6 1 

Fratelli Bocca, 1901, pp. xi, 542.) The present volume is devoted to 
the development of the idea of religious liberty from the days of clas- 
sical antiquity to the close of the eighteenth century ; the second vol- 
ume is to deal with the growth of religious liberty itself during the nine- 
teenth century. The work is an elaborate, comprehensive and painstaking 
treatment of the subject in hand. 

After an introductory chapter in which the fundamental conceptions 
— liberty of thought, of conscience, of worship, toleration, etc. — are 
carefully discriminated, the ideas that prevailed in classical antiquity, in 
the ancient and medieval church, and among the reformers and Socin- 
ians are presented in a chapter entitled "The Precursors." The views 
of the several reformers are accurately distinguished, the failure of the 
churches of the Reformation to grasp the idea of religious liberty is 
recognized, and the Socinians are given full credit for their advanced 
position in the matter. An interesting chapter follows on the influence 
of Holland in promoting the principles of religious liberty, and the re- 
mainder of the volume — more than two-thirds of the whole — deals with 
the development of those principles during the seventeenth and eight- 
eenth centuries in Protestant and Catholic countries, respectively. The 
comprehensiveness of this part of the work is sufficiently indicated by 
the titles of the sections : " English Independency "; " The School of 
Natural Rights in Germany "; "American Separation"; "The 
Growth of Tolerance in Switzerland and Scandinavia"; "French 
Rationalism"; "The Episcopal Movement (for local autonomy) in 
Austria"; " Rationalism and Episcopalianism in Poland, Belgium and 
Italy." 

The work is an exceedingly valuable contribution to the literature of 
the subject, breadth of treatment, clearness, and convenience of arrange- 
ment being among its most conspicuous merits. \ Q_ McG. 

Weltgeschichte sett der Vdlkerwanderitng. By Theodor Lindner, pro- 
fessor in the University of Halle. (Stuttgart, J. G. Cotta, erster Band, 
1901, pp. xx, 479; zweiter Band, 1902, pp. x, 508.) Preceded by 
Geschichtsphilosoplrie : Einleitung zu einer Weltgeschichle seit der Volker- 
wanderung (1901, pp. xii, 206). These are the first installments of a 
history of the world since the migrations, in nine volumes, by a single 
writer. Since he has occupied himself with history — and that is near 
four decades — he has looked upon the investigation of details only as a 
means of gaining a picture of the whole. Not that he holds investigation 
of details lightly, for upon it rests all real historical knowledge ; but his 
writings of that order, and a long experience in teaching — in which one 
has always to keep high points of view and look out over the whole field — 
now give him right, he hopes, to enter upon this general work. Also, 
the chief matter in such a work is that it be uniformly conceived ; and 
that can only come through one person, if general history is to offer 
more than a mere putting together of special histories. Thus, in part, 
Dr. Lindner justifies his undertaking. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — -II. 



1 62 Reviews of Books 

The little volume of philosophy sets forth the fundamental thinking 
on which the history rests. It grew only slowly to its present state : 
written in a first draft years ago, then tested, developed and made clearer 
with long use, only recently — in the midst of increased interest in syn- 
thetic studies and under the stimulus of a richly extended literature upon 
the questions involved — has it been rounded out and put together in a 
final form. It does not offer a full treatment of all problems of historical 
philosophy ; rather it aims simply to present, in one coherent piece, the 
writer's conception of history. "The leading thought was, to trace the 
evolution back to simple ground-facts which are to be seen in all times 
and among all peoples ; ground-facts, which yet also show why history 
is everywhere different. For that seems to me the real problem : the 
rise of difference from like causes." Persistence and change we have 
always with us ; history deals with man as a whole and is " the relation 
between persistence and change." 

Such being the foundations, quite naturally " this History shall relate 
and make clear the becoming of our present world, in its entire content. 
It is conceived primarily as evolution-history." The introduction and 
four books of the first volume deal respectively with the Roman Empire 
and the Germans, through the invasions ; the Byzantine Empire, to 
Heraclius ; Islam, to the beginning of the ninth century, and the Byzan- 
tine Empire in the time of the struggle over images; the West, to the 
tenth century ; China and India. The chief divisions of the second 
volume relate to the decline of Islam, the Byzantine world and the Cru- 
sades ; the German emperorship and the papacy, and the western states, 
into the thirteenth century. The third volume will describe the Chris- 
tian civilization of the Middle Ages, and carry the political history to 
the building of the Hapsburg power ; the fourth will deal with the period 
of the Renaissance and the Reformation ; and the five last will be 
devoted to modern history since the middle of the sixteenth century. 
Also each volume contains a table of contents, a digested list of the more 
important references, and an index of persons and places. 

It seems bold for an honorable scholar to try a book like this, but the 
parts that have appeared so far give promise of an enduring work. It is 
fully thought out ; it tells the truth sincerely as a gifted and experienced 
student sees it, and is of wholesome spirit. Besides, it reads well ; the 
words fit closely and the sentences run gracefully. Such a record, 
though long, will have many readers and will be worthy of them. 

E. W. D. 

'I 'he second fascicle of the Sources tie F ' Hist aire de France, by M. 
Auguste Molinier (Paris, A. Picard et Fils, 1902, pp. 322), covers the 
Capetian period from 987 to 1180, with chapters as follows: "Hugh 
Capet to Philip I." ; "Letters and Poems of the Eleventh Century" ; 
' Local History: Capetian Domain, Regions of the West, East, Center, 
South, bands of the Empire, and North" ; "Louis VI. and Louis VII." ; 
"Letters and Poems of the Twelfth Century"; "The Great Norman 



Minor A^otices 163 

Historians" ; " English Historians of the Twelfth Century " ; "Monastic 
Orders: Cluny, Citeaux, and The Small Orders " ; "The Normans in 
Italy"; "The Crusades, First and Second"; and "The Universal 
Chronicles." The scholarly features of the first fascicle also appear 
here : completeness, careful indications, clear arrangement, satisfying 
explanations, trustworthy judgments ; there can be no student of the his- 
tory of France who does not owe M. Molinier a lasting debt. It is wel- 
come news, too, that this manual, which was to stop with the beginnings 
of the Italian wars, is now designed to go on to 1815; MM. H. 
Hauser, M. Tourneux and P. Caron are to deal with the period after 
1494. E. W. D. 

Geschichte des ersten Kreuzzuges. Von Reinhold Rohricht. (Inns- 
bruck, Wagner' schen Universitats-Buchhandlung, 1901, pp. xii, 268.) 
During the last thirty years much critical study has been devoted to the 
first Crusade but there has been no satisfactory history of the whole move- 
ment. Sybel's Geschichte des ersten Kreuzzuges, published in 1841, was 
an important book to which all later students have been indebted. But 
in the second edition, published in 1881, Sybel made comparatively little 
improvement on the first, and neglected to use the work of other scholars 
who had shed light upon many a doubtful point. The third edition, pub- 
lished in 1900, is merely a reprinting of the second. No other work on 
the first Crusade deserves mention. Consequently it was natural that 
Rohricht's friends and admirers should urge him to undertake the task. 
For many years he has been known as one of the best authorities on the 
history of the Crusades. But until a few years ago he had written mainly 
on subjects connected with the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem. His most 
important work is the Geschichte des Konigreichs Jerusalem (Innsbruck, 
1897). He had not, however, neglected the study of the earlier period 
and was thoroughly conversant with all the special works of the last few 
decades. 

He has fulfilled this task in the same manner in which he wrote his 
history of the kingdom of Jerusalem. He has given a careful and de- 
tailed account of all the important events. With a few exceptions the 
narrative is strictly chronological. It forms a vast repertory of facts 
with full references for almost every statement. In the notes, instead of 
citing at length all the sources, he has frequently economized space by 
referring to special works, such as Hagenmeyer's Peter der Eremite, with 
whose conclusions he agrees. 

Naturally there is very little in the book that is new. It is, how- 
ever, a thorough study of the whole subject ; and sometimes Rohricht 
has added the weight of his opinion as to the decision of some disputed 
point. For example, he believes with Hagenmeyer that the Emperor 
Alexius did summon the crusaders ; Chalandon, in his study of the reign 
of Alexius (Paris, 1900), and Diehl, in his essay in the International 
Monthly (June, 1902), deny this emphatically. The argument in this 
book has strengthened the position which Hagenmeyer and Rohricht 



104 Reviews of Books 

hold. It is interesting to note (pp. 57-58) that Rohricht makes the 
Emperor's change of heart, with regard to the desirability of aid from 
the west, date from the actions and fate of the disorderly bands which 
preceded the real armies. To sum up, this work is "a plain, un- 
varnished tale ' ' of facts and is of interest only to students. For them it 
is invaluable, as the same information, with its fullness of bibliographi- 
cal references, cannot be obtained anywhere else. For those who are 
familiar with Rohricht's work it is sufficient to say that this is marked by 
his well-known accuracy and wide research. 

Of the four excursuses, the first, " Zur Vorgeschichte des Kreuz- 
ziige," had already been published in a Programm of the Humboldt 
Gymnasium. But, because of its usefulness, it is well to have it reprinted 
here in more accessible form. The second discusses Urban' s speech at 
Clermont and gives an analysis of the accounts of the four principal 
authorities. In agreement with Hagenmeyer, Rohricht styles these four 
" Ohrenzeugen." Three of them certainly were, but neither Hagen- 
meyer nor Rohricht has given references which prove conclusively that 
the fourth was. The third excursus cites the passages relative to the 
weisssagende Giinsericli which is said to have led certain bands of pil- 
grims. The fourth is the account of Antioch by Ibn Butlan, already 
published in English by Guy Le Strange. Three indexes of persons, 
places, and things, respectively, complete this admirable book. 

Dana Carleton Munro. 

The Evolution of the English Bible. A historical sketch of the suc- 
cessive versions from 1382 to 1885. By H. W. Hoare. Second edition. 
(New York, E. P. Dutton and Co.; Tondon, John Murray, 1902, pp. 
xxxii, 336.) That a second edition of this book should have been de- 
manded within a year indicates a popular interest in the subject. The 
author considers the development and influence of the Bible in its various 
English translations as part of the national life. A graphic picture of 
the English Reformation is set before us and the story of the growth of 
the English Bible is told in a manner more acceptable to the general 
reader than it is in the more technical works. The volume contains 
several portraits, facsimiles from old Bibles, and a convenient chronology. 

The obvious errors are few, but such a misprint as " 1470," for 
" T 47 7 " (P- "8), referring to the introduction of printing into Eng- 
land l>y Caxton, should not have been overlooked in the revision. As 
an appendix, there has been added to this edition a three-page bibliog- 
raphy, which needs more of an apology than it receives in the preface. 
It was apparently slipped in as an afterthought without arrangement or 
verification. Quotation marks are hardly appropriate to titles which 
have been twisted from their original form, and such errors as " T. 
Wycliffe" for " John Wycliffe, " " G. Lovett " for " Richard Lovett, " 
and "Baxter's Hexapla" for " Bagster's Hexapla " are inexcusable. 
To furnish a good bibliography as well as an index with any serious work 
is an obligation due from the author to his subject and to his readers. 



Minor Notices 1 65 

Even the most meager list of authorities should give the place as well as 
date of publication, and the title and description should be sufficient to 
identify the reference without question. 

In this second edition, published in March, 1902, some mention 
might have been made of the American Revision, which appeared in Au- 
gust, 1 90 1. Byron A. Finney. 

Florenz und die Mediceer, by Professor D. Eduard Heyck (Bielefeld 
and Leipsig ; Velhagen und Klasing, 1902, pp. 186), one of a series 
of Monographien zur Weltgeschichte, will be welcomed by those who wish 
to possess an admirable collection of Florentine pictures at a low price. 
The text does not aspire to originality ; indeed, the book is recommended 
as "an illustrated guide and handbook for the city and its celebrated 
collections and galleries." The title of monograph in this connection, 
shows a widening use of the term, which may be brought eventually to 
cover such products of research as Baedeker. M. W. 

The Medici and the Italian Renaissance, by Oliphant Smeaton 
[World's Epoch Makers] (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1901, 
pp. x, 286), is an informal and popular presentation of Florentine history, 
with such Roman additions as are justified by the migration of the younger 
Medici into the Curia. Among the pleasing features of the book is the 
evidence it affords of the increasing number of readers who are interest- 
ing themselves in the Renaissance. Attractive as that period unquestion- 
ably is, it is no easy task to treat it in a popular manner, and Mr. Smeaton 
has chosen the best method, in making the Medici the central figures of 
his book, grouping about them the lights of the age, artistic and literary, 
and subordinating the interplay of political forces, French, Spanish, and 
German, which could only serve to complicate hopelessly the subject. 

M. W. 

Essai sur I ' Origine de la Noblesse en France an Moyen Age. Par 
P. Guilhiermoz. (Paris, Picard et Fils, 1902, pp. 502.) The author 
enters a field of discussion in which many battles have been fought. He 
realizes, apparently, that a new work must justify its existence, for he 
has fortified himself behind an extensive and elaborate bulwark of cita- 
tions and references. In fact, the book is a model of logical arrange- 
ment and close reasoning upon a single topic in the history of feudal 
society, while at the same time the whole subject is reviewed in the light 
of present knowledge. 

" La noblesse " is defined as a social class to which the law accords 
hereditary privileges on the ground of birth alone. The discussion confines 
itself to this class, disregarding any forms of aristocracy based on politics, 
wealth or influence. This privileged nobility of birth came to an end 
in the French Revolution. The firm establishment of the class is placed 
by the author in the twelfth century and he shows the process by which 
it was developed out of preceding conditions. He argues that the 



1 66 Reviews of Books 

hereditary nobility of the late Roman Empire did not furnish the basis 
of the medieval class, for its legal rights were suppressed by the Ger- 
mans. Neither can the nobility of France be traced to a Germanic con- 
tinuity, for no trace of an hereditary privileged class can be found in 
the laws of the Franks. Here is one of the most difficult points, for, in 
view of the existence of a nobility of birth among their neighbors, the 
Bavarians, the Saxons, the Frisians and the Angles it is hard to believe 
that an analogous class did not exist also among the Franks. Yet the 
line of development clearly shows that the later nobility was an out- 
growth of chivalry. Chivalry, or the military service of royalty, was a 
fusion of two elements, the early servant vassals, and the free Franks. 
The legal position of these factors combined with honorable service 
eventually brought about class privilege based on descent. The author 
confines his work to the origins of nobility and does not attempt to treat 
of its later medieval history. J. M. Vincent. 

L 1 Eglise et les Origines de la Renaissance. ' Par Jean Guiraud. 
(Paris, Lecoffre, 1902, pp. 339.) The present volume is one in a series 
of manuals of instruction in Church history now in course of publication. 
The series counts several of the best known names among Roman Cath- 
olic scholars, such as Mgr. Duchesne, Paul Allard and Imbart de la Tour. 
Its general purpose is to furnish something that shall be on a higher 
plane than the mere text-book and shall popularize the results of more 
elaborate treatises. This purpose is fairly answered in the work of M. 
Guiraud. His thesis is taken from the leaders of modern Roman Catho- 
lic historical writing, whenever they have had occasion to touch the sub- 
ject of the Renaissance. It is that the Church, by which M. Guiraud 
understands the papacy, was among the great promoters of the intel- 
lectual and artistic movement which prepared the way for the Reforma- 
tion. In support of this thesis he gives in a series of chapters, each 
devoted to one pope or a group of popes, a review of the scholars and 
artists who found their welcome at the papal court. He enumerates the 
buildings planned or carried out under papal auspices, the paintings used 
in their decoration, the literary works dedicated to popes or prepared at 
their suggestion. He draws his material from a wide range of good 
sources, and there is no serious question as to the essential accuracy of 
his statements. From this point of view, the array of trustworthy illus- 
tration, the volume is a worthy companion to its predecessors as a useful 
guide to students. 

Our question must come on the bearing of all this on the real 
attitude of the Church towards the real Renaissance. If the Renais- 
sance was nothing more than a sentiment of enthusiasm for antiquity, 
which resulted in the painting of better pictures and the writing of bet- 
ter Latin sonnets, then we might all agree that the Church as represented 
by the papacy was one of its most ardent supporters. As a worldly 
power among others the papacy had to keep up its court, build its build- 
ings, maintain scholars as a part of its stage setting and all the rest of it. 



Minor Notices 167 

But if the Renaissance was a true awakening of the spirit of inquiry, 
fearless of all consequences, then all this artistic activity was merely the 
superficial display that might or might not lead to something deeper. In 
encouraging this the Church was not taking one step along the road of 
real enlightenment, and the protest of the Reformation was the result. 
It is idle to defend the papacy of the fifteenth century as a friend of true 
enlightenment with the record of her history from Trent to the encycli- 
cals of Leo XIII. before us. Whoever uses M. Guiraud's useful book 
must do so with the knowledge that the heart of the matter has not been 
touched. * 

A new edition of the Memoires de Philippe de Commynes, by B. de 
Mandrot, is appearing in the " Collection de Textes pour Servir a 1' Etude 
et a l'Enseignement de l'Histoire" (Paris, A. Picard et Fils). The 
first volume (1901, pp. 473) covers the years 1464-1477. The fact that 
the manuscript followed was not known to any preceding editor, together 
with the belief that it is the only one which contains the account of 
Charles VHP's expedition into Italy, is sufficient to make this edition of 
interest. For other reasons it will no doubt also be standard : the 
variants of other manuscripts and of the more important other editions 
are given ; there are extensive notes, which seem to answer all relevant 
questions ; an appropriate introduction is promised with the second 
volume ; the page is attractive ; and in general the book bears through- 
out the earmarks of well-done work. E. W. D. 

CromweW s Army. A History of the English Soldier During the Civil 
Wars, the Commonwealth and the Protectorate. By C. H. Firth. (Lon- 
don, Methuen and Co., 1902, pp. xii, 444.) The contents of this 
charming volume were first given to the public in the Ford Lectures de- 
livered in the University of Oxford in 1900-1901. It is the only ade- 
quate account of a very important subject; for it was during the Crom- 
well period that the old disjointed Tudor system of local trained bands, 
"who bore that name rather because they were selected for training than 
because they were actually trained," gave way to an efficient centralized 
army differing only in details from those of Marlborough and Wellington. 
Mr. Firth describes the new organization in detail, showing how it was 
officered, armed, clothed, fed and disciplined, how battles and sieges 
were conducted. There are two chapters on religion and politics in the 
army. It is seldom that one finds so much new information in an his- 
torical work. One should expect it to find favor in military circles ; to 
the historian, at all events, it is indispensable. The author's information 
is drawn from an astonishing variety of sources, to which full references 
are given. Numerous extracts in the foot-notes and the appendix add 
greatly to the reader's interest. G. J. 

A Supplement to Burnet ' s History of My Own Time, derived from 
his Original Memoirs, his Autobiography, his Letters to Admiral Herbert 
and his Private Meditations, all hitherto Unpublished. Edited by H. C. 



1 68 Reviews of Books 

Foxcroft. (Oxford, at the Clarendon Press, 1902, pp. lxiv, 565.) 
Bishop Burnet's History of My Own Time, like Lord Clarendon's His- 
tory of the Great Rebellion, contains much valuable material for the his- 
tory of the seventeenth century in England. The University Press at 
Oxford, which recently did good service to historical students in publish- 
ing a new and revised edition of Clarendon, has now undertaken a new 
edition of Burnet. The authorities of the library have entrusted the 
editing of Burnet to Mr. Osmund Airy, whose first two volumes covering 
the reign of Charles II. have now appeared. Somewhat unfortunately 
as it seeing, before the new edition is completed, Miss Foxcroft has 
brought out what is practically an elaborate study of the text of Burnet. 
It would have been better to have allowed this most excellent piece of 
textual criticism to have been published as a supplement to Airy's edition 
of Burnet, rather than to have issued it at this time while the new edition 
is still in process of publication. Miss Foxcroft showed her efficiency as 
an historical scholar and made her reputation by her admirable life of the 
Marquis of Halifax, and in this volume she has. proved her fitness as an 
editor and her skill in disentangling the curious history of the Burnet 
manuscripts. The importance of Burnet's work as material for history, 
despite his personal vanity and vehement partizanship, has been generally 
recognized, and Ranke's appendix on Burnet has hitherto been the best 
critical estimate of the importance of his writings. But Ranke, as Miss 
Foxcroft points out, was not thoroughly acquainted with the history of 
Bishop Burnet's revisions of his manuscript ; a new estimate of the value 
of Burnet as material must be formed, when Airy's edition can be care- 
fully reviewed in the light of Miss Foxcroft' s critical work. It would be 
futile to criticize at any length this particular volume, but it may be as 
well to call the attention of students of English history to the fact that a 
new edition of Burnet is being published by the Clarendon Press and 
that when that edition takes its place among the standard materials for 
English history it should be studied in the light of Miss Foxcroft's 
Supplement. H. Morse Stephens. 

Samuel tie Champlain. By Henry Dwight Sedgwick, Jr. [River- 
side Biographical Series.] (Boston, Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1902, 
pp. 126.) The publishers of the "Riverside Biographical Series" have 
done well in adding to their excellent collection, a life of Champlain, 
the first of the great governors and explorers of the north. Mr. Sedg- 
wick, to whom the volume has been entrusted, has in an interesting but 
slightly florid style moulded it to win the attention of the young people 
for whom the series is designed. In doing so it has not been necessary 
to refer to original documents or to discuss at length questions of policy. 
His intimate acquaintance with the history of France during the seven- 
teenth century has led him to dwell at more than usual length upon 
Champlain's life and surroundings in France, both before his departure 
and during the intervals of his return visits. He clearly discusses the 
movements and intrigues which ultimately afforded Champlain the long 



Minor Notices 1 69 

looked for opportunities for the realization of his hopes of geographical 
discovery and conquest. From the lack of personal knowledge he fails 
to present Champlain's excursions into the unknown lands of the Great 
Lakes with that vivid reality which renders Parkman's narrative so 
enticing. Mr. Sedgwick does not follow Kingsford in seeing in Cham- 
plain's early 'and middle life traces of Huguenot training and practice, 
but throughout emphasizes facts which he thinks show him a faithful son 
of the Church. He bears the strongest testimony to his high moral 
character, his great prudence and self-sacrifice, and the noble example 
which he set in an age not remarkable for these qualities. It was the 
possession of these gifts by a man filled with the romance of exploration 
which makes Mr. Sedgwick rank him " as one of the worthiest, if not the 
worthiest man in the early history of North America." The use of the 
word "carries" where portage is intended is a localism, out of place 
and ungrammatical. James Bain. 

When Old New York was Young. By Charles Hemstreet. (New 
York, Charles Scribner's Sons. 1902. Pp. xi, 354.) This group of 
sketches is the work of one who has established a reputation in the study 
of New York antiquities. It traverses somewhat the same ground as his 
Nooks and Corners of Old New York, but is an improvement on the 
earlier book in style and arrangement. As an historical authority the 
present series of essays cannot take high rank, owing to the total absence 
of citations. This is not to say that the author's study of local records 
has been remiss ; indeed such study is manifest throughout the pages. 
Manhattan Island for the last three hundred years is evidently an open 
book to Mr. Hemstreet. 

The nature of the work may be inferred from the titles of the chap- 
ters. Some record the striking events of a locality, e. g., " Greenwich 
Village and the Mouse-trap," "The Story of Chatham Square," 
"Around the Collect Pond," "The Pleasant Days of Cherry Hill." 
Others deal with the associations of certain institutions, e. g., " Old- 
Time Theatres," "Christmas in Old New Amsterdam," "Town Mar- 
kets from their Earliest Days," "Old-Fashioned Pleasure Gardens." 
While the writer's interests lie mainly in the lower end of the island, he 
has not neglected other regions, and we find chapters on " Kip's Bay 
and Kip's House," "Some Islands of the East River," and "Spring- 
Valley Farm." The illustrations, in part from old prints, in part some- 
what idealized representations of former days, are less valuable than the 
sketch-maps which accompany the chapters. There is some needless 
repetition of incidents (e. g., the story about the British frigate " Huz- 
zar" is given on p. 146 and again on p. 221). But on the whole the 
book may be commended as a readable account of old New York. 

Edmund K. Alden. 

The fifth volume of Blok's Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsclie Volk 
(Groningen, J. B. Wolters, 1902, pp. 494) deals with the second half 



[jo Reviews of Books 

of the seventeenth century 1648— 1702), confining itself now wholly 
to the Dutch, to the exclusion of their southern neighbors. Its two 
books call themselves respectively " The Republic in the Time of John 
DeWitt * ' and ' ' William III. : ' Discussion of the contents of the volume 
mav well wait till Miss Putnam's translation shall make it more acces- 
sible to English readers. Suffice it now that, while trade, industry, re- 
ligion, literature, art, domestic life, come in for much attention, it is 
political history, national and provincial, which takes still decidedly 
the leading place. There is the usual bibliography of sources ; and the 
two maps appended to this volume show the changing boundaries of the 
Netherlands during this half-century and the sites of the naval encoun- 
ters in the Xorth Sea and the Channel. 

A Short Hist. <j fthe British in In Ua. By Arthur D. Innes. | London. 
Methuen and Co. , 1902, pp. xxxii. 373.) In little books, brief summaries 
and essays, can alone be found the sort of information on Indian history, 
which the public as opposed to the historical student naturally craves. 
Macaulay's two famous essays on Clive and on Warren Hastings are almost 
the onlv pieces of general literature which have got into currency among 
general readers upon the history of India. They are fitly supplemeu:-:. 
by the series of biographies published by the Clarendon Press at Oxford, 
under the title of " Rulers of India." As a consecutive history Hunter's 
Brief History of : he India v Peoples is a model of proportion, condensati : n 
and accuracy, but the large space given to the period before the arrival 
of the English makes it more suitable for a text-book in Indian schools, 
where it is largely used, than for general readers. Sir Alfred Lyall's Rise of 
the British Dominion in Itidia is a most admirable essay and can be used ef- 
fectively, as the present reviewer has more than once used it with classes 
in college. But it is essentially an essay, beautifully written and full of 
sound political wisdom, and it is not full enough of the latter period of 
the company's rule either for the general reader or for students. Mr. 
Innes has tried to fill this gap. He has tried to make a book longer than 
Sir Alfred Lyall's essay, and more entirely devoted to the historv of the 
English conquerors than Sir W. Hunter's smaller book. He has had in 
his mind while writing the wishes of the general reader rather than the 
student. He has written a straightforward narrative without anv pre- 
tension to the special charm of style of Lyall and of Hunter and without 
any idea of competing with larger works. He glides over controversies 
which might puzzle the English or American reader, and careful", al - 
stains from foot-notes or references to authorities. His brief bibliography 
does not pretend to be exhaustive, and in that bibliography he makes no 
attempt to compare the value of the books to which he refers. Cru 
of proportion means a different standpoint to the author's. But it should 
be pointed out that Mr. Innes deliberately abridges the beginning and 
end of his subject. He treats very cursorily the history of the company 
in India prior to the great war between the French and the English, and 
does not even mention the names of Sir Tosiah Child, who foresaw the 



Minor Notices 1 7 1 

future development of the company as a ruling power, or of Thomas 
Pitt, the stout old defender of Fort St. George at the beginning of the 
eighteenth century. On the other hand, Mr. Innes closes his history with 
the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857, and has nothing to say of the new era of the 
direct government of India by the Crown. His book therefore is rather 
a history of the East India Company from Clive to 1857, than a history 
of the British in India. Forty-five years have passed since the Mutiny, 
and it is about time that writers on Indian history realized that much has 
occurred in India since the suppression of the East India Company. 
Nevertheless Mr. Innes's little book may meet the need of general readers 
who desire rather fuller information upon the later history of the company 
than they can obtain from Lyall's epoch-making essay on the Rise of 
the British Dominion in India. H. M. S. 

Stringer Lawrence, the Father of the Indian Army. By Colonel J. 
Biddulph. (London, John Murray, 1901, pp. 133.) When Robert 
Clive, the heaven-born soldier, as William Pitt the elder once called 
him, was offered for his services in defeating the French army and mak- 
ing English power in India inevitable a sword of honor by the directors 
of the East India Company, he refused to accept it unless a similar sword 
was presented to his old commander, Stringer Lawrence. The directors 
saw the justice of the demand and voted to Lawrence a more valuable 
diamond-hilted sword than they had given to Clive. This incident shows 
the regard in which Clive held his old chief and justifies the ranking of 
Stringer Lawrence among the military heroes of the English in India. It 
is perhaps rather a large term to apply to Lawrence in calling him the 
father of the Indian army, but he certainly commanded a larger body of 
troops than previous English commanders had led, and he proved his 
powers of leadership in the famous siege of Trichinopoli, when the French 
cause in India finally went down. Colonel Biddulph has done well to draw 
attention to the services of this forgotten soldier, but he has added nothing 
to our knowledge of the history of the times in which he fought. The ac- 
count of Lawrence's cam paigns is mainly taken from Orme's Contemporary 
History, and no other source seems to have been drawn upon. The life of 
Captain Dalton, published some years ago, was of real historic value, and 
for the first time extracted from Orme's account the true inwardness from 
a military point of view of the failure of the French to take Trichinopoli. 
Colonel Biddulph does not seem to have had access to an)' new sources 
of information, and has simply worked up out of Orme the passages de- 
scribing Lawrence's career. He has taken the trouble to look up the 
parentage of Stringer Lawrence, but he does not give much new bio- 
graphical information. The little book is well got up and contains a map 
of the country round Trichinopoli, which illustrates the most famous feat 
of arms in which Stringer Lawrence was concerned. H. M. S. 

The Literature of American History. A Bibliographical Guide in 
which the Scope, Character, and Comparative Worth of Books in Selected 



i 7 2 Revieivs of Books 

Lists are set forth in Brief Notes by Critics of Authority. Edited for the 
American Library Association by J. N. Larned. (Boston, Houghton, 
Mifflin and Co., 1902, pp. ix, 588.) The character of this volume is 
truthfully presented in the sub-title. It is a book intended to be of use 
to the general reader in the library, and to librarians who are seeking ad- 
vice on the purchase of books. But it is much more. There is no special- 
ist in American history who cannot gather from its pages valuable knowl- 
edge and gain assistance in the prosecution of his work. The inception 
of the general plan is to be attributed to Mr. George lies, who has been 
insisting for years upon the desirability of the evaluation of literature. 
"The trustees of literature," he said, in a paper written ten years ago, 
" will enter upon a doubled usefulness when they can set before the pub- 
lic not catalogues merely, but also a judicious discrimination of the more 
from the less valuable stores in their keeping." The generosity of Mr. 
lies and the disinterested and unrequited services of Mr. Larned have 
made the plan a reality. 

The volume contains six parts and an appendix. The first part is a 
syllabus of sources, arranged by Paul Leicester Ford, and a classified list 
of the most important documents and papers to be found in the publica- 
tions of general historical societies. The second part deals with America 
at large ; the third with the United States, the treatment being partly 
chronological, partly topical ; the fourth with the United States by sec- 
tions ; the fifth with Canada; the sixth with Spanish and Portuguese 
America and the West Indies. The appendix, prepared by Professor 
Charming, is given up to suggestions to readers of history and to selected 
lists of books for school libraries and small public libraries. 

The annotations or appraisals of the volumes, of which there are 
over 4,100 titles, seem to have been made conscientiously by men 
who have handled the material and know what they are talking about. 
Though different ideas as to the purposes and probable uses of the 
volume apparently prevailed, the comments in nearly all instances are 
of value. Most of the commentators probably had in mind the com- 
paratively untrained reader in the library, who might wish to know the 
character of a book in question, its general trustworthiness, whether or 
not it was well written and interesting or dull. The object of the work 
was not to add technical bibliographical information for experts or for 
special investigators. Not for invidious comparison, but to indicate the 
great value of the book, attention may be called to the sharp, crisp criti- 
cisms by Professor Channing on books of the Revolutionary period, 
to the helpful bibliography of education prepared and appraised by 
Burke A. Hinsdale, and to the Civil War books which are to a great 
extent commented upon by General Cox. In quite a number of cases, 
notes of evaluation are taken from a critical journal or from Winsor's 
Narrative and Critical History. Appraisals thus obtained often seem 
hardly so well adapted to the purpose of the volume as are those that 
have been specially prepared, but they have on the whole been well 
chosen and will prove useful. The special student will be apt to dis- 



Minor Notices 1 7 3 

agree occasionally in some slight degree with the annotations ; but very- 
little in the nature of error has been discovered by the reviewer. There 
seems, however, no reason for the appraisal of Warfield's Kentucky Res- 
olutions in two different places ; on page 304, Toppan is spelled " Tap- 
pan " ; attention should certainly have been called to the later edition 
of Adams's Manual of Historical Literature ; no mention is made of Pro- 
fessor Turner's paper on the significance of the frontier, though one or 
two others, less important, by the same author are named ; the note 
under Bulletins of the University of Wisconsin is unsatisfactory. Such 
slight errors can be corrected, and perhaps the list somewhat revised in a 
new edition. The student of American history is too grateful for the 
able and conscientious work of Mr. Larned to be captious and hyper- 
critical. 

The lists include but few of the books that have come from the press 
since 1899. Arrangements have been made for a continuation of the 
work from year to year under the editorship of Mr. Philip P. Wells, 
librarian of the Yale Law School. A supplement in pamphlet form cov- 
ering the years 1900 and 1901 is expected to appear soon. The index is 
ample and, as far as a somewhat careful examination discloses, has been 
made with accuracy, intelligence and skill. 

The second volume, seventh series, of the Collections of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society (Boston, 1902, pp. xvi, 491) contains the 
third installment of the papers of Jonathan Trumbull. They include 
letters and other documents, of the Revolutionary time, the earliest dated 
February, 1776, the latest July, 1779. The earlier documents of this 
period were printed in Force's American Archives and are not repro- 
duced here. It is needless to comment on the great value of the material 
to a student of the war. The volume is crowded with interesting and 
significant letters. Among the most noteworthy are those written during 
Burgoyne's invasion ; they admirably illustrate the confusion and flurry 
of the time. Schuyler was pleading with Trumbull for troops ; Trum- 
bull seemed to think he knew something about the situation himself; 
letters from his son who was with the northern army and complained 
bitterly of the masterly inactivity of the commanders seem to have in- 
fluenced him quite as much as the communications from the much abused 
Schuyler ; conflicting letters and requisitions for troops flowed in to the 
governor to increase the confusion ; and the militia, when sent for ser- 
vice, often acted as if they had gone for the excursion, not to fight. 
Schuyler in describing his forces to Trumbull gives a strong statement of 
his difficulties : " Militia from the State of Connecticut, — one Major, one 
Captain, two Lieutenants, two Ensigns, one Adjutant, one Quartermaster, 
six Serjeants, one Drummer, six sick, and three rank and file fit for duty, 
the rest, after remaining three or four days, deserted us" (p. 91). 
There are likewise some interesting letters giving accounts of the campaign 
in Pennsylvania the same year, 1777. It would be difficult, in fact, to 
find a more valuable single volume throwing light on the military and 
political incidents of the time. 



i 74 Reviezvs of Books 

Israel Putnam: Pioneer, Ranger, and Major- General, ijiH-ijqo. 
By William Farrand Livingston. (New York and London, G. P. 
Putnam's Sons, 1901, pp. xviii, 44 2 ) 1' ne author of this biography in 
"The American Men of Energy" series has done a careful and pains- 
taking piece of work, and in spite of the number of lives and sketches 
of this heroic character already published, has found some new sources 
of information, including a number of Putnam's letters and official re- 
ports ; and these serve in part at least as a justification for the appearance 
of this book. The author has read widely in his diligent and successful 
search for facts, and has found abundant material for a stirring and inter- 
esting narrative. Further he has been successful in putting his material 
together in such a way as to make a readable book, though not one that 
will add much to our information in the way of a critical estimate of 
Putnam as a strategist and leader of men. 

The author traces Putnam's tireless and active career from boyhood 
to old age and divides the book about equally between the periods of his 
life prior to and subsequent to the Battle of Bunker Hill. Much inter- 
esting anecdote is mentioned concerning Putnam, including the wolf 
hunt at Pomfret and the famous ride down the rocky height at Horse- 
neck ; and his unique experiences as ranger and Indian fighter are 
detailed ; all of which contribute information concerning the bravery, 
generosity, energy, and impetuosity of this heroic character and serve 
to account for his later pre-eminence in the war of the American Revolu- 
tion. It is in the first half of the book that the reader will doubtless 
find his greatest interest. 

< >ne of the longest chapters is devoted to the Bunker Hill fight and 
Putnam is given the credit of the real leadership in this battle. The author 
would have added greatly to his account of this event by including a plan 
or map of the battle-ground. Putnam's service in the American Revo- 
lution is treated with fullness. He is defended against blame for the 
defeat at Long Island, and the reasons for his supersession in command 
of the Hudson Highlands are explained. Though his conduct was not 
above question, Putnam was exonerated from blame for the Hudson 
disaster by a court of inquiry, whose decision was approved by the Con- 
tinental Congress. 

The book is filled with extracts and quotations from authorities used, 
which for the most part are pertinent and interesting ; but the author 
makes the mistake of interrupting his narrative too frequently in this 
way, and gives it too much the appearance of a collection of excerpts. 
Some of this matter should have been condensed, and much of it might 
better have been committed to the foot-notes and appendixes. 

We note but few errors. There is a misprint in the date of B. F. 
Stevens's Facsimiles or Manuscripts, on page xvii. While the author is 
very careful to indicate his sources, there is an occasional failure to give 
the complete reference as in the third note on page 177. The publishers 
have produced an attractive book. The typography is good and the 
work is profusely illustrated with historical views, portraits, and memorials 



Minor Notices i 7 5 

of Putnam, and facsimiles of his letters. A bibliography of the principal 
works cited is also included. J. William Black. 

Nathan Hale, the Ideal Patriot. A Study of Character. With Views 
of the Author's Statue of Nathan Hale ; Portraits of Hale's Contempo- 
raries and of Kindred Characters ; also three Drawings by W. R. Leigh 
together with an Introduction by George Cary Eggleston. By William 
Ordway Partridge. (New York and London, Funk and Wagnalls Co., 
1902, pp. 134.) This volume is a bombastic eulogy of the pyrotechnic 
newspaper or fourth-of-July order. The data are almost entirely drawn 
from Stuart's Life of Hale, 1856, and the numerous errors of that work 
are perpetuated, to which Mr. Partridge has added a medley of others 
wrought wholly out of his own imagination. Mr. Partridge has, of 
course, his own pretentions (pp. 13 and 14), but Mr. Eggleston is cer- 
tainly not justified in saying in his " Foreword "(p. 27), that " Mr. Part- 
ridge has studied the character, the purposes, and the personality of 
Nathan Hale as no other man has done since that patriot of the Revolu- 
tion . . . sacrificed his life," etc. But to state the truth, it would take 
a larger volume than Mr. Partridge has produced, to point out his errors 
and give the valuable facts which he does not mention. 

Dwight was not President of Yale when Hale entered (p. 46); there 
is not the slightest evidence that Hale marched to Lexington (p. 51); 
there is also no evidence of the interviews with Washington, as stated on 
page 52 and other pages; his account of Hale's courtship is a mesh- 
work of fable ; " Ansel Wright " (p. 69) should be Asher Wright ; the 
repetition of Stuart's fiction about Hale's capture at Huntington, Long 
Island, and the tavern of a widow Chichester, is unsupported by any 
evidence (pp. 72 and 73); the same is true of everything stated about 
Cunningham (p. 82); and with the circumstantial and other evidence 
easily accessible, a schoolboy would not have hung Hale in Chambers 
Street, in a graveyard (p. 84). These are but a few out of a mass of 
absurdities, which appear in this freak among American biographies. 

Victor Hugo Paltsits. 

At length an edition of the writings of Mameli has appeared worthy 
of the beautiful memory of this soldier-poet, the Tyrtreus of modern 
Italy. It is entitled Seritti Editi ed Inediti di Gojfredo Mameli, ordi- 
nati e pubblicati con Proemio, Note, e Appendici a Cur a di Anton Giulio 
Barrili (Genoa, Societa Ligure di Storia Patria, 1902) and includes 
— beside the poetry of Mameli and nine of his letters — his political 
writings, originally published in the journals of Genoa and Rome and 
known to-day to few of his admirers. The edition of Mameli's writings 
of Genoa, 1850, the only preceding edition which contained his prose, 
has long been out of print, and has become very rare. Many of the 
writings of the new edition of 1902 are here published for the first time ; 
of the other writings many have been re-edited from the original manu- 



i - 6 Reviews of Books 

scripts. The preface by the noted Italian writer, Barrili, is excellent, as 
also are the appendixes, which deal with different episodes of the soldier- 
poet's life and include unedited letters and an unedited sketch from the 
pen of Garibaldi. The prefaces to earlier editions, by Guiseppe Mazzini, 
and by M. G. Canale are reprinted here in full, together with an impor- 
tant extract from Manegazzi's interesting and rare pamphlet, Sulla Morte 
di Goffredo Mameli (Foligno, 1S91). The volume has an additional 
interest for the bibliophile in the numerous photographic facsimiles of 
Mameli's manuscripts which it contains. Harry Nelson Gay. 

A new edition of Richardson! s War of 1812 with notes and a life of 
the author by Alexander Clark Casselman has been published. (Toronto, 
Historical Publishing Co., 1902.) Richardson took an active part in 
the war in the west, and his narrative which was first published in 1842 
is of considerable value to the student. The new edition contains a biog- 
raphy of Richardson, maps and plans of battles, foot-notes in explanation 
of the text. The editor has left the body of the work unaltered, but says 
that he has felt free to put in perfect copies of official despatches which 
in the original edition were abbreviated or incorrectly transcribed. 

The Life of the Rig/it Hon. Sir William Molesworth, Bart, by Mrs. 
Fawcett (Macmillan, 1901, pp. 352) recounts the service of a man who 
labored for the development of the colonial empire of Great Britain in a 
time of despondency when the colonies were often discontented, and who 
struggled in Parliament for wiser legislation and for fuller appreciation of 
imperial possibilities and responsibilities. His work may be summed up 
in the words chosen from a letter of Bright to Cobden, 1857 : " Look at 
our Colonial policy. Through the labours of Molesworth, Roebuck, and 
Hume, more recently supported by us and by Gladstone, every article in 
the creed which directed our Colonial policy has been abandoned, and 
now men actually abhor the notion of undertaking the government of the 
Colonies ; on the contrary, they give to every Colony which asks for it, 
a constitution as democratic as that which exists in the United States." 
He was a member of the " Philosophical Radicals," a party reduced at 
one time, if we may believe Macaulay, as we probably cannot, to " Grote 
and his wife " ; he was one of the founders of the Reform Club and of 
the London Review. For the abolishment of the transportation system 
he worked with eager persistence ; at his instance a select committee was 
chosen in 1837 to inquire into the system and discover how far it was 
susceptible of improvement. Molesworth was chairman of the commit- 
tee and wrote, it seems, a large part of the report, disclosing the loath- 
some details of a revolting practice. Although transportation of crim- 
inals was not altogether given up until some years after Molesworth's 
death, his efforts did not go for naught. The volume is pleasantly 
written, contains a number of interesting letters which help to throw 
light on the politics of the first half of the last century, and while it seems- 
uncritical and over-enthusiastic will be useful in a study of the develop- 
ment of the colonial policy of Britain. 



Minor Notices 177 

Daniel Webster. By Samuel McCall. (Boston and New York, 
Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1902, pp. 124.) This little volume gives 
us, in book form, the " Webster Centennial Oration " delivered by Mr. 
McCall at Dartmouth in September, 1901. It is not another Life of 
Webster, but is, rather, an appreciation. The author endeavors to set 
before us " some estimate of Webster as a lawyer, an orator, and a states- 
man," and to recall "some of the great principles of government with 
which he was identified." 

The book is not of the sort that one would consult for accurate infor- 
mation. It is eulogistic and argumentative — admirably suited to the 
occasion upon which it was delivered. The nature of Webster's educa- 
tion and the sources of his style are discussed. He is compared with his 
contemporaries and other statesmen in English history. The possibility 
of comparing him with Demosthenes and Cicero is denied. In treating 
Webster's connection with the Dartmouth college case, the author ad- 
heres — as was fitting to the occasion — to the old sentimental idea that 
Webster's love for his Alma Mater led him to take a passionate interest 
in the success of the college. He failed to note the letter in the Private 
Correspondence of Webster, showing that, when the quarrel between the 
college authorities and its enemies began, Webster was only solicitous to 
get into the case on one side or the other. The " Seventh of March " 
speech is ably defended. The political situation is reviewed, and atten- 
tion called to the fact that Clay and Calhoun both regarded the time as 
critical. Webster, says the author, threw away his chance for the presi- 
dency by that speech. There are letters of Webster, extant, which show 
that he himself expected such a result. The defense of his speech is 
well worth the attention of those who hold that it is a stain on Webster's 
career. C. H. Van Tyne. 

The Overland Stage to California by Frank A. Root and William 
Elsey Connelley (Topeka, Kansas, published by the authors, 1901) is a 
somewhat entertaining medley of personal reminiscences, border tales, 
and historical narrative illustrated by absurd pictures that are far from an 
ornament to the text. Like other books of this kind it has its obvious 
defects ; but it is not without interest and is evidently the result of great 
labor and of painstaking effort to get information. Mr. Root was an 
express messenger in early days, and such recollections of the rough life 
of forty years ago as he has given constitute the best part of the book, 
which is likely to prove of some service to the historian who is endeavor- 
ing to recreate the western movement. 

The volume // Generate Giuseppe Govone. Frannnenti di Memorie 
(Turin, Casanova, 1902), written by Ulberto Govone, son of the gen- 
eral, is of considerable interest for the general history of Italy, in view 
of the variety of important services rendered by Govone during the period 
1848-1870. It is made up in part of his autobiographical memoir and 
of extracts from his letters. Relative to the important diplomatic mis- 

AM. HIST. REV. VOL. VIII. — 12. 



178 Reviews of Books 

sions fulfilled by Govone in 1866, it may be added that this volume 
would have aroused more interest had Chiaia's Ancora un po 1 piu di Luce 
not appeared a few weeks in advance of it, containing many of Govone's 
unedited despatches, and revealing all that is of interest. 

H. N. G. 



Memorials of William Charles Lake, Dean of Durham 1869-1894. 
Edited by his widow, Katharine Lake, with a Preface by George Rawlin- 
son, Canon of Canterbury. (London, Edward Arnold, 1901, pp. xxii, 
342. ) Dean Lake was a good if not a great man. He lived in an event- 
ful time and numbered among his most intimate friends those who were 
both good and great. His biography, however, does little more than 
confirm what we know already of the period and of its chief characters. 
The book presents quite a variety of contents. The introduction includes 
a biographical preface by Canon Rawlinson, an editorial notice by Mrs. 
Lake and a letter from Archbishop Temple. The main work is divided 
into three parts. The first part contains the beginnings of an unfinished 
autobiography, covering the Dean's early life down to 1856, and conclud- 
ing with a chapter on Archbishop Tait. The second part is an appreciative 
outline of Dr. Lake's work as warden of the university and dean of the 
cathedral of Durham. The third part consists of nearly two hundred 
pages of correspondence, mostly short letters or extracts from Archbishop 
Tait, Dean Church, Dean Stanley, Mr. Gladstone, Canon Liddon, Dr. 
Pusey, Lord Halifax and others, but most disappointing as containing 
little more than personal allusions, or what has been already published. 
Indeed much of what would otherwise be the most important part of the 
material of which the book is made up, has been published in the various 
lives and histories of the principal characters and events which already 
have been issued. The book concludes with a short appendix containing 
a sketch of the history of the Durham School of Science at Newcastle 
written by the principal, the Rev. H. P. Gurney. A very full index to 
the whole work is added. 

As has been said the book adds little to our knowledge of the great 
historical events with which the times were filled. We have very few of 
the Dean's own letters, and the letters he received from really great men 
throw little light on great events for they are too personal to be of much 
historical value. The most remarkable and impressive thing is that a 
dean of one of the greatest cathedrals in England, an extreme high church- 
man, should receive his greatest glory for having practically founded and 
1 nought to a high state of efficiency a thoroughly modern school of 
science. In a foot-note a quotation is given from the Newcastle Chron- 
icle for October 9, 1894. "Literally Dean Lake has transformed the 
higher educational life of the North and figuratively he may be said to 
have found us with a small university of brick and to be leaving us with 
a great university of marble." 

C. L. W. 



Minor Notices 179 

Die Deutsche Einigungswerk im Lichte des Amerikanischen. Von 
Albert von Ruville. (Halle, Max Niemeyer, 1902, pp. 128.) In this 
interesting essay the author compares the processes of unification in 
America, 1776-1865, and Germany, 1815-1871, paying attention only 
to the actual, political force involved, whether physical or mental and 
whether found with prince, leader or people. He ignores legal and con- 
stitutional forms, and, dismissing in a sentence "den unmoglichen Bundes- 
staatsbegriff, " considers both the United States and the German Empire 
as unitary states, the one republican, the other monarchical. The purpose 
of the comparison is to show that the United States stands as a triumph 
of unionist over separatist tendencies ; whereas the present Empire, instead 
of being the goal of German evolution and the consummation of national 
destiny, is a product of victorious secession and Prussian particularism. 
This difference is due to the fact that American statesmen recognized 
existing political forces in their constitutions and thus achieved and 
maintained unity, while Austrian and Prussian leaders by refusing to do 
likewise and establish a dual control ended by dividing the historic Ger- 
man race. In spite of its material success, says the author, the Empire 
can never stand justified before the judgment of history until it has sought 
and attained union with Austria. It should announce this as its policy 
for the future. 

The author's treatment of things American is generally appreciative 
and sometimes laudatory, especially where a moral can be pointed at the 
expense of Stein, Bismarck and other " Preussisch-dynastich " statesmen. 
Occasionally this is carried to an extreme, as when for example the 
United States is represented as having attained a complete national, ter- 
ritorial race unity in the sense urged for Germany, — a position hardly to 
be maintained as long as Canada exists. If Austria is necessary to a real 
Germany, Canada is equally so to a real United States. 

The only point where the essay fails in any striking way to do jus- 
tice to the United States is in regard to the Monroe doctrine which is 
condemned as having no historical basis and asserting claims which " nur 
auf die zufiillige Namensgleichheit zweier Kontinente griinden. ' ' Comment 
on the absurdity of the italicized phrase is unnecessary. Apart from this 
lapse, however, the essay is careful, thoughtful and suggestive. 

T. C. S. 

Thirty Years in Washington, or Life and Scenes in our National 
Capital. Edited by Mrs. John A. Logan. (Hartford, Connecticut, A. 
S. Worthington and Co., 1901, pp. xxxii, 752.) Those persons to 
wham Thirty Years in Washington, edited by Mrs. John A. Logan, shall 
come in the regular course of the subscription book trade will find the 
volume replete with that particular kind of information most relished by 
visitors to the capital city — curious facts, statistics of all sorts, anecdotes 
of persons, and incidents connected with the various places described. 
In the course of the century since the permanent seat of government was 
established in the District of Columbia a large amount of tradition has 



i So Reviews of Books 

accumulated ; but unfortunately accurate information is scanty. As a 
result errors are handed down from one popular writer to another; and 
the historical and the critical spirit have alike been wanting. For 
example, the history of many of the portraits and ornaments of value in 
the White House has been lost ; and it was not until the publication of 
Glenn Brown's History of the United States Capitol, in 1901, that the 
credit for the original plans of that building was proved to belong to 
Thornton, and the Congressional Directory was corrected accordingly. 

Some of the errors in Mrs. Logan's book are due to the unreliability 
of tradition. For example, there is no truth in the statement (p. 133) 
that the White House is a copy of the Duke of Leinster's Dublin resi- 
dence. There are historical errors, such as are contained in the state- 
ment (p. 34) that Braddock's troops were encamped on the site of the 
old naval observatory and that Washington was with them as a captain 
of Virginia militia. Again, L'Enfant was dismissed not because he was 
an unappreciated genius ; but because his refusal to furnish a copy of his 
map of the city of Washington threatened to defeat the project of selling 
lots and thereby realizing the money necessary for the construction of 
the public buildings. Also there is no foundation for the tradition (p. 
69) that land speculation forced the development of the city of Wash- 
ington westward rather than eastward from the Capitol ; the fact being 
that the location of the White House fixed the social center, as the loca- 
tion of the departmental buildings largely determined the placing of the 
residences. 

There are also unaccountable errors of fact. Senators do not (p. 
87) draw seats by lot at the beginning of each session. On the con- 
trary, they file with one of the assistant doorkeepers a secret request for 
a seat likely to be vacated by reason of the failure to return on the part 
of the senator occupying the coveted place, a custom which tends both 
to relegate new senators to the least desirable seats, and also on occasion 
to allow an interesting gamble on the re-election of a particular senator. 
Mrs. Logan indorses (p. 1.15 ) the prevalent error that there is practically 
as well as theoretically unlimited debate in the Senate ; whereas Senator 
Gorman's statement is the correct one : a united majority can always 
reach a vote after reasonable debate. Generally speaking, there is 
shown in the book nothing beyond a surface acquaintance with the ways 
of Congress and of administrations ; and after a perusal of its 750 pages 
one would suppose that good luck, overruling incapacity and ignorance, 
were the factors in the administration of the affairs of this intricate, com- 
plicated, costly, widely diversified, and extremely comprehensive gov- 
ernment. The most interesting and valuable chapters are those in which 
Mrs. Logan, from the point of view of an interested participant, gives 
the impressions of the social-political life of Washington. 

Charles Moore. 

Sir William White, G.C.B., K.C.M.G. For six years Ambas- 
sador at Constantinople. His Life and Correspondence. By H. Suth- 



Minor Notices 1 8 1 

erland Edwards. (London, John Murray, 1902, pp. vii, 284.) One 
cannot visit in the diplomatic circle at Constantinople without hearing 
three British ministers lauded as conspicuous above all the other repre- 
sentatives of England at the court of the Sultan. The three are Lord 
Stratford de Redcliffe, Earl Dufferin, and Sir William White. The 
career of the last named minister is less familiar to most of us than the 
achievements of his two great predecessors. We therefore looked with 
much interest for the biography of him by Mr. H. Sutherland Ed- 
wards. 

His father held important posts in the British consular and colonial 
service. His maternal grandfather was British Envoy Extraordinary to 
Poland. He himself was born in Poland and spent a large part of his 
young manhood in that country. In 1857 at the age of thirty-three he be- 
came a clerk in the office of the British Consul at Warsaw. In 1861 he was 
promoted to the consulship at Dantzic, in 1876 he was sent to Belgrade 
as Consul General, in 1878 to Bucharest without formal credentials, but 
later in 1880 with the rank of Envoy Extraordinary when England recog- 
nized Prince Charles I. of Roumania, in 1885 to Constantinople as Am- 
bassador ad interim, and in 1886 he received the permanent appointment 
to that position and held it till his death in 1891. 

He had therefore extraordinary opportunities for becoming familiar 
with the tongues, the history and the character of the peoples of eastern 
Europe. His official career covered a period of most important events, 
the final suppression of Polish insurrection by Russia, the varying fortunes 
of the Balkan states during the last forty years, the Russo-Turkish War of 
187 7-1878, the San Stefano and the Berlin Treaties, the innumerable dip- 
lomatic discussions which those treaties caused, and the friction between 
Russian and English policies in Turkey between 1885 and 1891. 

Now the biographer throughout his volume gives us to understand, 
and no doubt justly, that Sir William White by his able reports to his 
government and by his diplomatic skill played an important part in these 
affairs. But the remarkable and unfortunate fact is that he does not in- 
form us exactly what Sir William did. He fills his book with a history, 
not always sequent and lucid, of the march of events in the east. He 
even gives us numerous interesting letters from Sir Robert Morier, Lord 
Odo Russell and others to White, but scarcely any letters of White on 
public affairs. He tells us that White made valuable reports to the 
British foreign office, but gives us hardly any passages from those 
reports. We have numerous bons mots and repartees of Bismarck and 
others, but too few words of White. We search in vain in the very com- 
plicated story of the changes in the Balkan states and of the troubles in 
Turkey for a precise answer to the questions, what did White really do, 
and how did he accomplish it ? What is the basis for his high reputation 
in the east ? The author has in fact given us a somewhat desultory sketch 
of the vicissitudes of the Balkan states rather than an illuminating and sat- 
isfactory history of Sir William White's diplomatic career. 

J. B. A. 



1 8 2 Reviews of Books 

Leopold von Rankes Bilrfungsjahre and Geschichtsauffassung. Von 
Dr. Wahan Nalbandian. (Leipzig, B. G. Teubner, 1902, pp. viii, 
103.) This recent addition to the " Leipziger Studien aus dem Gebiet 
der Geschichte " is an excellent example of methodical historiography. 
The sketch of Ranke's earlier life, of the formative influences to which he 
was subject, and of the development of his historical interests is very 
carefully done from a close study of the autobiographical fragments and 
correspondence. For the second part, in which the topics are Ranke's 
doctrine of guiding principles or ruling ideas {leitenden Ideen), his views 
on freedom and necessity, on progress and the ultimate goal (Ziel), Nal- 
bandian draws mainly upon Ranke's latest utterances in the Weitge- 
schichte. So careful an analysis of Ranke's philosophy of history makes 
one regret that the author did not attempt an equally conscientious 
examination of his method as an investigator and of his significance and 
influence as a teacher. Even without these essentials to a complete 
study of Ranke as an historian, this essay may be pronounced one of the 
best introductions to Ranke's writings that is available. It will be more 
useful to the student than Guglia's Life, excellent as that is, because of 
the greater number and precision of its references to Ranke's works, and 
it is more trustworthy than Guilland's specious essay, which is deficient 
in impartiality and disfigured by garbled quotations. Interesting and 
instructive in itself, Nalbandian' s dissertation acquires additional interest 
and significance as the work of a young Armenian scholar. 

E. G. B. 

The fifteenth volume of the Proceedings of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society, second series, covers the proceedings of the meetings from 
March, 1901, to February, 1902, inclusive. Among the more important 
papers are "The Genesis of the Monroe Doctrine," by Worthington C. 
Ford, which includes, with some comment, much of the material used by 
Mr. Ford in preparing the articles for the Review on that subject : a 
paper by Charles Francis Adams, president of the society, on "John 
Quincy Adams and Martial Law," to which reference has already been 
made in the pages of this journal ; a valuable article with much docu- 
mentary material, also contributed by Mr. Ford, on the conflict between 
the governor and council of Massachusetts on the death of Queen Anne. 
Mr. Ford also presents a series of letters from Joseph Jones to James 
Madison. They were written during the years 1788 to 1802, and refer 
to many of the more significant political movements and theories of the 
day. A few words from a letter of December, 1792, are worth quoting 
here as an illustration of how difficult — Mr. Ford says " impossible " — it 
was for a Virginian to grasp the meaning of Hamilton's reports. " The 
Secretary's plan of a sinking fund I have read over but do not yet com- 
prehend. It is intricate and so complicated it appears to one to require 
some time and attention to understand. At first view I think it well 
calculated to keep us all in the dark excepting those near the seat of 
government, where the finances are better understood than with us, and 



Minor Notices 183 

who thrive on speculation " (p. 140). Samuel A. Green communicates 
two interesting narratives of the expedition of Sir William Phips against 
Canada. The originals of these narratives are in the Lenox Library. 
One of them was written by Mr. John Wise to Increase Mather, the 
other is anonymous. 

The America?! Federal State. By Roscoe Lewis Ashley. (New 
York, The Macmillan Co., 1902, pp. xlv, 599.) This work is intended 
as a text-book on politics for high schools and academies ; and is a much 
more comprehensive treatment than the conventional books on civil 
government. After an introductory chapter of general definitions, there 
are three parts — Historical Development, Government, and Policies and 
Problems. The first section is too brief to take the place of a history 
text-book ; yet it necessarily covers the same ground somewhat super- 
ficially. Probably it would be a better plan to discuss such historical 
facts as are necessary under the various topics and institutions. The 
second section includes national, state and local governments, with some 
attention to the usually neglected administrative authorities. The last 
section has a miscellaneous collection of chapters on suffrage and elec- 
tions, the political party, constitutional and legal rights, taxation, money, 
trade and industry, foreign affairs and colonies, and the duties of citizen- 
ship. Appendixes contain the Articles of Confederation, the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, and valuable tables summarizing the most im- 
portant facts of state government. 

Mr. Ashley increases the value of his book by some critical discus- 
sion, in which he finds more to commend than to condemn in our insti- 
tutions and their working. But he cannot be compared with Mr. Bryce 
as a philosophical essayist. Moreover, he does not always appreciate 
salient facts, and in details is sometimes inaccurate. Thus he describes 
the English Revolution of 1689 without mentioning the Bill of Rights or 
the Parliamentary transfer of the Crown. His accounts of the develop- 
ment of bicameral legislatures and the events leading up to the Civil War 
are wrong in several respects. He fails to explain the undue influence 
of the " pivotal states " in the election of President. He discusses the 
judicial veto on unconstitutional legislation as if it were specifically 
granted in the Constitution. City charters were never granted by state 
governors. Municipal franchises do not give the right to supply water or 
gas, but the privilege of using the public streets. 

A text book should be a model of good English ; and in this respect 
the work needs serious revision. Split infinitives, "civics," "quite" 
(meaning rather), "etc.," and other uncouth words and phrases abound. 

In addition to the text, there are suggestions for teachers, excellent 
bibliographies preceding each chapter, and questions and references for 
further investigation, all of which add much to the usefulness of the book 
for schools. There is, however, no mention of three very important 
works : Greene's Provincial Governor, Chambrun's Le Pouvoir Executif 
aux Etats Urn's, and Dunbar's Chapters on Banking. J. A. F. 



184 Reviews of Books 

The eminent Berlin publishing firm of Reimer have issued this year 
a work which they propose as an annual publication : Deutschland und 
die Grosse Politik anno ipor, von Dr. Th. Schiemann, Professor an der 
Universitat Berlin ; Berlin, 1902. The author is Theodore Schiemann, 
a professor of history at the Berlin University and the author of several 
authoritative works on Russia. Under the auspices of such a publisher, 
with such a title and with the name of a professor of history as author, we 
had hoped that the work would be a calm historic review of the past 
year — valuable to students of history and particularly to public men. 

Professor Schiemann is a disciple of Treitschke and honest so far as 
he can see. But unfortunately he is dealing with many questions about 
which his knowledge is imperfect ; he has obviously travelled little and 
his opinions are tainted by the vulgar prejudice that characterizes a cer- 
tain portion of the German press of to-day. A more impartial author 
might make the successive volumes of this work a credit to German 
scholarship if he would but visit some other countries — notably the 
United States and a few English colonies. At present the work reads 
like a gospel of hatred. The author sees in every country naught but 
intrigues against Germany. His mouth is full of Jingo phrases such as 
the "national honor and the historic mission for which Providence has 
destined us." He sees in every move of England and the United States, 
to say nothing of Russia and France, a menace to Germany. He urges 
the strengthening of the German navy, in order to make it impossible that 
his country should again have to suffer what she did at Manila in 1S98 ! 
(375). He refers to the '•"■insults" hurled at the Kaiser after his de- 
spatch to Paul Kriiger in 1896, but does not specify the persons guilty 
of such behavior — he will have grave difficulty in substantiating this 
statement. He shows deplorable ignorance of things in England and 
the United States — for instance he confuses the government of Roose- 
velt with that of Croker (374), shows (on p. 35) that he has never heard 
of such a thing in America as a " standing army." He refers to Amer- 
icans contemptuously as " Yankees." Much of the book is made up of 
alleged cruelties practiced by British against Boers, and his prophesies in 
regard to that struggle have been already proved false. He prays for 
the humiliation of England in South Africa, and urges Germany to inter- 
vene on behalf of the Boers as a political measure. 

The idea of this book is excellent, and we hope that it will not be 
allowed to lapse merely on account of the present blemishes. The volume 
just issued contains some 430 pages. Half of these could well have been 
suppressed, for they represent opinions of no value, or worse than none. 
In the next issue we venture to suggest that under " Grosse Politik " the 
editor might well include something more than merely speculative in- 
trigues on the part of cabinet officers or a recapitulation of jingo news- 
paper articles. Poultney Bigelow. 

Archmological History of Ohio. The Mound Builders and Later 
Indians. By Gerard Fowke. (Columbus, Ohio State Archaeological 



Minor Notices 185 

and Historical Society, 1902.) The title of this book is rather mislead- 
ing, since it is purely archaeological in character, dealing with mounds 
and other relics and not at all with historical events, even when it is con- 
cerned with Indian tribes of recent times. Nevertheless the book has 
historical value of a negative character, since the author devotes the 
greater part of the first twelve chapters to destructive criticism of exag- 
gerated theories and unsupported assertions about a mysterious vanished 
race of civilized "mound builders." On the constructive side the book 
contains practically nothing. The writer rather inclines to believe that 
the hilltop forts were built by an invading race, the valley works by a 
settled one, but he avoids committing himself definitely. " We have no 
data," he says in conclusion, "from which can be determined what 
people built these mounds and enclosures, whence they came, how long 
they lived here, when or why they left, or whether they left at all, 
whether they were exterminated by other tribes or faded away from nat- 
ural causes, or what finally became of them. . . . But we have abundant 
reason for asserting that in no particular were they superior to or in ad- 
vance of many of the known Indian tribes." 

The author's real independence of view, cautiousness as to opinions 
and willingness to differ from other writers is somewhat obscured by a 
mass of quotations which make the book look upon cursory examination 
like a mere compilation. It is in reality much more than that, and, with 
the exception of one chapter, where the author discards his caution and 
enters upon a thoroughgoing defense of the Indian race from any and all 
criticisms passed upon it, ought to be considered a necessary preliminary 
to any future history of Ohio. It clears the way. 

T. C. S. 



NOTES AND NEWS 

Charles Kendall Adams, a member of the council of the American 
Historical Association and a well-known historical scholar, died at his 
home in Redlands, California, July 26. Mr. Adams was born in Derby, 
Vermont, in 1835. In the autumn of 1857 he entered the University of 
Michigan and received the bachelor's degree four years later. The next 
year he was appointed instructor in history and Latin in the University 
of Michigan. From 1867 to 1885 he was professor of history at Michi- 
gan, resigning to accept the presidency of Cornell University. The 
latter position he held till 1892, when he became president of the Uni- 
versity of Wisconsin. Because of failing health he found it necessary, 
about a year ago, to give up his academic work. His work as a teacher 
of history first gave him reputation and standing in the country at large. 
As a student in Germany thirty years since, he became interested in Ger- 
man methods of instruction, and helped to introduce into our universities 
the more modern methods of conducting historical study and investigation. 
President Adams was not a prolific writer. His best known work is the 
Manual of Historical Literature (1889) which is certainly a monument 
of patient toil. He was also the author of Democracy and Monarchy in 
France From the Inception of the Revolution to the Overthrow of the Second 
Empire (1872) ; Christopher Columbus, his Life and his Work (1892). 
He edited Representative British Orations (1884), and was the editor in 
chief of the Universal Encyclopaedia (1896). 

We are called on to chronicle the death of another American his- 
torian and likewise an ex-president of the American Historical Association. 
Mr. Edward Eggleston died at Thomasville, Georgia, September 2. 
Born in Indiana in 1837, he was chiefly educated in the country schools 
of that state. In 1857 he entered the ministry of the Methodist Episco- 
pal Church, and served in Indiana and Minnesota. For some years after 
1866 he was mostly engaged in editorial work, being for a time editor of 
the Independent. His earlier literary work was in the field of fiction, as 
the author of clever character studies like The Hoosier Schoolmaster and 
The Circuit Rider. One may indeed attribute to such works as these 
something of historical value and interest, for they describe with strength, 
humor and insight the life and activities of the Indiana of forty years ago. 
\n later years he devoted his attention almost exclusively to historical 
writing, publishing successively History of the United States and its 
People, for the Use of Schools (1888); Household History of the United 
States and its People (1888); First Book in American History (1889), 
and also other smaller texts for school classes. His most important con- 

186 



General 1 8 7 

tributions to historical literature are The Beginners of a Nation (1896), 
which is a charming narrative of parts of our early colonial history, and 
The Transit of Civilization from England to America in the Seventeenth 
Century (1901). These two volumes were to constitute portions of what 
the author called " A History of Life in the United States " — portions of 
a task for which Dr. Eggleston's studies and talents specially fitted him, 
but which he has not lived to accomplish. 

The interests of Southwestern history have sustained a sad loss in the 
death of Dr. Lester G. Bugbee, which occurred on March 17. Though 
not quite thirty-three years old he had already accomplished much. His 
most important writings are articles on The Old Three Hundred (in the 
Texas Historical Association Quarterly, I.); The Real Saint-Denis 
(ibid. ) ; What became of the Lively (ibid. ) ; Some Difficulties of a Texas 
Emprcsario (Publications of the Southern History Association, April, 
1899) ; The Texas Frontier, 1820-1825 (idem, March, 1900) ; The 
Archives of Bexar (Texas University Record, October, 1899) ; Slavery 
in Early Texas (Political Science Quarterly, XIII.); and also he had 
completed the larger part of a life of Stephen F. Austin. With all of 
these Dr. Bugbee was a specially effective and popular teacher. His 
work at the University of Texas, where he was adjunct professor of his- 
tory, will not soon be forgotten. 

Lord Acton, after a year's illness, died June 19, at Tegernsee in 
Bavaria. Born in 1S34, member of Parliament from 1859 to 1865, peer 
from 1869, lord in waiting to the Queen from 1892 to 1895, adviser of 
Gladstone, profound lay Catholic theologian and leader against ultra- 
montanes, and in these latter years professor of history at Cambridge, he 
most impressed his fellowmen as a scholar. Withal he wrote little ; an 
article on the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, another on the German 
schools of history, the well-known inaugural lecture, and the introduction 
to Burd's II Principe of Machiavelli are so far the most we have had from 
him. However, he carried on the " Cambridge Modern History " until 
failing health compelled him to leave it to others, and it is said that he 
had been collecting for years material for a general history of civil and 
religious liberty in Europe. He preferred to know, to absorb rather 
than write ; and by vast reading and a marvelous memory he came to be 
possibly the most erudite historical student of his day. At the same 
time he kept details in a large perspective ; his fastidious accuracy and 
passion for completeness might otherwise have savored of pedantry. 
Thus equipped, he influenced others especially by association and ex- 
ample, his knowledge and counsel being much sought and freely given. 

From Germany and Austria comes report of the death of Professor 
Ihne, author of the Roman History; Dr. Julius Kostlin, biographer of 
Luther ; Pastor Tollin, author of studies on the Huguenots and on Servetus ; 
Wilhelm Martens, church historian ; Dr. Adolph Beer, who worked 
particularly in Austrian history of the later eighteenth century ; and Dr. 
Max Budinger, writer of the Ranke school and in many fields. Also, 



1 88 Notes and News 

from Belgium the death is announced of M. A. Motte, professor in the 
University of Gand, and student particularly of ancient history and of the 
religious wars ; and from Russia, of Professor Karl Tigerstedt, of the Uni- 
versity of Helsingfors, who occupied himself mainly with the history of 
Finland. 

Dr. Henry A. Sill and Dr. Ralph C. H. Catterall have been appointed 
assistant professors at Cornell, the former to be in charge of ancient his- 
tory and the latter of modern European history. Dr. Catterall, however, 
will not take up his work until another year. 

Dr. Norman M. Trenholme, of Pennsylvania State College, has been 
given charge of the work in history at the University of Missouri, with 
the position of assistant professor. Dr. Jonas Viles goes to the same in- 
stitution as instructor. 

Dr. J. H. Latane, hitherto professor in Randolph-Macon Woman's 
College, Lynchburg, has become professor at Washington and Lee Uni- 
versity. 

After all, the International Congress for the Plistorical Sciences may 
yet be realized. Dr. Nasi, Italian Minister of Education, Prince 
Colonna, Mayor of Rome, and Dr. Gorrini, Director of the Archives, as 
representatives of the committee in charge, announce that the congress 
will meet in Rome next April. 

In the Revue de Synthese Historique for June, M Xenopol examines 
at length the second part of Rickert's recent work on " Die Grenzen der 
naturwissenschaftlichen Begriffsbildung, eine logische Einleitung in die 
historischen Wissenschaften " (Tubingen and Leipzig, Mohr), and M. 
Beer discusses Seignobos's "La Methode Historique Appliquee aux Sci- 
ences Sociales. " 

In April appeared the first number of a periodical entitled Politisch- 
anthropologische Revue, the chief aim of which is "to make the princi- 
ples of the evolutionary thinking which prevails in the natural sciences of 
more effect in reference to the social, political and geistig development 
of races and states." It is published monthly, at twelve marks, by L. 
Woltmann and H. Buhmann (Eisenach, Thiiringische Verlagsanstalt). 

The Deutsche Monatschrift, lately begun by I. Lohmeyer, has al- 
ready presented several noteworthy articles, particularly : A. Kirchoff, 
Das Meer im Leben der Vblker und in der Machtstellung der Staaten (in 
number 2); Th. Lindner, Die Entwicklung des deutschen Nationalbe- 
wusstseins (3) ; and O. Hintze, Weltgeschichte und Weltpolitik (5). 

It will he of interest that the present Lord Acton has arranged to 
publish, with Messrs. Macmillan, his father's lectures as professor at Cam- 
bridge, one course of which related to the French Revolution and another 
to general modern history. In conjunction with a reprint of the inaugu- 
ral lecture, they will form two volumes. It is hoped also, later on, to 
publish one or more volumes of essays. 



Ancient History 1 89 

Mr. Nelson Case, in an octavo of some four hundred and twenty 
pages, attempts to set forth the origin and development of the govern- 
ments of modern Europe, from the fall of the western Roman empire to 
the close of the nineteenth century : European Constitutional History 
(Cincinnati, Jennings and Pye). 

Ten Thousand Miles in Persia, by Major Sykes, besides being a record 
of travel in eastern and southern Iran contains considerable historical 
matter, especially with reference to the journeys of Alexander the Great 
and Marco Polo (London, Murray). 

Mention may well be made here of The Oxford History of Music, 
which began to appear early this year. It will consist, when completed, 
of six volumes. Most histories of music are given especially to biog- 
raphy ; this one is to show the continuous evolution of music : it will deal 
"with the art rather than the artist " (Clarendon Press). We note also 
the publication of Music in the History of the Western Church, by F. 
Dickinson, with an introduction on religious music among primitive and 
ancient peoples (New York, Scribners). 

The new volumes of the Encyclopedia Britannica represent an en- 
deavor to bring that work up to modern requirements ; and the additions 
will be extensive, the third volume going only to "Eld." An index, 
too, is promised for the completed work — the ninth edition and the new 
volumes (London, A. and C. Black and the Times). We note also the 
publication of the second volume of The JewisJi Encyclopedia, covering 
the subject from "Apocrypha" to " Benash " (Funk and Wagnalls). 

Mr. Jonathan Nield has served his fellows not unwell by tabulating 
several hundred historical novels according to the period in which their 
scenes are laid: A Guide to the best Historical Novels and Tales (Put- 
nams). This list will no doubt supersede the one by Mr. H. C. Bowen, 
published some twenty years ago. 

ANCIENT HISTORY. 

The Clarendon Press has issued the first of a series of volumes on the 
history of Egypt until the Roman conquest : History of Egypt fv/n the 
end of the Neolithic Period to the Death of Cleopatra, by E. A. W. 
Budge. Vol. I., Egypt in the Neolithic and Archaic Periods. 

A late book by Mr. C. W. C. Oman treats of the Gracchi, Sulla, 
Crassus, Cato, Pompey, and Caesar : Seven Roman Statesmen of the 
Later Republic. It is intended " to show the importance of the personal 
element in those miserable days of storm and stress" (Longmans). 
Here also maybe noted a fall announcement in the "Heroes of the 
Nations" : Augustus Ccesar, and the Organization of the Empire of 
Rome, by Mr. J. B. Firth (Putnams). 

The second volume of Les Institutions juridiques des Romains, by M. 
Eduard Cuq, appeared in the summer; it bears the sub-title : " Le Droit 
classique et le Droit du Bas-Empire " (Paris, Plon-Nourrit). 



I DO 



Notes and News 



The History of the Roman People by Professor Charles Seignobos can 
now be used in American schools. The editor of the translation is Dr. 
William Fairley, who also adds five chapters on the period from Theo- 
dosius I. to Charlemagne (Henry Holt and Co.). 

Noteworthy article : A. Bouche-Leclerq, La Question a" Orient an 
Temps de Ciceron (Revue Historique, July and September). 

MEDIEVAL HISTORY. 

Announcement has been made, in the " Heroes of the Nations," of 
Mediceval India under Mohammedan Rule, by Mr. Stanley Lane- Poole 
(Putnams). 

Professor Charles Seignobos' s Le Regime Feodal, which forms the 
opening chapter of the second volume of the Lavisse-Rambaud Histoire 
Generate, has been done into English under the editorship of Professor 
Earle W. Dow, and published in an octavo pamphlet of some seventy 
pages. If it is favorably received in this form it is designed to become 
one of a series of such publications, with the object of making more 
available some of the best treatments of specially important subjects in 
the field of general history (Henry Holt and Co.). 

The second and third numbers of the " Opuscules de Critique His- 
torique " relate, like the first, to St. Francis, and are both edited by M. 
Paul Sabatier : Description du Manuscrit franciscain de Liegnitz ( K Silesie~), 
and 6 1 . Francisci Legendce Veteris Fragnienta Quadam (Paris, Fisch 
bacher). 

A noteworthy thesis was sustained recently before the Faculty of 
Letters at Paris by M. Eugene Deprez : La Papaute, la France et 
/' Angleterre, 1328-1342, a detailed study of the origins of the Hundred 
Years' War (Paris, Fontemoing). Also, M. Deprez plans to supplement 
this volume with three others, in which he will deal in like manner with 
the relations between the Papacy, France and England from the treaty of 
Paris to the peace of Bretigny (T259-1360). 

Two notable additions have been made to the Dent-Macmillan 
"Mediaeval Towns" : Prague, by Count Liitzow ; and Cairo, by Mr. 
Stanley Lane-Poole. 

The admirable text-book of medieval history written by M. Charles 
Bemont for the Monod series for French schools has just appeared in an 
English version, made under the editorship of Professor George B. 
Adams (Henry Holt and Co.). 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals : C. Enlart, line Colonic francaise 
du Moyen Age: le Royaume de Chypre (Minerva, from August 1) ; C. 
Daux, La Protection apostolique an Moyen Age (Revue des Questions 
Historiques, July). 

MODERN HISTORY. 

The first volume of "The Cambridge Modern History" is an- 
nounced for November. Under the general title of The Renaissance 



Modern History 191 

are some twenty chapters by near as many writers. Dr. Henry C. Lea, 
for America, deals with "The Eve of the Reformation." The follow- 
ing list indicates the titles of the remaining volumes : II. The Reforma- 
tion ; III. Wars of Religion ; IV. The Thirty Years' War ; V. Bour- 
bons and Stuarts ; VI. The Eighteenth Century ; VII. The United 
States ; VIII'. The French Revolution ; IX. Napoleon ; X. Restoration 
and Reaction ; XL The Growth of Nationalities ; XII. The Latest Age. 
The successive volumes are to be published in two series, beginning re- 
spectively with Vol. I. and Vol. VII. ; and it is hoped to issue two each 
year (The Macmillan Company). 

Announcement has been made of a new series of special monographs 
devoted to the history and literature of the Italian Renaissance : Biblio- 
teca Storica del Rinascimento, edited by Signor F. P. Luiso. It will deal 
with special phases of Renaissance life and culture, with the less known 
of the humanists and with minor but significant figures in the history of 
the period. The first volumes on the list are Guido Mazzoni's translation 
of Munz's book on the precursors of the Renaissance, with additions by 
the author, and Schiaparelli's La Casa Fiorentina nei Secoli XIV. et XV. 
(Florence, Sansoni). 

An English edition has been made of F. Kircheisen's bibliography of 
Napoleon, already issued in both German and French : Bibliography of 
Napoleon (London, Low). It appears from the preface to be a prepara- 
tory work, comprising a selection from some thirty thousand titles. By 
way of bibliographies in the field of modern history note may also be 
made of a Repertorium tier neueren Kriegsgeschichte, von * * (Olden- 
burg, G Stalling). It, too, is a selection, prepared primarily for Ger- 
man officers. 

A History of the Nineteenth Century Year by Year, by Edward Emer- 
son, Jr. (P. F. Collier), which is designed "to group in moderate com- 
pass the central facts of each country's development during the past cen- 
tury in such a way as to make them easily accessible to the inquirer," will 
be published soon by Messrs. Dodd, Mead and Co. in a new edition. 

In Progress of South Africa in the Century Dr. Theal practically gives 
a history of Africa south of the Zambesi from 1795 to 1899, or from the 
first English occupation of the Cape to the outbreak of the recent Boer 
war (London, Chambers). 

The publication is begun of the diplomatic correspondence between 
France and Russia from 18 14 to 1830, under the care of the president of 
the Imperial Historical Society of Russia, A. Polovtsoff : Correspondance 
diplomatique des Ambassadeurs et Ministres de Russie en France et de 
France en Russie avec leurs Gouvernements. Vol. I., 1814-1816 (Paris, 
L. Conard). 

Messrs. Little, Brown and Co. are bringing out a new volume by Cap- 
tain Mahan under the title Retrospect and Prospect. It contains essays on 
the development of political feeling and outlook in the United States 



192 Notes and News 

during the last decade, effect of the war in South Africa on the prestige 
of the British empire, motives to imperial federation, conditions influ- 
encing the distribution of navies, the relation of the Persian Gulf to world 
politics, and the military rule of obedience. 

Among late publications upon contemporary history are : Conquete de 
Madagascar (s8pj-i8c)6), by J. Poirier (Paris, H. Charles-Lavauzelle); 
the third and concluding volume of H. Cordier's Histoire des Relations 
de la Chine avee les Puissances Occidentals (Paris, Alcan); the second 
volume of The Times History of the War in South Africa, by L. S. 
Amery, which is said to deserve almost unreserved praise (London, 
Low); The Uganda Protectorate, 2 vols., by Sir Harry Johnson (Dodd, 
Mead and Co. ); Asiatic Russia, 2 vols., by Professor G. F. Wright, of 
Oberlin College (McClure, Philips and Co.); Memoirs of Sir Edward 
Blount, edited by Stuart J. Reid (Longmans); the American edition of 
Mr. Henry Norman's All the Russias (Scribners); and Progress of India, 
Japan, and China in the Century, by Sir Richard Temple, in "The 
Nineteenth Century Series" (London, Chambers). 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals : P. S. Allen, Hieronymus Balbus 
in Paris (English Historical Review, July) ; H. Hiiffer, Der Eeldzug 
der Engldndcr und Russcn in Holland ini Herbst i/Qp uud tile Stellung 
Preussens, II. (' Historische Vierteljahrschrift, July); J. F. Chance, 
The Baltic Expeditwn and A T orthcrn Treaties of JJij (English His- 
torical Review, July); Albert Sorel, La Paix d' Amiens (Revue des 
Deux-Mondes, from August 1) ; Benjamin B. Warfield, The Printing of 
the Westminster Confession, concluded (The Presbyterian and Reformed 
Review, July). 

GREAT BRITAIN. 

Late publications of the British government include the second vol- 
ume of the Calendar of the Close Rolls, Edward I. , 1279-1288, by W. 
H. Stevenson ; the fifth volume of the Calendar of the Patetit Rolls, Ed- 
ward 111., 134J-1345, by R. F. Isaacson ; another of Mr. Pike's year- 
books of Edward III., Year-Boohs of the Reign of Edward III. : Year 
XVII. ; a volume for 1577-1578 in the Calendar of State Papers, For- 
eign, by A. J. Butler ; Calender of State Papers, Domestic, 167 'J ; and 
Acts of the Privy Council, Vol. XXV., relating to the period from Octo- 
ber 1595 to June 1596. 

The latest issue in Messrs. Goupil's richly illustrated series on the 
English sovereigns is Henry VIII., by A. F. Pollard. Some of the criti- 
cism the book has had so far speaks better for its pictures than for its text. 

The Letters Received by the East India Company from its Servants 
in the East, edited by W. Foster, has reached its sixth volume, which 
relates to the latter half of the year 161 7 (London, Low). 

Mr. Andrew Lang, with all his other writings, has found time to 
make a book on James VI. and the Go7orie Conspiracy. He believes he 
has demonstrated at least one point, the innocence of James VI. (Long- 
mans). 






France 193 

The South Atlantic Quarterly for July has an article, by Dr. Bernard 
C. Steiner, on " Two New England Rulers of Madras." It treats of 
Elihu Yale, governor from 1687 to 1692, and of his successor, Nathaniel 
Higginson, who held office until 1698. 

The letters of Monsieur Cesar de Saussure to his family, giving the 
impression formed of England by an educated Frenchman during his 
stay there in 1725 to 1729, have been translated and edited by Madame 
van Muyden : A Foreign View of England in the Reigns of George I. and 
George II. (London, Murray). 

A presentation of the main outlines of English history — a certain 
knowledge of the facts being presupposed — is the purport of a little 
volume by Miss Lucy Dale : The Principles of English Constitutional 
History, published in this country by Longmans, Green and Co. 

Students of the history of English municipal institutions will note 
with pleasure, in the English Historical Review for July, the first part of 
a considerable study, by Miss Mary Bateson, entitled " A London Mu- 
nicipal Collection of the Reign of John." They will also be interested 
in the progress of the " Calendar of Letter Books of the City of Lon- 
don": the latest volume contains Letter-Book D, which is mainly con- 
cerned with the years 1 309-1314, and a detailed introduction by the 
editor, Dr. Sharpe. 

The second issue in " The Historic Families" series — it will be re- 
called that the first dealt with the Douglases — gives a record of the 
Percys : A History of the House of Percy, 2 vols. , by Gerald Brenan 
(London, Freemantle). 

Noteworthy article : C. H. Firth, Cromwell and the Crown (English 
Historical Review, July). 

FRANCE. 

It is announced that the Repertoire Methodique du Moyen Age fran- 
cais, published for two years (1894 and 1895) by M. A. Vidier, is to be 
revived. It will cover in the next issue publications of 1901, will ap- 
pear as formerly in connection with Le Moyen Age, and will be under the 
direction of M. R. Poupardin. 

The fifth volume of the Catalogue des Manuscrits Frangais, recently 
issued, with a preface by M. Leopold Delisle, completes the inventory 
of the old body of French manuscripts in the Bibliotheque Nationale. A 
general alphabetical index of the work will appear in due time (Paris, 
Firmin-Didot). 

The status of studies relating to the economic history of France in 
the Middle Ages is the subject of an excellent article by M. P. Boisson- 
nade in the Revue de Synthese Historique for June : " Les Etudes Rela- 
tives a l'Histoire Economique de la France au Moyen Age." 

The publishers have distributed the first fascicle of the Lettres 
Secretes et Curiales du Pape Urbain V se rapportant a la France, drawn 
from the registers in the Vatican by P. Lecacheux. There will be five 

AM. HIST. REV. VOL. VIII. — 13. 



194 Notes and News 

fascicles in all ; three of text, one for introduction and tables, and one 
for an analytical table of the pieces in registers that do not relate to 
France (Paris, Fontemoing). 

Louis XIII d' 'apres set Correspondance avec le Cardinal de Richelieu 
(1622-1642), by the Conite de Beauchamp, claims to show the King in 
a new light ; making him a healthy, robust man who occupied himself 
personally with the administration of the kingdom and considered 
Richelieu as his best collaborator (Paris, Renouard). 

Memoires des Eveques de France sur la Conduite a tenir a I' Egard 
ties Reformes (/6g8) is the first volume in the "Archives de l'Histoire 
Religieuse de la France." It will be recalled that this series, announced 
some time ago, will aim to provide a collection of documents of capital 
interest for the history of beliefs, ideas, customs and social and political 
life in France (Paris, Picard). 

M. Ch. Gomel continues his studies of the financial history of the 
French Revolution, his latest volume bearing the title Histoire financiere 
de la Legislative et de la Convention, I. : i/Q2~i/Cjj ( Paris, Guillau- 
m in). 

L'Etat actuel des Etudes d' Histoire Moderne en France, the report 
which MM. Caron and Sagnac drew up for the expected historical con- 
gress at Rome, contains a sketch of organization of work, with reference 
to centers of production, forms of production, and bibliographical equip- 
ment ; a somewhat longer account of what is now being done and what 
there is yet to do ; and a brief characterization of the work of present 
French historians in the modern field. It would be well to have such 
reports for other countries also, and for the earlier as well as the later 
periods. An intelligent invoice of the general situation cannot be less 
than interesting to all, and to the great majority of students it is positively 
instructive (Paris, Societe nouvelle de Librairie et d' Edition). 

The Repertoire inethodique de F Histoire moderne et contemporaine de la 
France pour /' Annie iqoo, by MM. Briere and Caron, was sent out in the 
summer. Its increasing usefulness is indicated in part by the fact that 
the number of titles has risen from 2038 the first year and 3638 the 
second to 4347. Also the plan of classification is considerably changed ; 
chiefly, the publications formerly listed under " Histoire par Epoques " 
are now distributed between "Histoire Politique Interieure," " Histoire 
I liplornatique " and "Histoire Militaire " (Paris, Societe nouvelle de 
Librairie et d'Edition). It will be welcome, in this connection, that the 
authors of this Repertoire have been charged by the Societe d' Histoire 
Moderne with the preparation of a bibliography of the history of France 
from 1789 to the present time. This bibliography will comprise two 
volumes, one devoted to sources and the other to " travaux "; and if it is 
favorably received, attention will be given to the period from 1500 to 
1789. It may be added that the society has in view other bibliographies 
of the same kind. 



Italy, Spain 195 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals : H. See, Les Ldees politiques au 
Temps de la Fronde (Revue d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine, May- 
September); Alfred Bourget, Le Due de Choiseul et la Hollande, I. 
(Revue Historique, July); F. des Robert, Le Marquis de Dangeau et le 
Palati/i, 1672-1673 (Revue des Questions Historiques, July); M. Marion, 
Un Episode du Mouvement de 1789 a Bordeaux, d'apres un Document 
Inedit (Revue d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine, May-September); 
A. de Ganniers, Les Ecoles militaires en France sous la Revolution ( Re- 
vue des Questions Historiques, July). 

ITALY, SPAIN. 

Two important additions have been made this year to the Villari his- 
torical series: V Lmperatore Giuliano I' Apostata, by G. Negri, and 
V Epoca delle Grandi Scoperte Geografiche, by Professor Errera, of Turin, 
(Milan, Hoepli). 

Mr. R. M. Johnston sends us word of his discovery of a copy of the 
memoirs of Queen Mary Caroline, a manuscript which he describes as 
especially informing upon the Queen's relations with Lord William Ben- 
tinck ; as dealing at length with the years 1805 to 1814 ; and as contain- 
ing in an appendix copies of a large number of documents, many un- 
published, some of importance. It appears in this connection that Mr. 
Johnston is engaged upon a history of Naples from 1805 to 182 1. 

Students of the " Risorgimento " welcome the publication of Volume 
III. of Arbib's important Cinquaut Anni di Storia Parlamentare del 
Regno d' Ltalia (Rome, Tipografia della Camera dei Deputati, 1902). 
This volume covers the years 1863— 1870 ; other volumes are in prep- 
aration. It is to be regretted that the writer holds so closely to the 
analytical method in his account of the parliamentary discussions. An 
occasional sympathetic view of Italian political thought, as expressed by 
the representatives of the nation, would have added much to the value 
of the work. 

De Fellissent's // Generate Pianell e il suo Tempo (Verona, Drucker, 
1902) is a biography, properly so called, and the only such book yet written 
upon that able and prominent Italian general. It is of considerably less in- 
terest, however, than Pianell's own Lettere e Ricordi Familiari (Naples), 
published a year ago by his widow. 

Spanish historical publications of the past year include notably, in 
the matter of sources, two new volumes (IV. and V.) of Cortes de los 
Antiguos Reinos de Aragon y Valencia y Principado de Cataluna, con- 
taining acts of the Catalan Cortes for the years 1377-1410; the twen- 
tieth volume of Adas de las Cortes de Castilla, comprising documents of 
the years 1 602-1 604; and three additions to the Monumenta Societatis 
Jesu : " Epistolae P. Nadal," " Epistolse Mixta?," and "Monumenta 
Paedagogica. ' ' 

Among the new books relating to the general history of Spain are 
La Moneda Castellana, by Sefior Vives ; Don Juan de Austria eti Flan- 



ig6 Notes and News 

des, by Seiior Barado ; and Los Moriscos Espanoles y su Expulsion, in 
two volumes by Seiior Boronat. In the local field mention may be 
made especially of a history of the villains of Catalonia, by Sefior Hino- 
josa ; Origeny Vicisitudes de la Pagesia de remensa en Cataluna. 

Announcement has been made of a three-volume history of protest- 
antism and the inquisition in Spain during the sixteenth century : Bei- 
trage zur Gesehiehte des span is eh en Protestantismus und iter Inquisition 
i»i seelizehntcn Jahrhundert, by Dr. Ernst Schiifer. The second and 
third volumes are to contain documents, drawn mainly from the archives 
in Madrid and Simancas (Gutersloh, Bertelsmann). 

Noteworthy article : G. Desdevises du Dezert, Le Conseil de Castille 
au XVIII' Steele, conclusion (Revue Historique, July). 

GERMANY. 

An English and a French diagnosis of modern Germany have ap- 
peared about the same time ; German Empire of To-day, by Veritas 
(Longmans); and Z' Imperialism e Allemand, by Maurice Lair (Paris, 
Colin). 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals: Richard Fester, Sleidan, Sabi- 
nus, Melancthon (Historische Zeitschrift, LXXXIX., i); Louis Paul-Du- 
bois, Frederic le Grand, d'apres sa Correspondance politique (Revue des 
Deux-Mondes from July i ) ; Friedrich Meinecke, Friedrich Wilhelm II'. 
uTid Deutsehland (Historische Zeitschrift, LXXXIX., i); Otto Bremer, 
Politisehe Gesehiehte und Spraehgesehiehte (Historische Vierteljahrschrift, 
July); Hermann Bloch, Paul Seheffer-Boiehorst (Historische Zeitschrift, 
LXXXIX., i). 

BELGIUM. 

The second volume of Professor Pirenne's Histoire de Belgique, lately 
published, goes to the death of Charles the Bold in 1477. By agree- 
ment it appeared first in a German translation, in the "Gesehiehte der 
Europaischen Staaten " (Gotha, Perthes). 

The Belgian Royal Historical Commission has lately brought out a 
short but important contribution to the economic history of the Nether- 
lands : Documents pour servir a I Histoire des Prix, de I 381 a 1784, by 
M. H. Van Houtte (Brussels, Kiessling). 

AMERICA. 

We have the pleasure of announcing that practically all arrange- 
ments have been make for the publication, by Messrs. Harper and 
Brothers, of a co-operative history of the United States, edited by Pro- 
fessor Albert Bushnell Hart. This work will comprise twenty-six volumes, 
grouped under the general title The American Nation. A History from 
Original Material by Associated Scholars. Each volume will have about 
three hundred pages, and besides the text will contain some illustrative 
matter, a few maps, a chapter of critical bibliography, and an index. 
There will also be a general index, forming a separate volume. The 
period covered will be from the discovery to the present day ; the 



America 197 

geographical field, that part of North America which is now the United 
States; and personal, social and economic factors are to enter in, as 
well as political. The divisions of the work will be chronological ; " the 
log shall be sawed into sections, not split into rails." According to the 
proposed plan, the several sections have been grouped and named and 
distributed to writers as follows: Group I. — Foundations of the Nation. 
1. European Background of American History (XV. -XVI. Centuries). 
Professor E. P. Cheyney. 2. American Conditions of American His- 
tory (XV. -XIX. Centuries). Mr. W J McGee. 3. Spain in America 
(1450-1580). Professor E. G. Bourne. 4. England in America ( 1580- 
1652). President L. G. Tyler. 5. Self-Governed Colonization (1652- 
1689). Professor Charles M. Andrews. Group II. — Transformation 
into a Nation. 6. A Half-Century of Commonwealth Building (1690- 
1740). Professor E. B. Greene. 7. The French and the English 
(1750-1763). Mr. R. G. Thwaites. 8. Preliminaries of the Re- 
volution (1763-17 76). Professor George E. Howard. 9. The Re- 
volution ( 1 776—1 7S9). 10. Constitution Building (1781-1789). Pro- 
fessor A. C. McLaughlin. Group III. — Development of tiic Nation, n. 
The Federalist System (1789-1801 ). Professor McLaughlin. 12. The 
Republican System (1801-1811). Professor Edward Channing. 13. 
The Nation Finds Itself (1811-1819). Professor K. C. Babcock. 14. 
The New West (1819-1829). Professor F. J. Turner. 15. The New 
Democracy (1829-1837). Professor William McDonald. Group IV. — 
Trial of Nationality. 16. Elements of the Slavery Contest (1 834-1 841 ). 
Professor Hart. 17. AVestward Extension (1841-1850). Professor 
George P. Garrison. 18. Politics and Slavery (1851-1859). Professor 
T. C. Smith. 19. Elements of the Civil War (1859-1861). Mr. W. 
G. Brown. 20. The Appeal to Arms (1861-1863). Mr. J. K. Hos- 
mer. 21. Outcome of the Civil War (1 863-1 866). Mr. Hosmer. 
Group V. — National Expansion. 22. Reconstruction, Political and 
Economic (1866-1877). Professor W. A. Dunning. 23. New Founda- 
tions for National Life (1877-1885). 24. Problems of the Wealthy Re- 
public (1885-1897). Mr. W. C. Ford. 25. America the World 
Power (1898-1905). Professor J. H. Latane. 26. Ideals of American 
Government (1870-1905). Professor Hart. 

Messrs. Harper and Brothers are issuing this fall A History of t/ic 
American People, in five volumes, by President Woodrow Wilson The 
first three hundred and fifty impressions will form a "limited alumni 
edition," offered to alumni of such colleges as have known Dr. Wilson 
as an instructor or have honored him with a degree. 

Two volumes of essays left ready for the press by Mr. John Fiske are 
being published this autumn by the Macmillan Company, under the title 
Essays : Historical and Literary. They refer mainly to prominent char- 
acters in American history. 

Students of the period of discovery will note with interest a new book 
by Henry Vignaud, First Secretary of our Legation at Paris : Toscanelli 



198 Notes and News 

and Columbus : the Letter and Chart of Toscanelli on the Route to the 
Indies by way of the West, sent in 1474 to the Portuguese Fernam Martins, 
and later on to Christopher Columbus. It is a critical study on the au- 
thenticity and value of these documents and the sources of the cosmo- 
graphical ideas of Columbus, and also contains the various texts of the 
letter, with translations, annotations, several facsimiles, and a map (Lon- 
don, Sands). Of the same bearing is an article in the Compte Rendu du 
Congres International des Americanistes, held in September, 1900 : "La 
Solution de tous les Problemes relatifs a Christophe Colomb et en par- 
ticulier de celui des Origines ou des pretendus Inspirateurs de la Decou- 
verte du Nouveau Monde," by M. Gonzalez de la Rosa. 

The Putnams have in preparation a three-volume history of Christo- 
pher Columbus, by John Boyd Thatcher. One object in view is to put 
before the reader the information that was accessible at the end of the 
fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth centuries ; wherefore old 
manuscripts, charts and accounts are reproduced in full. Also, an in- 
vestigation is made of the disputes and discussions of recent years. 

Messrs. Appleton have published the first number of " Appleton's 
Life Histories," Father Marquette, the Explorer of the Mississippi, by 
Mr. R. G. Thwaites. The next volume announced in this series is 
Daniel Boone, also by Mr. Thwaites. 

A handsome new edition has been issued of the History and General 
Description of New France, the work of Charlevoix as translated by the 
late Dr. J. G. Shea, with a new memoir and bibliography of the transla- 
tor by Noah F. Morrison, all in six volumes (London, Edwards). 

The Burrows Brothers Company, of Cleveland, is publishing a series 
of reprints of historical and bibliographical importance, beginning with 
Denton's A Brief Desci'iption of New York, formerly called New Nether- 
la /ids, from the original edition of 1670 in the Library of Congress, and 
with a bibliography by Felix Neumann. Other numbers announced are 
Wooley's J r our n :a d during Two Years' Residence in New York, edited by 
Professor E. G. Bourne ; Miller's Description of New York, Budd's Good 
Order in Pennsylvania, Alsop's A Character of the Province of Maryland ; 
and Ferdinand Columbus's life of his father, Christopher Columbus, pre- 
pared by Professor Bourne. 

Two recent books dealing with colonial government appear to con- 
tain matter of interest to students of American history : Colonial Govem- 
fnent : An Introduction to the Study of Colonial Institutions, by Paul S. 
Reinsch (Macmillan) ; and The Administration of Dependencies, a study, 
from the legal side, of the evolution of the federal empire, with special 
reference to American colonial problems, by A. H. Snow (Putnams). 

Several books of an educational order have been published lately or 
are announced to appear soon. We note : American Politics, by Pro- 
fessor J. A. Woodburn (Putnams) ; American Constitutional History, by 
Alexander Johnston, edited from Lalor by Professor Woodburn ; Source 



America 199 

Readers in American History. No. 1, Colonial Children, selected and 
annotated by Professor A. B. Hart, with the collaboration of Miss Blanche 
E. Hazard (Macmillan) ; Studies in United Stales History, a guide for the 
use of students and teachers, by Sara M. Riggs (Ginn and Co.). 

It is said that Mr. Paul Leicester Ford was at work, at the time of 
his death, upon an extensively annotated edition of Weems's Washington, 
and that he had it so far along that it is possible to complete it. 

In a letter in the New York Evening Post of August 14, Dr. Herbert 
Friedenwald gives some new information in regard to the date of the 
signing of the Declaration of Independence. Elbridge Gerry wrote 
Samuel and John Adams from Kingsbridge, July 21 : " Pray subscribe 
for me the Declaration of Independency, if the same is to be signed as 
proposed. I think we ought to have the privilege, when necessarily 
absent, of voting and signing " by proxy." Moreover, assuming that 
August 2 was the date of the general signing, Gerry must be classed with 
Thornton and McKean as a later signer ; since he did not return to 
Philadelphia until September 1, and since his " signature, like McKean's, 
comes at the end of the delegation from his State and is somewhat 
crowded in." 

The United States Catholic Historical Society has published, as the 
first number in a series of " Monographs," Unpublished Letters of Charles 
Carroll of Carrollton, and of his Father, Charles Carroll of Doughoregan, 
compiled and edited, with a memoir, by T. Meagher Field. 

The Reverend A. M. Sherman enters considerably into the Revolu- 
tionary War in The Life of Captain Jeremiah C Brien of Machias, Me. 
Former secretary John D. Long contributes the introduction (Lynbrook, 
New York, G. W. Sherman). 

The Loyalists of the American Revolution, by Dr. C. H. VanTyne, 
Senior Fellow in the University of Pennsylvania, will be published this 
autumn. A history of the political and social struggle between the 
American Whigs and Tories, it treats a relatively neglected side of the 
Revolution, and especially from material hitherto not used (Macmil- 
lan). 

Mr. D. H. Chamberlain read before the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, at its May meeting, a valuable paper on " The Historical Con- 
ception of the United States Constitution and Union," in which he 
examined a dictum by Mr. Goldwin Smith and a statement of Mr. Henry 
Cabot Lodge, to the effect that at the beginning every one supposed that 
a state could at any time peaceably and legally withdraw from the Union. 
Mr. Chamberlain does not simply plead the general issue and leave the 
affirmative to its proofs — which might indeed have been sufficient. He 
examines the material and lays down in his turn the positive statement 
that " there was not a man in the country who thought or claimed that 
the new system was anything but a perpetual Union." 



200 Notes ana News 

The Rise of Commercial Banking Institutions in the United States is 
the title of a doctoral dissertation prepared by Adolph Oscar Eliason, of 
the University of Minnesota. The study is almost altogether confined to 
the period preceding the formation of the First Bank of the United States. 
The tardy rise of banking institutions is attributed to the peculiar con- 
dition of the colonial trade, to which the author gives some attention as 
the foundation of his thesis. 

We have received the second annual number of the John P. Branch 
Historical Papers of Randolph-Macon College, edited by Professor William 
E. Dodd. It contains especially : " The Whiskey Insurrection in Penn- 
sylvania and the Opinions of Contemporary Party Leaders Concerning 
its Suppression," by B. W. Bond, Jr.; another portion of the " Corres- 
pondence of Le ven -Powell," comprising letters of the years 1 775—1 787 
which bear upon the Revolutionary War and the settlement of Kentucky 
and its separation from Virginia ; " Letters bearing on the AVar of 181 2 "; 
and "Letters of Thomas Ritchie — Glimpses of the Year 1830." The 
publication of such material should accomplish even more than the objecf 
avowed by the editor, which is "to stimulate and encourage the study 
and writing of history in Randolph-Macon College." 

The leading article of the July number of the William and Mary 
College Quarterly is " A Diary Kept by Dr. Robert Wellford, of Fred- 
ericksburg, Virginia, during the March of the Virginia Troops to Fort 
Pitt (Pittsburg) to Suppress the Whiskey Insurrection." 

We note the following publications of interest to students of Amer- 
ican church history : Methodist Episcopal Church in America, being the 
doctrines of the Methodist Episcopal Church in America as contained in 
its disciplines from 1788 to 1808, compiled and edited with an historical 
introduction by J. I. Tigert, D.D. (Cincinnati, Jennings and Pye); and 
A History and Record of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Diocese 
of West Virginia, and, before the Formation of the Diocese in 1878, in the 
Territory noio known as the State of West Virginia, by G. W. Peterkin 
(Charleston, West Virginia, the Tribune Company). 

Upon the proposition of Mr. Adolph Moses, of the Chicago Bar, 
followed by the action of the Chicago and the American Bar Associa- 
tions, the fourth of February, 1901, being the hundredth anniversary of 
the day that John Marshall took his seat in the Supreme Court of the 
United States, was celebrated in all parts of the country as John Mar- 
shall Day. The proceedings held in Chicago on that occasion, and 
those before the Supreme Court of Illinois, have been published, in hand- 
some form, by the associated committees in charge of the celebration. 
Among the many items we may mention especially "The Centennial 
Oration," by Henry Cabot Lodge. 

The June and July Bulletins of the New York Public Library give the 
fourth and fifth installments of letters of James Monroe. They belong 
to the years 1812-1817 an d 1820-1823. 



America 201 

The documents printed in the June and July Bulletins of the Boston 
Public Library consist of letters bearing mainly on the politics of the 
fourth and fifth decades of the last century ; with two exceptions they 
belong to the years 1 828-1 848. Those in the August and September 
numbers are of earlier date, 1674-1770. Besides letters they include, 
among other pieces: an action of the Privy Council on petition of John 
Usher, treasurer and receiver general of New England (1689) ; a com- 
mittee report in reference to the Boston Free Grammar School, in 
1 7 10; and a deposition concerning the impressment of one Edward 
Maylem. 

The second volume of the Political History of the United States ; with 
Special Reference to the Growth of Political Parties, by J. P. Gordy, was 
published in the summer. It presents its facts with a view toward two 
conclusions: "That unwise financial legislation was primarily respon- 
sible for the dangerous position of the country at the close of the War of 
181 2, and that public opinion of the North with reference to the negro 
prior to 1830 differed but little from that of the South; the greater 
readiness to free him in the former section having been due to the fact 
that if freed he would live in the South " (Henry Holt and Co. ). 

Lincoln and General Sherman are portrayed in two late issues of the 
" Biographies of Famous Men," the former by Joseph H. Barrett and the 
latter by W. F. Johnson (Chicago, M. A. Donohue and Co.). Also, 
apropos of Lincoln, the Century Company will publish a condensed edi- 
tion, prepared by the late John G. Nicolay, of the Nicolay-Hay life, de- 
signed to contain all the essential facts of the ten-volume edition. 

Among new books bearing on the Civil War are The first New York 
'Lincoln) Cavalry from April, 1861 , to July 7, 1865, by W. H. Beach 
(Milwaukee, C. N. Caspar Co.); History of the Sixty -eighth Regiment, 
Indiana Volunteer Infantry, 1862-1865, with a sketch of E. A. King's 
brigade, Reynold's division, Thomas's corps, in the battle of Chicka- 
mauga, by Edwin W. High (Metamora, Indiana, by the author). 

Among the most interesting of the fall announcements is Dr. Edward 
Everett Hale's Memories of a Hundred Years (Macmillan). 

The Founders of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, by Sarah Saunders 
Smith, is published as " a careful research of the earliest records of many 
of the foremost settlers of the New England Colony, compiled from the 
earliest church and state records" (Washington, Woodward and Loth- 
rop). 

The last numbers (9 and 10) have been published of Mr. W. W. 
Tooker's Algonquian series of Researches Relating to the Early Indians 
of New York and New England (New York, F. P. Harper). 

The history of Long Island forms the subject of an illustrated three- 
volume work by P. Ross : A History of Long Island, from its Earliest 
Settlement to the Present Time (New York and Chicago, Lewis Publish- 
ing Co.). 



202 Notes and News 

The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, for July opens 
with the first part of "Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician," by 
Dr. Ernest H. Baldwin. In addition it continues "William Biles," 
"The Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia," " Life 
of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold," and concludes " Popp's 
Journal, 1777-1783," " Dean Tucker's Pamphlet," " Memoirs of Brig- 
adier-General John Lacey, of Pennsylvania," and " Letters of Presidents 
of the United States and ' Ladies of the White House.' ' 

The lists of the faithful published for a number of years in the 
Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia are to 
be continued by sacramental registers of marriages and baptisms. A be- 
ginning of these is made in the June number, with that part of the regis- 
ters at St. Augustine's Church, Philadelphia, that refers to the opening 
years of the last century. 

A list of certificates of removal received at Philadelphia monthly 
meetings of Friends from 1682 to 1750 has been prepared by Mr. Albert 
Cook Myers : Quaker Arrivals, at Philadelphia (Philadelphia, Ferris and 
Leach ) . 

The Publications of the Southern History Association continues the 
" Journal of Charles Porterfield " (May and July numbers); and has also, 
among other articles: "An Old Time merchant in South Carolina," 
being a digest of correspondence of William Murrell in the ten years be- 
ginning with April, 1795, by Kate Furman (May) ; " Southern Political 
Views, 1865 " (March and May numbers) and " An Account of the Or- 
ganization and Operations of the Postoffice Department of the Confeder- 
ate States of America, 1861 to 1865 " (July number), by John H. 
Reagan ; and " Diary of a Texas March," kept by W. H. C. Whiting in 
1849, when he was engaged in laying out a military road from San An- 
tonio to El Paso (begun in the July number). 

The Virginia Adagazine of History and Biography for July contains 
especially further parts of -"Virginia Legislative Documents"; "The 
Germans of the Valley" (begun in the April number), by John Walter 
Wayland ; "An Abridgement of the Laws of Virginia"; "Henry 
County Records"; and the first installment of the "John Brown 
Letters." 

In the fourth volume (to be published soon) of his History of South 
Carolina, Dr. Edward McCrady covers the years 1 780-1883, treating 
especially Greene's campaign in the South. He thus fulfils his purpose 
" to trace the history and development of the State of South Carolina 
socially and politically from the inception of the colony to the end of the 
American Revolution" (Macmillan). 

Students of Southern history will welcome The Gulf States Historical 
Magazine, published at Montgomery, Alabama. It is to be a bi-monthly 
of sixty-four to one hundred pages, and will be devoted particularly to the 
history, literature and antiquities of the Gulf states. It proposes to print 



America 203 

historical papers, documents, genealogies and genealogical notes, short ar- 
ticles on minor topics, news, notes and queries, book notes and reviews, 
and pertinent illustrations. The editor is one of its owners, Thomas M. 
Owen, Director of the Department of Archives and History for the State 
of Alabama,, and Secretary of the Alabama Historical Society. The first 
number, which bears the date of July, 1902, contains chiefly "The Be- 
ginnings of French Settlement of the Mississippi Valley," by P. J. Ham- 
ilton; "John Adair's Observations on Men and Affairs in the Old 
Southwest, 1809," with notes by R. T. Durrett ; " Reminiscences of a 
Long Life," by Barnard Shipp ; and "The Tragedy of the Commis- 
sariat," by J. W. DuBose. 

Number 4 of the current series of " Johns Hopkins University Studies 
in History and Political Science " embodies " an effort to trace the de- 
velopment of the public highways of Alabama and to point out their in- 
fluence upon immigration and settlement": Internal Improvements in 
Alabama, by W. E. Martin (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Press). 

In the July number of the Quarterly of the Texas Historical Associa- 
tion Mr. R. C. Clark continues his studies in early Texas history, writ- 
ing this time upon "Louis Juchereau de Saint-Denis and the Re-estab- 
lishment of the Tejas Missions "; and Mr. I. J. Cox, fellow in American 
history at the University of Pennsylvania, treats of " Educational Efforts 
in San Fernando de Bexar. ' ' 

" Un Saintongeais Missionnaire chez les Illinois; Gabriel Richard 
(1769-1832)," by L. Grasilier, appeared in the Revue de Saintonge et 
d'Aunis, for May, 1902. Richard was at one time Delegate in Congress 
from the territory of Michigan. 

The July number of the Annals of Iowa gives the concluding portion 
of Dr. Herriott's " Chapters in Iowa's Financial History," and has be- 
. sides, among other matter, "The Flood of 1851," by Tacitus Hussey. 

The seventh volume of the Transactions of the Kansas State Histori- 
cal Society contains a number of addresses and papers, most of them recol- 
lections referring either to the slavery struggle in Kansas or to the trials 
of the early frontier life. The paper of most general and permanent 
value is probably one on the " Sources of the Constitution of Kansas," 
by Miss Rosa M. Purdue. 

Two important books on Mormon history appeared in the course of 
the summer : The Story of the Mormons, from the Date of their Origin to 
the Year 1901, by W. Alexander Linn (Macmillan) ; and The Founder 
of Mormonism by I. W. Riley, with an introduction by Professor G. T. 
Ladd, of Yale (Dodd, Mead and Co.). 

In the June number of the Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society, 
M. C. Gerge writes upon the " Political History of Oregon from 1876 
to 1895"; Francis Fuller Victor gives a sketch of the First Oregon 
Cavalry; and H. S. Lyman contributes "Recollections of Horace Hoi- 



204 A 7 otes and News 

den," which relates Mr. Holden's reminiscences in regard to his adven- 
tures in the Pacific Ocean, among the cannibals of Polynesia, some 
seventy years ago. 

" The Alaska-Canadian Frontier," by T. W. Balch, is reprinted from 
the Journal of the Franklin Institute. It reviews the history of the line 
between Alaska and the British possessions, together with the negotia- 
tions between America and Great Britain, since 1S25, in regard to it, 
and concludes in favor of the American contention. There are eight 
maps (Philadelphia, Allen, Lane and Scott). 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals : Don C. Barrett, The Supposed 
Necessity of the Legal Tender Paper (Quarterly Journal of Economics, 
May) ; H. Morse Stephens, Some Living American Historians (The 
World's Work, July). 



Volume VIII~\ January, ipoj. \_Number 2 



(frhe 



mmatt §|totial %n\m 



THE STUDY OF THE LUTHERAN REVOLT 

THE dispassionate historical student who would estimate the 
full significance of the Protestant Revolt in Germany, and 
who desires to form a just opinion of the character and influence of 
the leaders of the time — both those who forwarded and those who 
opposed the revolution — finds his way beset with the most serious 
difficulties and dangers known to the historian. The sources for 
the period seem to be well-nigh vitiated by the hopeless bias ot 
their writers. The personal abuse with which we are familiar in 
modern political campaigns seems affected and anaemic when com- 
pared with the robust and confident scurrility of those who headed 
the opposing forces in the sixteenth century. Luther, as is well 
known, harbored the most unmeasured contempt for his opponents. 
He taxes the zoological nomenclature of the period for invidious 
epithets. His enemies are lions, asses, goats, moles. He seeks in 
Terence, and the few classics with which he is familiar, for terms 
of opprobrium. 1 These he freely supplements by the resources of 
a peasant's vernacular. When the worthy Emser's reflections come 
to his notice, after the unpleasant discussion in Leipzig in 15 19, he 
gives vent to his disgust that "such stupid, bungling, vapid, loud- 
mouthed fools should take a hand in the discussion at all." 2 

1 Like Mucklewrath he discovered in the Bible a storehouse of invective. There is 
a curious example of this in a letter to Carlstadt in which Luther says he would never 
have deigned to meet Eck at all in the approaching disputation at Leipzig, nisi pro 
populo Christi phrtnapatas , mataelogos, authades, et aeschrocerdes oportnisse redarguere. 
These singular Schmahworter are adaptations from the Greek of the Epistle to Titus. 

2 Compare the following passage in the " Address to the German Nobility," in 
which Luther rivals Kent's famous tirade in Lear. " Dieser Muthwille und liigenhafte 
Vorbehalt des Papsts macht nun zu Rom ein solch Wesen, dass niemand davon reden 
kann. Da ist ein Kaufen, Verkaufen, Wechseln, Tauschen, Rauschen, Liigen, Trugen, 
Rauben, Stehlen, Prachten, Hurerei, Biiberei, auf allerlei Weise Gottesverachtung, dass 
nicht moglich ist dem Antichrist, lasterlicher zu regieren." 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 14. 205 



206 J. H. Robinson 

The conservative party, on the other hand, was no more re- 
strained or judicial in its utterances. To them Luther was a fellow 
who appeared to be " not so much a man as a wicked demon in the 
form of a man, clothed in the garb of a monk." He has drawn 
anew all the old errors from hell and collected them "in one stink- 
ing puddle." He urges the laity "to bathe their hands in the blood 
of the priests." He is dragging the credulous German people "in 
a pitiable fashion towards the abyss of damnation." " His writings 
breathe out nothing- else than sedition, destruction, war, slaughter, 
rapine, and fire ; they are calculated to cause the total destruction 
of the Christian faith, because he advocates a loose, licentious life, 
freed from all restraint of law and wholly brutish." These expres- 
sions are taken from well considered state papers, and are not simply 
the outbursts of personal spite. 1 

It would, in short, exhaust the rank vocabulary of an irritated 
Dryden or Pope merely to adumbrate in English the descriptions 
which each religious party has transmitted to the historian, of the 
character and motives of the other. For reckless scandal-mongery 
it would be hard to find anything more outrageous than the Protes- 
tant description of Tetzel which still has some currency, or, on the 
■other hand, the vile anecdotes in regard to Luther which Cochlaeus 
has handed down to successive generations of Catholic writers even 
to the present day. Consequently, as the student of the period de- 
scends into the arena, he is deafened by the discordant cries that reach 
him from every side ; yet he must listen with composure and an 
open mind as Reuchlin and the Cologne professors, Luther, Eck, 
Prierius, Hutten, and the rest fill the air with mutual recriminations. 
He must not only listen, he must seek the truth in raging utterances 
in which all other considerations seem to give way before political 
and party animosities. 

Party rancor is, of course, by no means confined to the early 
part of the sixteenth century ; the worst of it is that the party 
rancor of this particular period has been perpetuated, and will be 
perpetuated for a long time to come. The old issues are by no 
means dead, especially in Germany, to which we have become 
accustomed to look for constant aid in solving the historical prob- 
lems of the times. 

The period has always had a peculiar attraction for those inter- 
ested first and foremost in theology, and, with all respect to the 
signal contributions which have been made by writers of this sort, 
the general surrender to them of special research in this field has 

i Compare the Decree of the Diet of Worms (1521), and a mandate of the bishop 
of Worms (1524). 



The Study of the Lutheran Revolt 207 

been doubly disadvantageous from the standpoint of the historian. • 
In the first place, just those phases of the movement have been 
emphasized which are still, and will be for an indefinite time to come, 
subjects which few can treat in a perfectly fair-minded way. In the 
second place,, the exclusive attention to the theological and religious 
phases of the revolt has blinded most of the writers in the past to 
the equally fundamental social, political, intellectual, economic and 
institutional changes that accompanied the religious. 

A generation ago a distinguished and eloquent German scholar, 
Wilhelm Maurenbrecher, prepared a remarkable review of the 
literature relating to the Lutheran movement that had appeared 
since the days of Myconius and Cochla^us down to the year 1870. 1 
From the standpoint of the open-minded historical student who 
approaches the great theme with none of the predilections of the 
Protestant, the Catholic, or, above all, of the anti-clerical, but with 
some understanding of each of them, the results of Maurenbrecher's 
essay are far from cheering. Aside from the arid Commentary of 
Seckendorf, published in 1688, he finds little or nothing to com- 
mend in the innumerable accounts of the subject which preceded 
that of Ranke (1 839-1 848). 

For the latter writer he professes the admiration which German 
scholars always express for Ranke, and which to some of us now- 
adays appears exaggerated and rather inexplicable. We must 
recollect, however, that the brilliancy of Ranke' s work has paled 
by reason of the very success of the reforms which he did so much 
to establish in the writing of history. He should be compared, not 
with the best scholars of to-day, but with Schlosser, Robertson, 
and dAubigne, if we would estimate his true place in the advance 
of historiography. Ranke at least placed the religious movement 
in its political setting in a way that none of his predecessors had 
done. Before the appearance of his book the field had been left 
mainly to the theologians, who had not only failed to interest 
themselves in more than one phase of an extremely complex move- 
ment, but, what was worse, had each had a system to defend, so that 
they contributed little to that particular species of theological knowl- 
edge of which the lay historian has need. 

No one doubts the essential importance of an understanding 01 
the theological issues, even for the student who is ordinarily indif- 
ferent to questions of doctrine. But one may seek in vain in a great 
part of the older treatises on the Reformation, both Protestant 
and Catholic, for the kind of knowledge which he desires. The 
Protestant writer is unconsciously led to systematize the uncer- 

l StuHen und Skizzen zur Geschichte der Refarmationszeit. Leipzig, 1874. 



2o8 /. H. Robinson 

tain gropings and contradictory statements of Luther and then 
sharply contrast this system with the alleged errors of the Roman 
Catholics and reconcile it as well as possible with present con- 
victions and practices. Now there are some things in Luther's 
writings to shock modern susceptibilities and the good man did not 
always have his feet on the firm ground even of personal convic- 
tion ; hence the temptations to unhistorical suppressions and adjust- 
ments have proved irresistible. Lhe Catholic historian, on the 
other hand, was confronted by different but equally dangerous 
pitfalls. Luther's vacillation, his abusive language, and a certain ex- 
uberance of overstatement which grieved even his friends completely 
obscured his greatness in the eyes of his enemies. Moreover, it 
seems to be practically impossible for one to whom the doctrines of 
the Roman Catholic Church appeal to understand Luther's attitude 
towards religion, for otherwise why should the old preposterous 
motives for his conduct which were alleged in the Edict of Worms 
still be seriously urged ? Catholic writers have never thought of dis- 
covering similar motives to account for Paul's or Augustine's beliefs. 

While no student of the Protestant Revolt can possibly pursue 
his work without constant reference to the doctrines of the period, 
he should view these not as correct or incorrect from the standpoint 
of a particular set of beliefs, but simply as expressions of the con- 
victions of those with whose conduct he has to deal. " Lhe field 
must be cleared," as Maurenbrecher concludes, " from all theological 
Tendenzen, whether these come from the right, left, or center. A 
true history of the Reformation must on principle leave altogether 
to one side all theological and ecclesiastical bias and partisanship." 

A more tolerant spirit in regard to the theological and reli- 
gious issues of the Protestant Revolt will inevitably bring with 
it a new estimate of their importance. Clerical historians — upon 
whom we have had chiefly to depend until recently, whether Prot- 
estant or Catholic, have always viewed the medieval church as first 
and foremost a religious institution. Lo a class whose main call- 
ing in life is the inculcating of religious ideas and the stimulation 
of religious enthusiasm, religion must naturally appear to have been 
a constant and determining factor in the past. Protestant writers 
have consequently attributed to aroused religious sentiment the se- 
cession of a considerable portion of Europe from the ancient church 
in the sixteenth century. While they have willingly ascribed the 
most heterogeneous beneficent results to the Revolt, they have been 
loth to admit other than spiritual causes to account for it. Lhe 
partiality of the Protestant writer for religious phenomena leads him 
to discover just those data which serve to establish his contention. 



The Study of the Lutheran Revolt 209 

His especial interest in religious motives leads him unconsciously to 
neglect or belittle the importance of all others. In this way his 
presentation of the case is made to appear plausible and it has until 
recently been generally accepted without suspicion. 

The ardor of the Catholic writer has led him into an equally 
fatal misapprehension of the situation. His doctrinal bias blinds 
him to the spiritual grandeur of Luther's work. It is inconceivable 
to him that anything worthy of the name of religious sentiment 
could have produced so perverse a rebellion as that of the Protes- 
tants. He naturally tends to discover //-religious explanations where 
he should have found only ////religious ones. Luther's denial of 
freewill is ascribed, for instance, not to his study of Augustine, but 
to his contamination by pagan poets ; his attitude towards the 
celibacy of the clergy to his desire to marry ; his deprecation of 
good works to his natural tendency to licentiousness. 

We appear now to be on the point of developing an idea of the 
scope and cause of the Protestant Revolt that differs radically from 
the traditional one. Recently one of our most prominent students 
of the history of the church ventured the assertion that the Refor- 
mation could scarcely be called a religious revolution at all. This 
will seem at first sight utterly paradoxical to most readers ; it may 
certainly prove to be an over statement, but there are nevertheless 
weighty arguments which may be adduced in support of this con- 
clusion. 

The secular study of the medieval church is making clearer and 
more incontestable from day to day the truth that that institution 
was by no means exclusively religious. It was not only organized 
like a modern bureaucracy but it also performed many of the func- 
tions which have in modern times been left to the civil government. 
It dominated the intellectual and profoundly affected the social inter- 
ests of western Europe. As an economic factor its influence was 
multiform and incalculable. Mr. Cunningham has very properly 
emphasized the economic role of the monasteries, and other writers, 
the influence of the church's teaching in regard to usury. When 
we consider that in the fourteenth century one-third of all the real 
estate in England is said to have been in the hands of the church, 
and that the Good Parliament complained that the taxes levied by 
the Pope upon his English subjects were five times as great as those 
exacted by the King, we gain some appreciation of the manifold 
ways in which the existence of the church must have deeply influ- 
enced the general economic situation. 

The question naturally presents itself, did the public in Germany 
during the period immediately preceding the Protestant Revolt look 



2 i o J. H. Robinson 

upon the church as a religious institution, or were people pre- 
occupied with the various other phases of the church's activity? 
There is perhaps no more striking proof that the issue with the 
people at large was not primarily a religious one, than that in his 
first and greatest appeal to the German nation, the "Address to the 
German Nobility," Luther scarcely adverts to religious matters at all, 
but deals almost exclusively with the social, financial, educational, 
industrial, and general moral problems of the day. 

If this be true of Luther's appeal, it is far truer of Ulrich von 
Hutten's various pamphlets. Moreover, in the important and fas- 
cinating collection of satires and ephemeral pamphlets collected by 
Schade, one is constantly impressed by the absence of religious fer- 
vor and the highly secular character of the matters discussed. It 
is true that the writers sometimes adopted a semi-religious method 
of presentation. For example, we find dialogues at the gate 01 
Heaven, letters passing between the pope and the devil, and a not- 
able visit of St. Peter to earth. In the latter case, however, the 
report which the saint carries back to Heaven deals chiefly with the 
bad manners of the children, the difficulties of the servant problem, 
and other similar worldly themes. The same impression of predomi- 
natingly secular interests may be derived from the various lists of 
complaints drawn up by the German diets. 

Whether we are more worldly than previous generations or not, 
is a question which I have no desire to consider here. We cer- 
tainly are not so anxious as our forefathers to give a distinctly 
religious sanction to our secular affairs. Formerly nations negoti- 
ated with one another explicitly in the name of the Lord. The Act 
of the Congress of Vienna was concluded in the name of the " Most 
Holy and Indivisible Trinity." This does not, however, mislead us 
for a moment into supposing that the partition of Saxony and the 
assignment of Poland to the Czar were due wholly, or even chiefly, 
to religious motives. Ecclesiastical forms and phraseology pre- 
vailed in the Middle Ages and continued to prevail long after, and 
this fact may have served to obscure the essentially worldly interests 
of those who adhered to a conventional type of expression. 

The development of political economy and sociology has at- 
tracted our attention to a new class of historical sources and is 
influencing our interpretation of those that have long been familiar 
to scholars. Another comparatively modern discover)', that of 
the law of historical continuity, is likely to work a fundamental 
change in our explanations of the Protestant Revolt. Formerly 
writers accounted for the Lutheran movement by so magnifying 
the horrors of the preexisting regime that it appeared intolerable 



The Study of the Lutheran Revolt 2 1 1 

and its abolition consequently inevitable. Unfortunately, this crude 
solution of the problem proved too much ; for conditions were no 
worse immediately before the revolt than they had been for cen- 
turies, and a new theory was logically demanded to explain why 
these conditions had failed to produce a change long before it 
actually occurred. 

In spite of the harsh criticism to which Janssen's great work on 
Germany in the sixteenth century ' has been subjected, it is un- 
questionably the most important single contribution to the subject 
during the past thirty years. It has already profoundly and bene- 
ficently affected our conception of the whole movement. It has 
shaken the Protestants from their dogmatic slumber and supplied 
most important data to the scientifically disposed. The first volume 
is by far the most important, for it treats of the antecedents of the 
conflict and of the conditions in Germany during the fifty years pre- 
ceding Luther's secession from the Roman Church. It is just this 
period which has been most consistently neglected, in spite of its 
supreme importance. Protestant writers earlier contented themselves 
with a brief caricature of the church, a superficial account of the 
traffic in indulgences, and a rough and ready assumption, which 
even Kostlin makes, that the darkness was greatest just before the 
dawn. 

It was not left, however, for Janssen to give us our first insight 
into the spiritual life that prevailed during the latter part of the fif- 
teenth century and the early part of the sixteenth. A humble, 
patient Bohemian priest, Hasak, set to work, to the great credit of 
his church, to bring together the devotional works published during 
the seventy years succeeding the invention of printing. 2 A consid- 
eration of his remarkable collection of tracts cannot fail to make a 
deep impression upon the reader who is familiar only with the con- 
ventional Protestant introductions to the Reformation. Everyone 

1 Geschichte des deutschen Volkes seit dem Ausgange des Mittelalters (Freiburg im 
Br.). The first and perhaps the most important volume, dealing with the conditions in 
Germany before the opening of the Lutheran Revolt, has reached the sixteenth edition. 
The last half of the work, Vols. V.— VIII., relate to the conditions before the opening of 
the Thirty Years' War. Of late years the successive editions have been edited by Lud- 
wig Pastor, who is now editing in addition a series of monographs, Erlauterungen und 
Erganzungen zu Janssens Geschichte des deutschen Volkes. Three volumes of these 
monographs have appeared since 1898 and correspond in the field of Roman Catholic schol- 
arship to the long series of Schriften des Vereins fur Reformationsgeschichte. The Eng- 
lish translation of the earlier part of Janssen's work published by Herder in St. Louis un- 
fortunately omits in great part the notes and references which form such a valuable adjunct 
in the German editions. 

2 Der christliche Glaube des deutschen Volkes beim Schluss des Mittelalters dargestellt 
in deutschen Sprachdenkmalen, oder fi'tnfzig Jahre der deutschen Spraclie im Reforma- 
tionszeitalter von 14.J0-1520. (Regensburg, 1868.) 



2i2 /. H. Robinson 

knows that one at least of these older books, The German Theology, 
was a great favorite of Luther's, but there are plenty more in 
Hasak's collection which breathe the same spirit of true piety and 
spiritual emulation. 

Building upon the foundations of earlier contributions, like those 
of Hasak and other Catholic writers, who have been pretty much 
neglected by the Protestant historians, Janssen produced a monu- 
mental work in defense of the German Church before the Lutheran 
Revolt. Instead of the usual dark picture in which all that was 
worthy is carefully suppressed or ignored and only the vicious and 
deservedly unpopular features of the ecclesiastical regime are em- 
phasized, Janssen exhibits the great achievements of the latter part 
of the fifteenth and the early part of the sixteenth century in art and 
literature, in the material prosperity of the towns and the spiritual 
life of the people. It may well be that his picture is too bright, and 
that in his obvious anxiety to prove the gratuitous character of the 
Lutheran innovations and the needlessness of an ecclesiastical revo- 
lution he has gone to the opposite extreme from the Protestants. 

Yet this rehabilitation of pre- Reformation Germany cannot but 
make a strong appeal to the unbiased historical student, who nat- 
urally suspects that the same sort of misapprehension underlies our 
traditional description of the antecedents of the Protestant Revolt as 
underlies the old-fashioned accounts of the ancien regime in France. 
It was once commonly assumed that the French Revolution was due 
to conditions which were constantly growing worse, and hence more 
intolerable. The sources were exploited with this theory in mind. 
Any signs of case, justice, or general contentment were overlooked 
or dismissed with a perfunctory allusion, while scandals of the court 
and the darker pages of Arthur Young were fondly cherished as 
furnishing the key to the great revulsion. It is now clear that the 
ancien regime has been treated with great unfairness. The good in 
the Revolution surely did not, in violation of the great law of histor- 
ical continuity, come into existence all at once and without prepara- 
tion. It should be the constant purpose of the historian who be- 
lieves in this law to show that the Revolution, in the sense of a 
permanent reformation of the French government, was not the re- 
sult of a frenzied rejection of what had gone before, but was the 
natural outcome of preceding conditions and convictions. In one 
sense the French Revolution, regarded as a permanent reform of 
earlier institutions, was practically completed by the end of 1789. 
It is the historian's business to show how, in view of the earlier de- 
velopment of public opinion, this seemingly abrupt metamorphosis 
of France was really gradual. 



The Study of the Lutheran Revolt 213 

Now, in the same way we should approach and seek to explain 
the success of the Protestant Revolt. Outwardly it would seem to 
have begun when Luther finally made up his mind to burn the law 
and constitution of the church at the end of 1520 — an act compar- 
able to the storming of Fort Sumter. But neither Luther's act nor 
the firing in Charleston Bay would have meant much had it not 
been for a long-elaborated public sentiment, which gave to each its 
historical significance. We should, therefore, to take a single in- 
stance, rejoice in the proof that Hasak and Janssen furnish of the 
continuity of spiritual life in Germany. The popularity of the 
earlier editions of the Bible is a far better explanation of the vogue 
of Luther's translation than the old mistaken assumption that 
Luther was practically the first to bring the Scriptures to the atten- 
tion of the people. The constant appearance of little manuals of 
devotion and piety before Luther began to write his tracts serves 
better to explain the influence of Luther's words than the assertion 
that the German people were given over to mere superstition and 
ceremonial rites. To Janssen belongs the great credit of first illus- 
trating the great good which must come of a careful and sympa- 
thetic study of the whole civilization of Germany in the fifteenth 
century. 

Of the newer general accounts of the Lutheran Revolt, that of 
Bezold 1 is distinguished by its author's breadth of interest and fair- 
ness of attitude. It comes pretty near being a really satisfactory 
popular treatment of the subject. The entire absence of references 
to the authorities is, however, an unpardonable omission in the eyes 
of the more exacting student. One never takes up a volume of the 
really noble series edited by Professor Oncken, to which this be- 
longs, without a feeling of astonishment that such distinguished 
scholars should have consented to devote years of labor to an en- 
terprise deliberately planned so as to exclude all gratification of the 
scholar's legitimate desire to sanction his statements by appealing 
to the sources. The fifth volume of Creighton's monumental His- 
tory of the Papacy gives a brilliant review of the period we are con- 
sidering. The ninth volume of Hefele's Conciliengeschichte as con- 
tinued by Cardinal Hergenrother 2 is on the contrary distinctly disap- 
pointing. 

Maurenbrecher himself undertook to remedy some of the de- 
ficiencies in the current conceptions of the Reformation by a study 
of the conservative movements toward reform. :i The single volume 

1 Geschichte der deutschen Reformation, 1 890. 

2 Freiburg im Br., 1890. 

3 Geschichte der katholischen Reformation, Erster Band (Nordlingen, 1880). 



214 J- H- Robinson 

which he brought to completion must be reckoned among the most 
important of the secondary sources for the time. In spite of its in- 
completeness, it emphasizes a movement almost consistently neg- 
lected by Protestant writers. It is to be hoped that some scholar 
of Maurenbrecher's amiable temperament will undertake the task 
which he scarcely more than planned. 

Luther himself can now be studied far more conveniently than 
was possible a generation ago. The handsome Weimar edition of his 
works, already well under way, has not only the advantage of crit- 
ical editing but, owing to its strictly chronological arrangement, it 
meets the needs of the historical student as none of the older edi- 
tions do. 

In Ender's new edition of Luther's Letters^ those sources are 
brought together that enable us to penetrate most deeply into the 
man's conflicting emotions. In the Letters we can trace Luther's 
halting development, surprise all his inconsistencies of mood, and 
convince ourselves of his fundamental consistency of religious feel- 
ing. From the Letters we can readily convince ourselves of his 
multiform greatness, of his bravery and his heroic pertinacity. 
At the same time we see clearly how constantly he gave offense 
even to the less ardent adherents of his cause, to say nothing of those 
who were sincerely in doubt as to the righteousness of his attack. 

Among the biographies of Luther published during the last 
twenty-five years that of Kostlin - holds a deservedly high place. 
He views his hero mainly in the light of a theologian and religious 
reformer, but treats him as objectively as one who is a devout Luth- 
eran well can. In Kolde's shorter life 3 there are valuable hints, the 
outcome of his special researches in this field. His object is to 
" sketch Luther against the background of the general development 
of his nation." In an earlier work 4 Kolde casts much light upon 
the influences, especially that of Staupitz, which promoted Luther's 
earliest discontent with the existing ecclesiastical system. English 
readers have now in Beard's Martin Luther 5 a successful account of 
the reformer's early life and a more adequate account of the condi- 
tions in Germany at the opening of the sixteenth century than has 
hitherto been at their disposal. 

1 Dr. Martin Luther 1 s Briefwechsel, bearbeitet und mit Erlauterungen versehen 

( Frank furt am M., 18X4). Uniform with the Frankfurt- Erlangen edition of Luther's works. 
2 Martin Luther, sein Leben und seine Schriften. (3d ed., 1883.) An abridg- 
ment of this work in one volume has been translated into English. 

3 Martin Luther, cine Biographic. 

4 Die deu/sche Augustiner-Congregation und Juhann von Staupitz. 1877. 

6 The author unfortunately did not live to complete his work, which breaks oft" at 
the close of the Diet of Worms. 



The Study of the Lutheran Revolt 2 1 5 

The most recent and in several respects the most novel of the 
lives of Luther is that of Arnold Berger, 1 whose chosen field of 
work is literature, not history or theology. He regards the Protes- 
tant Revolt as " a gigantic struggle against the culture of the pre- 
ceding thousand years." He would bring Luther's work into its 
relation with the Laienkultur, for this he believes to be the decisive 
but consistently neglected element in the general situation. 

Berger prefaces his biography with a little volume called T/ie 
Culture Problems of the Reformation? in which he sketches the dom- 
inant ideas of the Middle Ages, dealing especially with the histor- 
ical significance of the three great words, church, asceticism, and 
Augustinism. The advantage of such an introduction is obvious, 
for even if it adds nothing to the knowledge which is scattered 
about in a number of standard works, it presents better than any 
book with which I am familiar the elements that reveal the terrific 
meaning of the struggle in which Luther and his followers engaged. 
Berger recognizes more fully than most Protestant writers the all- 
comprehending influence of the church, which, as has been said, is 
too often represented as simply a religious organization. Berger's 
work is, however, but a suggestion of the great prolegomenon 
which must some time be written if we are ever to understand the 
Lutheran Revolt. We really know far too little as yet of the 
actual workings of the church before the Protestant schism. Even 
the ways in which it performed its religious functions are only 
recently becoming tolerably clear. We are really only just begin- 
ning to suspect the implications of that tremendous term — the Medi- 
eval Church, and so long as that term is not comprehended in all its 
bearings, no one can do more than guess at the real issues of the 
supreme conflict which led to the permanent disruption of the great 
international ecclesiastical state which the Roman Empire bequeathed 
to the Middle Ages. 

Besides the Lutheran iterature in the narrower sense of the 
word, we have an ever-increasing number of the biographies and 
letters of Luther's contemporaries ; for instance, Reuchlin, Hutten, 
Erasmus, Butzer, Scheurl, Pirkheimer, Cochlanis, Link ; and we 
know far more of the Humanists than we once could. We are « 
blessed with two editions of Mutian's letters, 3 but it is a pity 
that we should still be without a modern and critical edition of those 
of Erasmus. 

1 Martin Luther in Kulturgeschichtliche Darstellung. Erster Teil (1483-1525), 
Berlin, 1895. Zweiter Teil, erste Lieferung (1525-1532), 1898. 

2 Die Kulturaufg&ben der Reformation, Einleitung in eine Latherbiographie. 
Berlin, 1895. 

3 One edited by Krause (Kassel, 1885) and a second by Gillert (Halle, 1890). 



2 1 6 T. H. Robinson 

Special questions have been the subject of monographic treat- 
ment in innumerable doctor's theses, dissertations, and in the learned 
journals and local historical reviews. Tetzel and indulgences have 
alone called forth a shelf-full of books. Mr. Henry C. Lea has 
reconsidered this matter and incorporated the Tetzel incident in a 
most elaborate and exhaustive consideration of the whole matter of 
confession and indulgences. 1 

In quite another phase of the subject, namely, the agrarian and 
industrial discontent and agitation, a needed revision of the older 
ideas is being undertaken by the Socialistic German writers. As- 
suredly one can hardly grudge poor Miinzer and the Anabaptists a 
good word, for tradition has painted no one in blacker colors. The 
impartial student may well have guessed that they have hardly 
been given their due, even before he opens Kautsky's Forerunners 
of Modern Socialism? 

In conclusion, it is clear that a great deal has been done during 
the past thirty years to remedy those deficiencies of earlier writers 
which Maurenbrecher pointed out. Our conception of the Prot- 
estant movement has been broadened and corrected ; there is no 
longer any excuse for failing to realize the complex character of the 
revolution or to form a tolerably just estimate of those who aided it 
and those who opposed it, as well as for largest class of all — those 
who looked on and refused to take sides. 3 

James Harvey Robinson. _ 

1 A History of Auricular Confession and Indulgences in /lie Latin Church. 3 vols., 
Phila., 1896. 

2 Die Vorlaufer des jVeueren Socialisinus. Stuttgart, 1895. 

3 After completing this paper I came with pleasure upon this passage : " There has 
been a natural tendency to regard the Reformation as solely a religious movement ; but 
this is an error. In the curious theocracy which dominated the Middle Ages, secular 
and spiritual interests became so inextricably intermingled that it is impossible wholly to 
disentangle them ; but the motives, both remote and proximate, which led to the Lu- 
theran revolt were largely secular rather than spiritual." Henry C. Lea in The Cam- 
bridge Modern History, I. p. 653. 



GENEVA BEFORE CAEVIN (1387-1536). THE ANTE- 
CEDENTS OF A PURITAN STATE 

An examination of the conditions in Geneva before Calvin's 
arrival in August, 1536, is a logical introduction to a comparative 
study of the ideals, the development and the practices of the Pur- 
itan state in Geneva, and in New and old England. 

The problems which present themselves to the investigator of 
any phase of Puritanism can be satisfactorily answered only after 
patient investigation of the development of each of these three Pur- 
itan states, and careful discrimination between conditions in different 
states and at different periods. The far-reaching questions involved 
in the study of the rise of modern democracy, the results of the 
Protestant Revolt, and the causes of the French Revolution demand 
the same careful comparative treatment. Is there any tangible, 
historically demonstrable, relation between the two revolts ? What 
contribution was made by the Puritan state, on the one hand, to the 
development of liberty, self-government, democracy, equality, right 
of revolution, spirit of free inquiry, higher moral and social sense ; 
and, on the other hand, to the development of inquisitorial govern- 
ment, intolerance, aristocracy, hypocrisy, individualism, barren intel- 
lectuality ? In the Puritan commonwealths of the sixteenth and 
seventeenth centuries, what were the respective functions and rela- 
tive powers of State and Church, and the theoretical and the actual 
basis of membership in each ? What was the Puritan attempt at 
solving the perennial problems of national expansion and treatment 
of subject classes or peoples, federation and rights of local self-gov- 
ernment ? What were the distinguishing characteristics, and the 
measure of success and failure in each Puritan state? Is there any 
fundamental unity of aim and method in the Puritan commonwealths 
that distinguishes them from other states? What enduring contri- 
butions for good and ill did the Puritan state make ? These are 
some of the problems that arise and demand historical and com- 
parative treatment in order to be answered. 

To such a comparative study, this investigation of the history of 
Geneva before it came under Calvin's influence is a necessary pre- 
liminary. Geneva was at once independent, Protestant and repub- 
lican. No other state possessing these characteristics has both so 

(217) 



218 H. D. Foster 

early an origin and so wide an influence. The city is small enough 
to make possible a clear picture of the beginnings and organization 
of a Protestant republic ; and on most points there is ample contem- 
porary evidence. Yet Genevan history, and especially the period 
before Calvin, has never in English been treated with accuracy and 
fullness. 1 

Geneva, with its mass ot contemporary documents in manu- 
script and print, presents the material for a fascinating study of the 
genesis of a state, a bit of historical investigation with all the charm 
of biology. There are almost daily records of the legislative, judi- 
cial and executive acts of the civil authority, weekly records of 
church discipline, and memoranda of pastors' meetings. 2 The ac- 
tors in the struggle, the picturesque Bonivard, 3 " Prisoner of Chillon," 
the tolerant Syndic Balard, 4 the hot-blooded reformer Fromment, 5 
the Calvinistic secretary of the council Roset, 6 the graphic nun in 

1 No modern and scholarly history of Geneva, even in the time of Calvin, exists in 
English. The histories of Spon (trans. 1687) and of Lemercier (" Boston, New Eng- 
land, 1732") are quite out of date. Henry's Life of Calvin, still the most scholarly 
available in English (translation from the German), was finished in 1844, before the pub- 
lication of the important documents and secondary works named below, and is distinctly 
favorable to Calvin and inadequate regarding Genevan institutions. The accounts in 
Baird's Beza and in Schaff 's History of the Christian Church are modern, but from their 
nature give but little on the history of Geneva. The influence and importance of Geneva 
have been in English more eulogized than traced. 

2 At the Archives d'Flal in the Hotel de Ville, especially useful are: the inval- 
uable Registres du Conseil from 1409, containing records of meetings of all four councils, 
including discussions, votes, elections, laws, trials; the $>3 1 9 Proces Criminels et Infor- 
mations (indexed), A. D. 1396-1700; the Pieces Htstoriques, A. D. 934-1813, con- 
taining 5714 indexed numbers (pieces or dossiers), acts, diplomatic documents, etc. The 
almost illegible Registres du Consistotre, beginning l<eb. 16, 1542, are at the Consistoire 
of Geneva ; the carelessly kept memoranda of the Compagnie des Pasteurs et Professei/rs, 
with many lacunae, from 1546, at the same building. (See H. V. Aubert's article in 
Bulletin de Soc. d' Hist, el d'Archcol. de Gen., II. 3, p. 138, ff. (1900).) The first 
four volumes of the Registres du Conseil (1409-1461) have been published by E. 
Rivoire (Geneva, Kiindig, 1900). Extracts, with some documents in full, are printed 
in Turrettini and Grivel, Les Archives de Geneve, Inventaire des Documents Contenus dans 
les Porlefeuilles Htstoriques et les Registres des Conseils, 152S-1541, Geneva, 1877. A 
considerable number of extracts from the Registres are to be found in : Grenus, Fragmens 
Biog. et Hist, stir Gtnive (1815); the appendix (219 pp.) of Revilliod's ed. of From- 
ment ; Cornelius, Hist. Arbeilen ■ Killiet et Dufour, Le Prem. Cat. Franc, de Calvin, 
1537 (1878); Hcrminjard, Corr. d. Rcf; and the valuable " Annales " [Calv. Opera, 
XXL); the last four with modern accuracy. Full titles below. 

3 F. Bonivard, Chronic/ues de Genc've (to 1531 ) , (Ed. Revilliod, 1867); also his 
Advis et Devis de I' Ancienne et Nouvclle Police de Geneve (1560), (1847). The place 
of publication is Geneva unless otherwise indicated. 

'J. lialard (Le Syndic), Journal on Relation des kvenements qui se son t passes a 
Genc've de /J2J a fjjf. (A/em. et Doc. de Soc. d' Hist., X. [ed. Chaponniere], 1S54. ) 

5 A. Fromment, Les Actes et Gestes Merveilleux de la Cite de Geneve, etc. (1532- 
1536 [ed. Revilliod], 1854. ) 

''Michel Roset, Les Chrouiques de Genc've. (Ed. Henry Fazy, 1894.) 



Geneva be/ore Calvin 2 1 9 

exile Jeanne de Jussie, 1 with their varied points of view, describe 
with dramatic power the scenes they witnessed. The reformers in 
their almost daily correspondence give a more personal record of 
motives as well as acts. 2 

The following preliminary sketch may serve to outline with 
some historical perspective two things : 

1. The development of Genevan political independence ( 1 387— 
1536) and religious reform (1532— 1536). 

2. The resulting institutions and character before Calvin's arri- 
val in August, 1 536. 

After the varied fortunes of an ancient Roman and a medieval 
imperial city, Geneva, at the close of the thirteenth century, was 
under the threefold government of bishop, vidomne, and commune. 
The bishops, in times of shifting political power, had, by feudal con- 
cessions, become the lords {dominns) of the city under the emperor 
as suzerain. The vidomne was the bishop's deputy (vicedominus) 
for the execution of temporal justice. At the close of the thirteenth 
century, the house of Savoy after long conflict had won the feudal 
office of vidomne, which it held of the bishop nearly two centuries 
and a half (1 290-1 525). Lastly, the commune, the body of citizens, 
elected its syndics possessing limited administrative powers. 

'Jeanne de Jussie, Le Levain du Calvinisme, ou Commencement de /' Heresie de 
Geneve. (Chambery, about 1640. With notes by Grivel and Th. Dufour, 1865. ) 

2 Two invaluable pieces of patient scholarship: Baum, Cunitz, and Reuss, Calvini 
Opera, 59 quarto vols. (Braunschweig, 1863-1900. ) Vol. XXI., under head of 
•' Annales," contains extracts from Registers of Council and Consistory and other docu- 
ments ; Herminjard, Correspondence des Rejormateurs dans les Pays Francais. (9 vols., 
1886-1897.) Many extracts from documents in notes. 

Some of the most valuable secondary authorities, based on documents, are: A. 
Roget, Les Snisses et Geneve ou /' Emancipation de la Commuuaulc Genevoise au i&- 
Siecle (2 vols, in I, 1S64); Histoire du Penple de Geneve depuis la Reforme jusqii 1 a 
V Escalade (7 vols., 1870-1883). Extends only to 1568. 

J. A. Gautier (Sec. d'Etat, 1684-1695, 1698-1700), Histoire de Geneve des Ori- 
gines a I' Annie ibqi. (5 vols., 1896 to 1902 ; now appearing under auspices of Soc. 
d'Hist. de Geneve, with scholarly notes.) 

Chas. Borgeaud, Histoire de /' Universite de Geneve, I, L'Academie de Calvin, 
1559-1798. (1900.) 

E. Choisy, La Theocratie a Geneve au Temps de Calvin. (1897. ) V Etat Chretien 
Calviniste a Geneve au Temps de Theodore de Beze. (1902. ) 

C. A. Cornelius, Historische Arbeilen vornehmlicli zur Reformationszeit (Part IV., 
Zur Geschichte Calvins, 1536-1548, pp. 105-557). (Leipzig, 1899.) 

F. W. Kampschulte, Johann Calvin seine Kirche und sein Slaat in Gen/. (Leip- 
zig, 1869, Vol. I; Vol. 2, ed. by W. Goetz, 1899, after author's death.) 

Memoires et Documents de la Societe d' Histoire et a ' Archeologie de Geneve ( 27 vols., 
1840-1901), and the Bulletins of the same Society (1891 and after) are of very great value. 

Some of the Bulletins de F Institut National Genevois contain studies of documents. 

Both Gaberel [Histoire de T Eglise de Geneve) and the two Galiffes {Materiaux, 
etc., Nouvelles Pages, etc.) are unfortunately disfigured by partizanship, Gaberel by 
inaccuracy. 



220 H. D. Foster 

The commune had sufficiently developed its rights and power 
by 1387, to win from the prince-bishop the ''franchises," the Magna 
Charta of Geneva, which gave the dignity of law and written consti- 
tution to the existing customs. 1 These franchises confirmed the 
right of the citizens to elect four syndics and four other citizens, who 
together should have entire cognizance of criminal trials of laymen, 
unless the bishop evoked the cause or pardoned the offense. The 
four syndics also possessed police powers of the city by night, with 
watchmen to enforce their orders ; investigated and prosecuted vio- 
lation of the franchises, and received the oaths of the bishop and his 
officers to respect this charter. The bishop as prince had the 
rights of appeal, pardon, and coining money. His feudal deputy, 
the vidomne, exercised the temporal functions of guarding and exe- 
cuting prisoners and of presiding over an inferior civil court." 

The communal records of the next century and a half (1387- 
1536) show marked skill in municipal housekeeping and in defense 
and extension of rights of self-government. Besides the primary 
assembly of all citizens (consilium generate), which elected syndics 
and acted upon treaties, three indirectly representative councils were 
developed: the little council {consilium ordinarium, or petit conseil), 
the administrative body ; the council of sixty, for diplomatic affairs ; 
and the council of two hundred established in 1527 on the model 
of that of the new allies, Freiburg and Bern, and gradually re- 
placing the sixty. 3 There is a strong spirit of independence toward 
the aggressive Duke of Savoy and even the bishop. But the 
records also reveal an interesting tendency to concentrate power in 

1 The Latin text of the franchises (" Libertatcs, franchesie, immunitates, usus et 
consuetudines " ) is printed in parallel columns with the instructive French translation of 
1455, with a valuable introduction by E. Mallet, in Mem. et Doc. de Soc. d' Hist, et 
d' Arch, de Geneve, II. 271-399. For a brief resume, see his " Coup d'Oeil Historique 
et Descriptif sur le Canton de Geneve" ( B. C. 58-A. D. 1847) > n V°'- H. of Za Suisse 
Historique et Pittoresque (1855-1856 ; also separately 1856). 

2 Articles I, 8, 11-14, 22, 23, 68. — -Bonivard gives a graphic account of vidomne s 
origin and methods, and of the " everlasting" process of appeals to bishop, metropolitan 
( Vienne) and pope, in his De P Ancienne et Nouvelle Police de Geneve ( 1560), pp. 3, 8. 
22 (ed. 1847). The franchises are remarkably liberal and progressive. Interest taking 
was recognized and protected in four of these articles granted by a bishop of the Roman 
Church nearly a century and a half before Calvin wrote his luminous defense of interest 
taking; art. 34, 35, 39, 77. Calvin's " De usuris " is in Calvini Opera, X. Part I., 
245-249. 

3 Rivoire, Rcgistres du Conseil de Geneve, I. The consilium generate and consilium 
ordinarium appear in the earliest extant records ; viz., 1409, pp. 2-6. The consilium 
ordinarium consisted at first of sixteen, later of twenty-five, and included the four new 
and the four old syndics, the treasurer, and eight (later sixteen ^ councillors. Ibid., 28, 
49, etc. The council of fifty (numbered later sixty) was established 1457. Ibid., 167. 
For council 200, see Gamier, Hist. d. Gtnive, II. 240; Bonivard, Chron. d. Gen., L. 
IV. C. 10. For fuller statement of functions of councils see writer's review of Rivoire, 
Registres du Conseil, Am. Hist. Rev., April, 1902, p. 547. 



Geneva before Calvin 2 2 1 

the hands of a smaller number of citizens, a sort of open adminis- 
trative aristocracy of experience. This tendency was recognized 
at the time, and occasionally thwarted by the primary assembly's 
assertion of its rights. The council of sixty (or fifty), and later 
that of two hundred replace the general assembly in delicate 
matters. 1 In the choice of the councils there is also the same 
tendency to a less direct election and a more complex cooptation. 
For example, the election of the council of fifty is transferred from 
the primary assembly to the little council in 1459 ! 2 the little council, 
originally chosen by the popularly elected syndics is, from 1530, 
elected by the two hundred, and the two hundred by the little- 
council. 3 Aristocratic tendencies in Geneva appear not with Calvin, 
but during the three generations preceding his arrival. 

The first step in the emancipation of Geneva was the struggle 
against Savoy. This ambitious house, already possessing the office 
of vidomnc, and intriguing throughout the fifteenth century to domi- 
nate both bishop and commune, excited the latter's bitter hostility 
in 1 5 19 by the execution of Berthelier, who thus became the early 
martyr for Genevan liberty. After an apparent triumph in 1525, 
the Duke of Savoy left the city. In spite of persistent attack and 
intrigue neither he nor any member of his house was to enter 
Geneva again. Against Savoy, Geneva appealed to the Swiss, and 
in 1526 concluded to close political and military alliance with Frei- 
burg and Bern.' 

In 1 528, the council refused to accept the vidomnc nominated by 
the duke, instead of by the bishop as prescribed by the franchises? 
In the absence of any vidomnc, the council of two hundred assumed 

1 For fifty see Rivoire, Registres Ju Conseil, I. 178, 181-187, 217-218, 288; for 
two hundred, see acts, cited later, and Mallet, in La Suisse Hist, et Pittoresque, 552. 

2 Rivoire, Registres du Conseil, I. 288. After failing in 1458, the two smaller coun- 
cils succeed in 1460 in nominating syndics for election by primary assembly. See ibid. , 
258-259, 262-263, 386, 390. 

3 H. Fazy, Constitutions de Geneve, 37-38. Bonivard, De V Anc. et Nouv. Police, 
19-22 (1847). For example of election of council by syndics, see Rivoire, Regi tres 
du Conseil, I. 49, 108, 265-266. For primary assembly's assertion of rights in 1458- 
1460, see Rivoire, ibid., 258-259, 263 (elections); 303 (meetings and right of com- 
plaint) ; 395-396, 463-465, 468 (taxes). For acts of 1 5 18, 1534, see p. 237, note 2. 

4 This com bourgeoisie (following that with Freiburg in 1519), renewed with Bern 
1558, and 1584 (with Ziirich added), was the preliminary to the entrance into the Swiss 
Confederation, 1814. The Genevan party of independence in 1526 were named Eidgue- 
nots in imitation of their Swiss confederates (Eidgenossen). (Treaty in Archives, 
Pieces Hist., No. 964; reprinted in Gautier's ed., Spon (1730), " Preuves.") 

5 The decision was taken successively according to Genevan custom in important 
matters, by the syndics (May 24), the fifty and the two hundred (June 9), and the 
primary assembly {consilium generate) (June 14, 1528). See Roget, Suisses et Geneve, 
I. 298-299, 301 ; and Balard, Journal, 167-169. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 15. 



222 h . D. Foster 

the authority for the execution of a criminal in 1528 ; ' and in the 
following year the primary assembly (consilium generale) replaced 
the vidomnc by a lieutenant de justice and four auditeursr 

There remained the power of the vacillating and absent prince- 
bishop, who, in 1 528, had gone over from the side of the commune 
to that of the Duke of Savoy. After an absence of six years, the 
bishop was persuaded to return, but after less than two weeks' 
residence, and in spite of the earnest request of the syndics to aid 
them in quieting the violent disturbances between Catholics and 
"Lutherans," he took a hurried departure from the city the night 
of Jul)- 14, 1 533, never to return. A month later the syndics denied 
the right of the bishop to appeal from their decision in criminal 
cases, saying " we have no superiors." Before the end of the fol- 
lowing year, the primary assembly and the two hundred concurred 
in denying the bishop's right of pardon ; the little council declared 
at the close of a theological dispute that " the sole power was the 
word of Christ and the sword which he has committed to the 
powers" ; and the syndics and council voted, Oct. 1, 1534, that the 
episcopal see must be considered vacant. 3 

From the end of July, 1534, Geneva was fighting to maintain, 
against the attacks of both duke and bishop, its declarations of inde- 
pendence. The task called for great sacrifice and energy. Bells 
were melted for cannon, and the suburbs (faubourgs) which enabled 
the enemy to approach were destroyed, in spite of repeated objec- 
tions of property owners. ' Men, if we may believe Fromment, went 
t<> church and worked on the fortifications with arms in their hands.' 1 
The duke prohibited all sales to Genevans, and the bishop any com- 
munication with them. 6 The Genevans displayed as keen mettle in 
war as they had in politics, and with the aid of Bern once more 
showed themselves too strong, too capable of self-sacrifice, for duke 
and bishop. 

1 Roget, I. 303; Balard, Journal, 173. 

2 14th Nov., 1529. Roget, I. 341-342. 

^Aug. 8-12, 1533; Feb. 8, July 24, Oct. I, 1534. Roget, Suisse et Geneve II. 
76; Gautier, Hist. it. Gen., II. 407 ; Roget, II. 103, no, 125. 

'The four faubourgs were: de Rive, St. Victor, St. Leger, the- Corraterie. (E. 
Mallet, Rech. sur Pop. de Gen., p. 8.) Aug. 23, 1534, two hundred sanctioned order 
of little council; Roget, [bid., II. u 8 IT. (let. 25, 1535, indemnity for loss voted. 
Feb. 28, 1536 (Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fol. ^t,), the two hundred repeated 
order and gave permission to anyone to carry off any property (Hens) to be found. De- 
layed cases were recorded in Feb., 1537. This destruction of property, and the loss of 
trade through the duke's prohibition entailed much poverty and suffering in Geneva. 

5 Aetes el Gesles Merveilleux, Ch. 44. 

6 Talking or trading with, or serving, favoring or visiting city under pain of excom- 
munication and 25 livres : June 13, 1535 , Roget, S. el G., II. 146. This episcopal ex- 
communication preceded by two months the prohibition of the mass by Geneva. 






Geneva before Calvin 223 

Up to 1533, the struggle had been political, against the duke 
and bishop as temporal rulers hostile to Genevan chartered rights. 
But there was another ground for objecting to the regime of the 
ecclesiastical prince. " There were," says a recent Catholic writer 
on Geneva, " real and evident abuses to be noted among the Cath- 
olics and even among the higher clergy . . . and above all among 
the monks." ' 

But the records plainly show that it was to her ally and pro- 
tector Bern that Geneva owed not only the preaching, but the final 
adoption of the Reformation. Bern, which had adopted the reform 
in 1528, naturally sought to increase her influence with her ally by 
introducing it into Geneva. In 1532 the desire for reform already 
existing there was stimulated by the impetuous preaching of Farel 
and Fromment, the former armed with a letter from Bern. This 
move was promptly met by complaints by Geneva's other Swiss but 
Catholic ally, Freiburg, and by the papal nuncio. 2 For more than 
three years the skilful councils tried to pursue a middle course be- 
tween the demands of the two allies, and between the two extreme 
parties within the city. It is one more instructive picture of the im- 
possibility of that generation's remaining neutral. The mettlesome 
city that had overthrown the power of the Duke of Savoy might 
engage to remain loyal to the Catholic faith, 3 might forbid preach- 
ing unauthorized by the vicar, or "any innovations," and expel 
preachers ; might even vote that "in this matter ('the holy sacra- 
ments of the church ') each one shall be left in liberty according to 
his conscience," 4 but when Geneva had seen her prince-bishop 

1 Mem. et Doc. pub. by I' Acadimie Salksienne, Tome XIV. (Annecy, 1891, " I'er- 
rais d'imprimer, 8 Oct. 1890, (J Louis, Eveque d' Annecy."), pp. 175-176. On this 
point, there is substantial agreement between Catholic and Protestant historians ; compare 
the nun, Jeanne de Jussie, Le Levain de Calvinisme, etc., and Kampschulte {Calvin, 
etc., I. 90-91, 1 69-170) with the accounts in Bonivard, Chron., I. 90, and the extracts 
from records in appendix to Revilliod's edition of Fromment, Acles et Gestes, etc., esp. pp. 
ci-cv. 

2 Herminjard, Correspondance des Reformateurs, etc., II. 421-426; Tune 24 and 
July 8, 1532. 

* Ibid., II. 382. Letter and embassy of Geneva to Freiburg July 6, 1532. They 
disclaim any intention to go over to " LutAererie" or the "««'a;« legem.'''' It is curious 
to find the term " Calvinism " applied to Geneva before Calvin's arrival or the publication 
of his Institutes, by an ardent contemporary Catholic born in Geneva, Andrea Cordoino, 
" Relatione di Genevra — particolarmenle dall' anno 1533 eke ni fit introdotto il Calvin- 
ismo" (1624) ; Archives of Turin (Geneva, Paquet, I4 e , No. 7). Lutheran is the con- 
temporary term of Jeanne de Jussie and of Catholics in Geneva and Freiburg. 

4 The series of votes is significant. June 30, 1532, the council voted : " Regarding 
him who preaches the gospel, ordered that for the present the master of the schools 
Wiagister scholarum) cease reading the gospels and that the vicar (dominus vicarius) be 
requested to order that in all the parishes and convents they preach the gospel and epistle 
(epistolam) of God according to truth, without mingling with it any fables or other hu- 
man inventions ; and that we live in harmony as our fathers have done without any in- 



224 H. D. Foster 

abandon his post, excommunicate her citizens and send soldiers 
against them, she naturally denied his spiritual as well as his tem- 
poral authority. 1 When the choice was forced upon her by her two 
opposing allies and by the parties fighting within the city, Geneva 
declared against bishop and papal abuses and in favor of Bern 
and the "Word of God," two authorities which could be appealed 
to against both ecclesiastical domination and corruption." 

ventions." Herminjard, Corr. de Re/. , 1 1 . 425, n. 2. Jan. 2, 1533, after Fromment's 
attack on Catholicism and declaration that he " would obey God rather than man," the 
council of two hundred voted : that no one should preach in public or private without the 
permissions of the syndics and vicar, the syndics to arrest if the vicar neglects his duty. 
They also voted " because many demanded the word of God " that a preacher who was 
a Catholic but held evangelical views should preach until Lent. (Roget, S. et G., II. 
36; Kampschulte, Calvin, I. 122-123.) Mar. 30, 1533 ( after letters from Bern urging 
protection of gospel, Mar. 25, and a street fight between Catholics and Lutherans, Mar. 
28), the council of two hundred proclaimed a truce on following conditions : (1 ) gen- 
eral amnesty ; (2) "live in good peace and union with observation of the command- 
ments of God, and as we have lived in the past, without introducing innovations in word 
or deed, until it be generally ordered to live otherwise"; (3) "no one shall be so pre- 
sumptuous or hardy as to speak against the holy sacraments of the church but in this 
matter each one shall be left in his liberty according to his conscience without reproach- 
ing one another, be he ecclesiastic or laic, whatever the subject be"; (4) preaching 
only by license of the "Superior and Messieurs the Syndics and Council" — and the 
preacher shall say nothing which is not proved by " the Holy Scripture"; (5) no one to 
eat meat Friday or Saturday or do anything to "scandalize"; (6) no partizan songs 
touching faith and law ; (7) oath to obey regulations under penalty of fine, with added 
imprisonment and banishment for repeated offenses; (8) no renewal of quarrels ; (9) 
wives and children were to be notified and hostages were exchanged. — Registres dn Con- 
<eil, Vol. XXVI., fol. 52 (it is in French though Registres were in Latin then). Quoted 
in Roget, S. et G., II. 62-63, an d in extracts in appendix to Revilliod's ed. Fromment, 
Acts et Gestes, pp. xxi-xxii. But a month later (May 4) in an armed conflict, a syndic 
was wounded and a canon (VVerly) killed (Kampschulte, I. 130-134). 

1 See above, p. 222 and note 3. 

2 The following summary will suggest the way in which Geneva was forced to take 
sides with the strongest : Freiburg threatened rupture of the treaty of 1 526 if Geneva aban- 
doned old faith and law ; to this Claude Salomon (and others) replied Jan. 8, 1534. " he 
would live according to the Gospel and the Word of God and not the will of man " ("ad 
votum evaugelicum el juxta verbum dominicum non ad dictum hominum " ), Registres du 
Cornell, Vol. XXVI. , fol. l82 vo . (Salomon was important enough to be appointed the 
first hospitaller, Nov. 14, 1535 ; Roget, II. 191.) After Geneva's denial of bishop's right 
of pardon (Aug., 1533, and Feb. and Mar., 1534), and Farel's seizure of a church and 
preaching therein the " new law," Mar. I, 1534, Freiburg broke the alliance May 15, 
1534. Bern had sent Farel with letters Oct., 1532; sent ambassadors with him Dec. 
1 533' anc l then, and in Feb., 1534, demanded permission for gospel to be preached and 
complained of insults to herself and her religion by Catholics. Bern met Freiburg's 
threat of breaking alliance with a similar threat, supported by the powerful argument of 
a demand for 9,900 ecus, due for war expenses in defense of Geneva. Underpressure of 
Bern, council declared (22 Feb., 1534) it could neither grant pulpit nor hinder, "so let 
them do as they find best." (Roget, II. 99. ) Farel preached publicly in seized church 
Mar. I, and baptized and married in Apr., 1534. (See Jeanne de Jussie, p. 90.) Images 
were broken May 23, and thereafter, and the council declared such images should be 
destroyed according to the law of God, although it punished the unauthorized act of pri- 
vate persons (26th July). The little council declared "The sole power was the Word 



Geneva before Calvin 225 

The decision forced upon the councils by the riotous image - 
breaking, in August, 1535, was negative rather than positive, a cau- 
tious temporary abolition of the mass without "innovations" or 
adoption of the reformed faith or worship, but with striking defer- 
ence to the wishes of Bern. After an appeal by Farel formally to 
abolish the papal system, the "grand council " of two hundred by 
a majority vote, and after long discussion, decided: (1) that the 
priests be called to see if they could justify the use of images and 
mass ; (2) that the destruction of images cease and those pulled 
down be restored ; (3) " in the interim . . . mass should not be cele- 
brated until further notice ; " (4) " and that the foregoing be written 
to the Lords of Bern that upon their response we may proceed more 
safely." ' The monks when summoned to justify images and mass 
said "they were simple men who had lived according to tradition 
and had never investigated such questions" ; and the secular clergy, 
in accordance with the bishop's prohibition, refused all discussion." 
The next clay, in the little council, " discussion was held as to find- 
ing means to set affairs in good order, especially in the matter of 
the mass, which many ask to have permitted. Whereupon many 
say that for the present it is better to postpone the matter a little, 
than to make haste regarding the said mass, since it would be far 
better to await the will of the Lords of Bern who understand the 

of Christ and the sword which he has committed to the powers" (July 24). The bishop 
waged open war on Geneva (July 30, Roget, II. 155 ; Kampschulte, I. 154); the coun- 
cil voted, Oct. 1, 1534, the episcopal see must be considered vacant. 1535 a dispute was 
held by order of the council between the Reformers and two priests, who went over to 
Protestantism (June). The bishop forbade any communication with Geneva (June) ; 
Farel seized church of Madeleine July 23d ; and July 30th he replied to council that he 
"must obey God rather than man," and asked for a session of council of sixty or two 
hundred. The council refused council and replied to "said Farel and his associates 
that they should henceforth content themselves with preaching in the Convent de Rive 
and church of St. Germain, on account of certain good and respectable persons who urge 
this upon us " ( " propter certos bonos Respectabiles nos ad /tec monentes "). Registres du 
Conseil, Vol. XXVIII., fol. 98, 30 July. 1535. This is an evidence of the presence and 
characteristic influence of the conservative element in Geneva. Haller in a letter to Bucer. 
Sept. 22, 1534, had estimated that two-thirds of Geneva were favorable to pontiff and 
duke. (Herminjard, Corr. de Re/:, III. 209.) Malbuisson was beheaded for making, 
common cause with enemies of city, and a servant executed on charge of attempted poi- 
■ soning of the reformer Viret (July). Aug. 8, Farel seized and preached in St. Peter's, 
riotous scenes of image-breaking followed next day, and Aug. 10 council of two hun- 
dred temporarily suspended the mass. {Registres du Conseil. Vol. XXVIII. , fol. 104). 
For other points in this note without specific references, see the impartial annals (based on 
the Registres du Cons il) in Roget, Suisses et Geneve, II. 27, 76, 81 ff., 103, 107-1 10, 
125, 154, 160; also Gautier, Hist. Gen., IF. 407, 412. The citations of Roget have 
been constantly verified and, save for dates, found almost invariably trustworthy. 

1 Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXVIII., fol. 104, 10th Aug., 1535. Interim vero 
ulterius noil dirruatur nee celebratur inissa donee cognitio et quod scribantur donnnis 
bernati'tts praemissa ut super eorum Responsionevi nos tutius conduiere valeamus. 

2 Registres du Conseil, 12 Aug., 1535, quoted in Kampschulte, I. 167-168. 



226 H. D, Poster 

matter more fully: 1 Wherefore it was decided that for the present 
it be given up for a little ; and that measures be taken to assemble 
the consilium ordinariuin, and mature action be taken in the matter, 
since it seems better for the present to suspend the saying of the 
mass than to say mass, whence scandal might arise." To Peter 
Lullin, who requested " that it might be permitted to say mass, as 
heretofore in this city mass was said, because there are many who 
wish to have the mass," the council gave a similar temporizing 
reply, Sept. 2 : " As to this, it was decided that news be awaited 
from the Lords of Bern that it may be seen in what way it is better 
to proceed." 2 

The acts and the manner of procedure of the magistrates and 
councils from August, 1533, to August, 1535, in denying the 
authority of the bishop and avoiding the Scylla and Chaiybdis of 
both mass and image-breaking, are clearly the expression of a politi- 
cal policy, and not of a profound religious conviction. It is the 
policy of independence, of safeguarding of rights. The council 
gradually yielded to the strongest and most logical combination 
against bishop and duke, — Bern and the determined and aggressive 
party of reform and independence. The Puritan spirit of unflinch- 
ing enforcement of the word of God was quite absent from the state, 
which was not yet even formally Protestant in 1535. But though 
the state, acting through its semi-representative councils, was con- 
cerned rather with self-preservation and public order than with 
religious reform, there was a considerable party with vigorous lead- 
ers like Farel and Porral, who had convictions and intended to accept 
no half-way measures. 3 

The Vicar-General and the few remaining canons, and the Sisters 
of St. Clara and many of the monks and parish clergy recognized 
that the papal system was doomed and left the city soon after the 
mass was abolished. 1 

1 Cum forte melius sit expectare vohtntatem dominorum Bernatium qui sanius Rem 
intelligwnt. Registres Ju Conseil, Vol. XXVIII., fol. 108™, Friday, Aug. 13, 1535. 
Only 12 names out of the full number of 25 are recorded as present. 

1 Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fol. 120. 

: ' Evidence of this is naturally found rather in the correspondence of the reformers 
than in the acts of the council ; but it is also shown by the successes of Farel in the suc- 
cessive seizures of churches and triumph over the orders of the little council and in the 
image breaking. Hut Protestants were probably still in the minority in August, 1535. 

'The nun Jeanne de Jussie's account ( Le Levain de Calviuisme) of the depar- 
ture of the sisters (Aug. 29, 1535) is written clearly and vigorously, and throws much 
light on the condition of affairs, frankly admitting abuses in the church. Many of the 
canons had withdrawn before. On the condition, especially of the cathedral clergy, see 
articles on history of the chapter by a member of the present Catholic chapter at Annecy 
in Mem. el Doc. pub. p. /'.-lead. Salisienne, XIV. See above, p. 223, note I. 



Geneva before Calvin 227 

The two councils at once assumed the lapsed civil functions of 
the bishop and chapter. The council of two hundred, the same 
day that it suspended the mass, took action to retain possession of 
ecclesiastical property, which it feared the clergy might take away.' 
The two hundred established a hospital endowed with the property 
of churches and monasteries, and the primary assembly approved 
the administrative measures taken by the little council, elected a 
hospitaller, prohibited begging, and ordered special watchmen to 
compel beggars to go to the hospital. 2 The consolidation of the 
two prisons was ordered ; and the two councils assumed the epis- 
copal privilege of coining money, establishing a mint, appointing its 
officers and criticizing the money struck. ! 

In 1536, the councils undertook wider functions, the civil and 
religious reorganization of territory lying outside the city and for- 
merly subject to the ecclesiastical or ducal authorities. The mande- 
ments of Thiez and Gaillard offered fidelity to Geneva, if no changes 
were made in the customs or the church (Feb. 1 1). The introduc- 
tion of the reformation into the outlying and newly subject villages 
was taken in hand by the council under pressure from Farel. The 
council provided preachers and church bells, and ordered proclama- 
tions like those in the city, concerning obedience, adultery and 
blasphemy. 4 The procureurs and priests of the rural communities 
were exhorted by Farel, and given by the council a month to read! 
the gospels and decide whether the evangelical doctrine of Geneva 
was the true doctrine. The procureurs were commanded to order 
all parishioners to go to sermon, and the mass was forbidden by the 
council 5 . The council even went so far in its assumption of ecclesi- 
astical powers as to reassure excommunicated parishioners that it 
held them absolved/' The organization of justice was provided for 

1 Registres dit Conseil, Vol. XXVITI., fol. 104, Aug. 10, 1535. To make an 
inventory of "Jura et [ocalia" and "omnia bona ecclesiarum " two syndics were 
appointed for St. Peter's, and the little council was directed to appoint men for the other 
churches. 

2 Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXVIII., fol. 152-153, quoted in Gautier, Hist. Gen., 
II. 465, and Roget, II. 191. 29 Sept., 5 Oct., and 14 Nov., 1535. 

3 Nov. 24, etc., 1535; Roget, II. 190. 

4 Mar. 10, 1536. Mar. 24, bell to Satigny and preacher there and to " Cillignies"; 
for acts on these and later dates, see the valuable extracts from the Regis/res dit Conseil 
and other documents, in the " Annales " contained in the standard Baum, Cunitz and 
Reuss edition of Calvini Opera, XXI. 197-198. 

$ Registres du Conseil, Apr. 3, 1535, in Calvini Opera, XXI. 198. 

6 Registres du Conseil, 4 Apr., 1536, in Herminjard, Corr. d. Re/., IV. 26. "Re- 
garding the report by our chastelain of Thiez that the people of Thiez have doubts about 
presenting themselves in church at this next Easter (16 Apr.) because of some letters of 
excommunication which have been issued against some, for which they desire the relief 
of absolution . . . Resolved, that there be written a patent to the vicars of the said dis- 
trict [niandement) that we hold them for absolved." 



228 // D. Foster 

in a vote of the two hundred ordering the new subjects to choose 
in each chatelerie a UeuU nant du chatelain and auditeurs to hear 
causes and to conduct the prods in the common tongue. 1 Evi- 
dently the two councils, the "government," regarded themselves in 
general as the heirs of the powers of bishop and vidomne, subject to 
the franchises and the ultimate decision of the primary assembly." 
But the civil and ecclesiastical government of the new possessions 
they proposed to administer as the lords {seigneurie) of the land, 
unbound by the franchises, and without seeking the sanction of the 
primary assembly or establishing democratic institutions or local 
self-government. The dependent villages were administered by- 
six chatelains chosen from the members of the little council. 3 

But these new possessions caused bloody conflicts of parties 
within the city, and years of strife between Geneva and Bern.' 
Feb. 5, 1536, the chiefs of the Bernese army which was then at 
Geneva, fighting once more against Savoy, asked the syndics for the 
old rights of the bishop and the functions of the vidomne. The pro- 
tector desired to become the suzerain. At this the old mettlesome 
spirit of Geneva blazed out. The syndics promptly refused and 
were supported with ardor by the councils. " We have endured 
war against both the Duke of Savoy and the bishops, for seventeen 
to twenty years . . . not because we had the intention of making the 

1 May 13, Roget, 5. et G., II. 233. The provision for use of common tongue fol- 
lows the similar provision for court of vidomne or his lieutenant in the Genevan fran- 
chises of 1387, Art. I. French began to replace Latin in the Kegistres du Conseil Feb. 
6, 1536, though a considerable number of records in Latin occur during the year. 

2 Additional proof of this increase of powers of the two councils and of a consequent 
aristocratic tendency in government (as councils were chosen by cooptation ) will be 
found in actions of councils cited later. The very primary assembly that nullified bishop's 
right of pardon also renewed and confirmed the fullest powers (omnimoda potestas) to the 
council of two hundred. Feb. 8, 1534. Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXVI., fol. 2lo v " 
and 2IO bis . 

3 Gautier, II. 501. The new subjects were granted right to choose lieutenant and 
auditeurs, for the inferior court, but from this the final appeal came to the little council, 
the seigneurie. This oligarchic or aristocratic policy is carried out later, and laws are 
passed, officers and preachers appointed by the Genevan councils, in none of which did 
the outlying territory have representatives. Nor did the councils even refer decisions to 
the primary assembly of Geneva. See the interesting proclamations for the mandement 
of Jussie made by "Messieurs" (/. e., the little council) and published by the " chas- 
lelain," J. Lambert, 22 Sept , 1539 (archives; Pieces Hist. No. 1221, printed in Tur- 
rettini et Grivel, Archives de Geneve, pp. 235-238) "containing ordinances moral, civil 
and religious in 24 articles." See also the " ordinances as to the '■police ' of the churches 
depending on the Seigneurie of Geneva," Feb. 3, 1547, in Caivini Opera, X. 51 ff.; also 
acts of Feb. 18, 21, Apr. 4, 7, May 12, 13, 22, Mar. 21, Oct. 6, Dec. 19, 1544, Calv. 
Op., XXI. under these dates. 

* The articulans or cirlichauds of 1539-1540, and the executions and banishments of 
1540. Cf. also the feeling toward the "quitters" (Quitancrers) who signed treaty of 
1544. (Feb. 15.) 



Geneva before Calvin 229 

city subject to any power, but because we wished the poor city which 
had so much warred and suffered to have its liberty" {pour estre en 
liberie), was the characteristic reply of the little council. 1 Bern was 
eventually obliged to yield to the stubborn determination of Geneva 
to be independent in the administration of the city and the newly 
acquired villages. August 7, 1536, by a treaty so vaguely formed 
as to lead to eight years of conflict, Bern acknowledged the right of 
Geneva to exercise the powers of bishop and duke, and to possess 
the lands formerly dependent on the bishop, the cathedral chapter, 
and the priory of St. Victor. Geneva had won independence from 
enemies and friends. It was not merely a city but an acknowledged, 
independent republic with nearly thirty dependent villages. 2 August 
8, Geneva received the joyful news " that we are princes." 3 

By 1536, and before Calvin's arrival, the councils had also 
assumed the entire control of morals and religion which they had 
formerly shared with the ecclesiastical authorities. Even before 
the formal suspension of the mass, the council had at the exhorta- 
tion of Farel prohibited the dances called virulct} The proclama- 
tion passed by the two hundred Feb. 28, 1536, especially for the 
regulation of taverns — a very vital question after the suppression of 
the monasteries — was afterwards regarded as a sort of outline of 

1 Registres du Cornell, XXIX. fol. 12. Compare Roget, S. et G., II. 214-217 and 
Gautier, II. 496-498. Syndics Feb. 5; little council Feb. 15; two hundred Feb. 17, 
1536. Roget, II. 215, is in error in assigning action of Feb. 15 to two hundred. It 
was in the after-dinner session of the little council [conseil ordinaire}. See Registres du 
Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fol. 12™ and cf. fol. II™. 

2 In 1544, preachers were sent to 26 villages. See list in Geneve Ecclesiastiques, 
ou Livre des Spectables Pastenrs et Professeurs, pp. 1 6-48 (1861). J. L. Mallet names 
28 villages subject to Genevain 1536 ; viz., 12 formerly subject to bishop in mandeinents ol 
Jussy (to N. E. ) and Peney (W. ); 2 to "chapter"; 5 to Priory of St. Victor; 9 to 
mandement of Gaillard. (Duke of Savoy, S. E. ) (" E.xtraits fait par J. L. Mallet 
des Ext. d. Reg. par Flournois." MSS. in Bib. Publique de Geneve. This extract 
made by Mallet from Registres. ) " St. Victor and Chapter " is the phrase used to de- 
scribe the lands later in dispute. Geneva, however, was obliged to agree : (1) to pay 
10,000 ecus, the balance due Bern for military defense ; (2 ) to make no alliance without 
the consent of Bern ; (3) to grant to Bern, Gaillard and dependencies, Convent Belle- 
rive, Cholex and all territories lying outside the city, conquered by Bern, formerly be- 
longing to Savoy or granted to church by Savoy. Bern agreed to extend Geneva's 
boundaries in the direction of Gaillard and Gex. Gautier, II. 520, names 7 villages thus 
included. It was during this war that Chillon was captured by Bern and Geneva, May 
2 9> 1536, and Bonivard released. The treaty (original with seals, and 2 copies) is in the 
Archives, Pieces Hist., No. 1 157; reprinted in Gautier's ed. Spon {Hist, de Gen.) 
" Preuves," no. 61 ( 1730). — (See also Roset, Cln oniques de Geneve, L. III., ch. 70; 
Gautier, Hist, de Gen., II. 517-520; Roget, S. et G., II. 237-238. ) — It contains an 
ambiguous reservation by Bern (Art. IV., Pt. II.) of "appeals {appellations) if any are 
found to have gone before the Duke and his council or his officers of justice." 

3 Roget, S. et G , II. 238. 

*Apr. 13, 1535. Roget, Hist, die Penple de Geneve, I. 5. 



2 }o H. D. Foster 

police regulations of the state. 1 The printed placard prohibited : — 
blasphemy ; profane oaths ; playing at cards or dice ; protection of 
adulterers, thieves, vagabonds and spendthrifts ; excessive drinking ; 
giving drink to anyone during sermon, and especially on Sunday 
(unless to strangers), or after nine in the evening ; entertaining 
strangers more than one night without notification to captain or 
tithing men (dizeniers) ; selling bread or wine save at reasonable, 
established prices ; and unauthorized holding of taverns. 2 The 
council forbade the observance of any holiday (festa) save Sunday "' ; 
ordered all inhabitants to attend sermon, quoting the fourth com- 
mandment and laying down a penalty of three sols 4 ; forbade brides 
to come to weddings with head uncovered, on the complaint of a 
preacher that it was contrary to "the holy scripture";' forbade 
private persons to baptize or perform the marriage ceremony and 
punished several offenders. 1 ' The tithing men {dizeniers) were 
ordered to forbid anyone's hearing mass or performing papal sacra- 
ment "as contrary to the ordinance of God " 7 within or without the 
city ; and those who did so were to be considered enemies. 8 Several 
priests who said the mass contrary to the order were released from 

1 E. g., in vote of primary assembly, June 17, 1540, refusing increased penalties and 
declaring the proclamation of the last day of Feb., 1536, sufficient if enforced. {Reg- 
istresdu Conseil, Vol. XXXIV., fol. 301 ; Calv. Op., XXI. pp. 258-259.) 

2 The vote in the Registres du Conseil, Vol XXIX., fol. ^^, differs slightly from 
the printed broadside (20x30 cm.): Archives, Portfolio de Pieces Historiques, No. Il6l; 
" Ce que les Hostes ou hostesses obseruerot et feront obseruer che eulx sur la peyne con- 
tenue en la Crie faicte le dernier lour de Febuner, Lan Mil cccccxxxvi." The 
7'o/e in the Registres begins with the prohibition of unauthorized keeping of tavern, and 
does not contain specific prohibition of protection of adulterers and thieves and spend- 
thrifts (simply " estrangiers ny gens vagabundes " ), or of excessive drinking. This 
"edited" revision, in putting the prohibition of blasphemy, etc., first, and adding the 
above prohibitions, emphasizes the moral features of the law. The penalties for lodging 
"strangers or vagabonds" without notification were 5 sols and loss of bread and wine 
for first offense, 60 sols for second, and ten florins and loss of right of keeping tavern for 
third offense. 

3 Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXX., fol. 15. June 13, 1536. 

4 Ibid., fol. 15™, June 16. (Roget, S. et G., II. 235.) 

5 Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fol. 92; 28 Apr., 1536. In Calvini Opera 
XXI. 200. The complaint was made by the preacher " Cristoffle " (I.ibertet), who 
refused to marry "save as the holy scripture prescribes." This interpretation of scrip- 
ture was reversed after Calvin's exile. Calvini Opera, XXI. 227, Apr. 26, 1538. 

6 Six cases are recorded in the month of Feb., 1536. Registres du Conseil, Vol. 
XXIX., fol. 26, 23 Feb., 1536 : — two marriages ; also one baptism by an uncle, a pas- 
try cook ; another by a midwife {ostetrice~); voted to summon and punish the baptizers. 
Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fol. 31, Feb. 25, parents confer baptism, " not think- 
ing to do harm"; no punishment recorded. Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fol. 32, 
26 Feb., a " Dom(inus)" under detention "swore not to baptize, marry or perform 
other sacrament without commandment of ' Messrs. the syndics and council.' ' 

''Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fols. 61, 65, quoted in Calvini Opera, Vol. 
XXI., pp. 197-198, Mar. 24, Apr. 3, 1536. 

8 Roget, S. et C, II. 22, Mar. 24, 1536. 



Geneva before Calvin 231 

prison only under the provisos that they should " confess their 
misdeed before everyone at the Sunday sermon"; "that their 
property should be returned to them, save their arms, and from 
thenceforth they should live according to God {scion dieu)." ' But 
a priest, who' confessed he had celebrated mass several times after 
swearing not to, asked pardon in vain and was ordered to prison. 2 
" Girardin de la Rive, having had his infant baptized at Ternier by 
a priest, was condemned by reason of the offense which he had 
made against God and the proclamations to be banished to the place 
where he desires to do such things." 3 " Blue laws," or interfering 
regulations concerning religion and morals were not an invention of 
Calvin nor of the Puritan state. They were rather the sequela: of 
the Middle Ages. They are the attempts of the new Protestant 
state to take over the personal supervision exercised by the medieval 
church, state and gild.' 

There was no tolerance even for such a patriotic and broad- 
minded Catholic as the former syndic Jean Balard, who, when asked 
by the council (at the instigation of Farel) why he refused to hear 
the word of God, " replied he believes in God who teaches by his 
own spirit but he cannot believe our preachers. He said we cannot 
compel him to go to sermon against his conscience . . . since we 

1 Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fols. 105, 107, May 12, 16, 1536. 
1 Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXX., fol. 27, July 13, 1536, quoted in Calvini Opera, 
XXI. 202. 

3 Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXX., fol. 16, 17th June, 1536. For some reason the 
stern logic of this vote was not carried out, and de la Rive appears, in I53 D ~ I 537) among 
the " opposition " to the clerical party. 

4 In Geneva, such legislation antedated not only Calvin but the Reformation : 9 Jan. , 
1481, disguising or making charivari ; 3 Jan., 1492, dances or other amusements with 
instruments without permission of justice ; Aug II, 1506, playing in streets at dice, 
bowls, cards (proclamation by permission of vicar); Feb. 23, 1 5 1 5, playing " an bre- 
laud''' '; 19 Apr. , 1524, " epouse de May" and public dances; Aug. 7, 1526, " chan- 
sons deshonnSfes et satiriques" (penalty of imprisonment ) — were all prohibited by little 
council {consilium ordinarium) . (See " Extraits d. Edit. Reg. et Wages, 1309-1722," 
in Archives of Geneva, pp. 18, 28, 31, 35, 36.) May 27, 1524, ibid., p. 35, "Those 
without profession or not exercising them to leave the city and suburbs in three days '"; 
Mar. 14, 1430, "no one to play before celebration of mass"; Item, — " no one to play 
ad cisionem panis," Reg. du Conseil, ed. Rivoire, I. 133. Nov. 30, 1490, no playing 
in public places during divine service and no ludos communes in houses ; Mar. 5> 
1530, no blasphemy of name of God and His glorious mother, no playing in streets or 
public places at cards or bowls during sermon and divine service (no pardon). (Roget, 
Hist. d. Peuple de Gen., I. 6.) The proclamation against cards, bowls and dice occurs 
again in 1507-1508 {Reg. du Conseil, XV.). The frequent prohibitions of these numer- 
ous favorite amusements (eleven) cited above, suggests the pleasure-loving quality of the 
Genevans. They occasioned much legislation during the Reformation. Prices of wine 
were regularly settled in November meeting of conseil general and occasionally at other 
times, and regulations regarding food and hours of sales were often passed. See Regis- 
tres du Conseil, Rivoire, I. 74, 1 1 7, 120, 268, 396. For such legislation elsewhere, see 
J. M. Vincent, ' European Blue Laws," in Attn. Rep. Amer. Hist. Assn., 1897, 35°-37 2 - 



232 H. D. Foster 

said ourselves at the beginning of these affairs that no one could 
dominate our conscience." ' His interesting creed which he then 
repeated still exists in his own hand, on a scrap of paper, sewn with 
a faded red thread to the records of that day. " I desire to live ac- 
cording to God's gospel, but I do not wish to follow it according 
to the interpretation of any private persons, but according to the 
interpretation of the Holy Spirit through the holy church uni- 
versal in which I believe. Balard." 2 "Asked to say whether he is 
not willing to go to sermon, he replies that his conscience does not 
allow him to go there, and he does not wish to do anything con- 
trary to that, for this reason, — because he is taught by a higher 
power than such preachers. Having heard all this it was ordered that 
if he did not obey the proclamations and go to the sermons, he must 
leave the city within the next ten days." The council voted three 
weeks later, " that if John Balard refused to go to hear the sermon 
he should be imprisoned and every day conducted to sermon ; and 
that the like be done in case of all others" ; 3 it recorded further 
complaints against him and five others, September 4.' Although 
in his patriotic desire that his " body be united with the body of 
the city as a loyal citizen should be," 5 Balard evidently yielded later 
and held important offices, he was in 1539 again ordered to leave 
the city in ten days for refusing to say the mass was bad. He gave 
the quaint and pathetic reply " that he is unable to judge but that 
since it is the will of the Little and Grand Council that he should 
say the mass is bad he says the mass is bad and that he is worse 
to judge boldly of that of which he is ignorant and he cries to God 

'An allusion probably lo the vote of Mar. 30, 1533 ; see above, p. 223, n. 4, art. 
three of this vote. 

2 "Je veulx viure selon levangille et ne vettlx pas vser selon lin/erpretaeion daitcims 
pticuliers Mais selon linterptacion du saint esperit par la saincte eglise vniuerselle en 

qui Je croye. . Balard." — This is 

a verbatim et literatim et punetuatuatim copy, from the Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXX.. 
fol. 32, July 24, 1536. It is to be wished that the secretaries had written as good French 
and as clear a hand. The records for this session, e. g., are partly in bad Latin, partly 
in bad French. The Registers of the council have no punctuation or accentuation, and 
no system of capitalization whatever. The editors of the Calvini Opera ( Baum, Cunitz. 
Reuss) change the capitalization, and add punctuation; Herminjard ( Cor/-, d. Re/.). 
Rilliet et Dufour [Premier Catlieehisme), the editors of Gautier [Hist, de Gen. ), and M. 
Dufour-Vernes, the present archivist of Geneva, add also accents. All write out the con- 
stant abbreviations. 

3 Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXX., fol. 40, August 15, 1536. Reaffirmed by- 
council sixty, next day. 

■' Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fol. 53. P. Lullin, J. Philippe, J. Balard, CI. 
Richardet, J. Malbuisson, B. Offischer. The first four of these failed of re-election to the 
council in following year. But Richardet and Philippe were leaders of the "opposition," 
and were elected syndics and aided the exile of Calvin and Farel, 1538. Richardet 
pled for tolerance Sept. 4, 1536 ; and two months later was elected lieutenant de justice. 

5 Dec. 22, 1539. See note I, p. 233. 



Geneva be/ore Calvin 233 

for mercy and renounces Satan and all his works." Not content 
even with this, the council finally wrested from him its required 
"affirmative or negative answer," "The mass is bad." ' 

It is a sadly significant picture — -an honored and sane magistrate 
and not a fanatic, nobly pleading for broad tolerance and freedom of 
conscience, but compelled to submit his religious convictions to the 
apparent political necessities of his day. As patriotic as he was tol- 
erant, the statesman sacrificed his theology to his patriotism and 
remained to serve his state. 2 The story of Balard, instructive in 
itself, is still more significant because of its date. The first inquisi- 
tion, in July, 1536, occurred before Calvin settled in Geneva, the 
final one, in 1539, during Calvin's exile when his anti-clerical oppo- 
nents were in power. Calvin found Geneva and Europe intolerant ; 
he did not make them so. 

The councils, though exercising full power in religion and 
morals, consulted the "preachers." They sought and heeded the 
latter's advice regarding such matters as brides' head dress ; 3 mar- 
riage causes "necessitating consultation of the Scriptures" ; 4 intro- 
duction of the reform into the new possessions ; summons of Balard ; 
and improvement of faith, education and morals. 5 They also voted 
to "feed, clothe and support" the preachers upon the property of 
the parishes " both of the city and of our land." 6 

The increased judicial functions of the little council, as the 
supreme court, after the abolition of the bishop's jurisdiction in 

1 Regisires du Conseil, Vol. XXXIII., fols. 4OO V0 -, 401-402, Dec. 22-24, l 539- 
Parts of the process are to be found in Calvini Opera, XXI. 203. The account, with 
extracts, is correctly given in Roget, S. et G., II. 243-246, and Roget, Hist, du Peuple 
de Gen., I. 158-160. The passages are reprinted from Regisires in J. J. Chaponniere's 
introd. to Journal d it Syndic Jean Balard, pp. lxvii— lxviii, Ixxiv-lxxv. (Jifem. et Doc. 
de Soc. d'' Hist, de Gen., X. (1854).) Gautier, Hist. Gen., III. 54, seems to have failed 
to note the council's relentless insistence, and the final reply of Balard, and is therefore 
led into error of attributing tolerance to the council. (See Recistres du Conseil, Vol. 
XXXIII., fol. 402™-; " Puys appres az confesse laz messe estre mauvayse," Dec. 24 ; and 
reaffirmation Dec. 26, before two hundred.) 

2 J. Balard, the author of a valuable Journal ( 1525-1531 ), had been syndic in 1525- 
1530 {Jour, de Balard, ed Chaponniere, pp. xiv-xxxv, Mem. et Doc. Soc. d^ Hist. d. 
Gen., Vol. X.). He was afterwards in little council in 1531-1536, and 1539; fre- 
quently in two hundred ; regularly in sixty, from 1546. The day of Calvin's return from 
exile (13 Sept. 1541), Balard was made one of six councillors to "confer" with 
"preachers" and draw up the ordonnances ecclesiastiques, replacing Goulaz of dubious 
reputation. 

3 See above, p. 230, note 5. 

i Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fol. 113, May 23, 1536. "Manage . . . 
pource que cest chose presante un besoigne entendre les escriptures, est arreste que Ion 
demande les predicans en conseil pour veoir sur ce affaire leur opinion." 

5 See above, p. 227, note 4 ; p. 230, note 7 ; below p. 235, and note 1. 

6 Regisires du Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fol. 103, May 10, 1536. 



234 H. D. Foster 

I 5 34, gives further evidence of the wide range of powers which 
were concentrating in a small body. In this council of twenty-five 
men, only five were ever chosen in any one year by the people, and 
sixteen were elected by a council of their own nominees, the two 
hundred. The court records indicate that the conditions of the in- 
troduction of the Reformation in i 535-1 536 — the cessation of the 
old system of religious authority, and the sudden plunge of monks 
and priests out of religious establishments into a new social order — 
threatened Geneva within with a difficult social problem, at the time 
when she was fighting outside with weapons and diplomacy to solve 
her political problem. 1 

For the formal adoption of the religious reform, the action of 
the primary assembly, the conseil general, was regarded as neces- 
sary. May 19, 1536, Farel exhorted the council upon the coldness 
of the people's faith, the need of setting schools in order, and the 
presence of dissoluteness, "mummeries," songs, dances and blas- 
phemy. The little council replied by advising the two hundred of 
the need of a conseil general. The two hundred called this primary 

1 Sixteen criminal trials are recorded for the year 1535, and six lor the year 1536, in 
the " Proces Criminel et Informations," but these are only the graver cases. The little 
council frequently dealt with cases in their ordinary sessions recorded in the Registres 
but not in the Proces. The Registres also record general conditions (e. g., songs sung 
by bad women, Sept. 5), and proclamations (prohibition of vain songs and fornication, 
Sept. 8, 1536). In 1536 an adulterer was put three days in the dungeon (" crotton "), 
while the adulteress was banished (Roget, S. et G., II. p. 235). The lieutenant de ius- 
tice himself, jean Curtet, the judicial officer of the state, was convicted of fornication, 
imprisoned three days on bread and water, degraded from office and compelled to seek 
pardon of the two hundred. He was six months later elected first syndic, Feb. 4, 1537, 
contrary to law (Kegislres dn Conseil, Vol. XXX., fol. 164™. Cf. Gautier, Hist. Gen., 
II. 526). The complaints of Farel before the council (May 19 and Sept. 8), the accounts 
of Fromment, though probably exaggerated, Fromment's own life and descriptions, the 
conduct of such leading men as Curtet, Goulaz, Bonivard, suggest a considerable, 
though not surprising, amount of dissoluteness and vice. Cf. Kampschulte, Calvin, I. 
206-207, w. Roget, S. et G., II. 271, etc. The natural tendency of eulogists of Prot- 
estantism or the Calvinistic system has been to exaggerate the evil life in Geneva before 
Calvin's arrival. Such Genevans as the two Galiffes are partizans of the other sort. The 
number of cases recorded in the Proces Criminel may be given for what they are worth : 

1535. i r> ; 1536.6; 1537,3; 1538,4; 1539,13; 1540,21; 1541,6; 1542,5; 1543- 

17 ; 1544, 2 ; and for the next ten years, 34, 18, 12, 4, 7, 5, 6, 10, 15, 20, respectively 
(1545-1554) ; with a remarkable increase for ten last years of Calvin's rule; viz., 43, 
49, 88, 95, 87, 68, 54, 92, 76, 86 (1555-1564). This gives an average for the first 
decade of the reform ( 1535— 1544) of 8.5; for the second (1545-1554) 12.4, and for 
the third decade ( 1555-15 64 ) of 73.8 cases recorded in the Proces Criminel per year! 
This increase of over eight-fold might indicate either more crime or more rigid prosecu- 
tion (probably the latter) in the third decade when the Calvinistic, puritan, conception 
had won its decisive victory. The number decreased strikingly in the time of Beza 
(1564-1605); viz., 43.5 for the first, 5.3 for the second, 5.2 for the third, and 6.4 for 
the fourth decade, if the records were accurately kept; no entries occur for 1574-1579, 
I590-IS94, I596-I599- 



Geneva before Calvin 235 

assembly for Sunday. 1 The taking of the solemn oath " to live ac- 
cording to the Gospel and the Word of God," " sworn before God " 
alone by the whole body of citizens with uplifted hands, is a striking 
scene, significant in the history of democracy and religious liberty. 

Sunday, May 21, 1536. 

The Conscil General 'in the cloister [of St. Peter's]. 

According to the resolution of the Little Council {conscil '.ordinaire), 
the Conseil General was assembled by customary sound of bell and trum- 
pet. And by the voice of M r ' Claude Savoy, first syndic, were proposed 
the resolutions of the comeil ordinaire and of the Council of Two Hundred, 
touching the manner of living . . . viz., to live according to the Gos- 
pel and the Word of God as has been since the abolition of the mass 
[Aug. 10, 13, 1535] and is now preached always among us; without 
further desire or wish for masses, images, idols or other papal abuses 
whatever. Whereupon, without any dissenting voice, it was generally 
voted, and with hands raised in air resolved and promised and sworn be- 
fore God, that we all by the aid of God desire to live {volons vivre) in 
this holy evangelical law and Word of God, as it has been announced to 
us, desiring to abandon all masses, images, idols, and all that which may 
pertain thereto, to live in union and obedience to justice. . . . Also 
voted to try to secure a competent man for the school, with sufficient 
salary to enable him to maintain and teach (nourrir et enseigner) the 
poor free ; and that every one be bound to send his children to the 
school and have them learn ; and all pupils and teachers (escolliers et 
aussi pedagoges) be bound to go into residence {aller faire la residence) 
at the great school where the Rector and his Bachelors shall be. 2 

Taken in the order of their historic development (1528-1536), 
there are four principles in the Genevan Protestant state : 

1. Obedience to the independent, civil government. 

2. Rejection of " papal abuses." 

3. Adoption of the "Word of God," "as preached," as the 
standard of life. 

4. Establishment of universal, primary education, free to the poor. 3 
To transform this Protestant into a Puritan state, it was neces- 
sary to add : 

1. Establishment ot the Church as a distinct organism with 
co-ordinate and constitutional rights with the State (1541), thus lim- 

1 Reghtres du Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fol. 112. The complaint as to morals is based 
on statement in Roset, Chron. d. Gen., p. 262 (ed. 1894). Sunday had been and re- 
mained under Calvin the day for primary assembly. 

2 Registres du Conscil, Vol. XXIX., fol. 112, Sunday, May 21, 1536. The vote 
has been frequently reprinted ; e. g., Calvini Opera, XXI. 202. The number of citizens 
in Geneva in 1536 capable of voting in conseil general is estimated by E. Mallet as 
1,000 to 1,500 (La Suisse Hist, et Pit/or. [Geneva, 1855-1856], II. 552). Saunier had 
been elected rector at a salary of 100 ecus of gold, by the two hundred, May 19; see 
Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fol. 112; Calvini Opera, XX. 201-202; and F. 
Euisson, Sehastien Castellion, I. 1 23. 

3 There was provision for both girls and boys in the vote of May 21, 1536- The 
girls were to be apart as before, and all boys were to come to the great school. Reg- 
istres du Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fol. 112. 



236 H. D. Foster 

iting the latter's ecclesiastical power and preventing absorption ot 
Church by State (" caesaropapism "). 

2. Definite organization of creed and religious training including 
catechism (1537); discipline and supervision of morals (1541); in- 
cluding substitution of new marriage laws for old canon law (1561). 

3. Unflinching enforcement of the "Word of God" in all mat- 
ters of daily life — moral and social, private and public, and upon 
all inhabitants (1555). 

4. University education, to train for Church and State (1559). 

5. A different temper and fibre — conscientious, unyielding, un- 
flinching, austere (1555). 

By August, 1536, before she came under Calvin's influence, Ge- 
neva had won her independence against her enemies, duke and bishop, 
after nearly twenty years of warfare, and against the "salvage" 
claims of her ally Bern. In the process, the state, or more accu- 
rately its civil magistrates, had taken over the following large ex- 
ecutive, legislative and judicial powers — military, diplomatic and 
religious : the trial and execution or pardon of criminals ; declar- 
ation and conduct of offensive and defensive warfare ; making and 
breaking of alliances ; the conquest, and civil and religious admin- 
istration of subject territory ; coining money ; acquisition of church 
property and diversion to new ends ; regulation of religion — in- 
cluding certain articles of creed and worship, appointment of minis- 
ters and even pronouncing of absolution ; regulation of private 
morals ; and establishment of compulsory primary education. But 
it was rather the two councils than the commune itself that gained 
and exercised these powers. The primary assembly, it is true, had 
decided on alliances, and formally sanctioned the reformation and 
compulsory primary education. It also elected four syndics, a 
treasurer and secretary, and a lieutenant of justice with inferior 
jurisdiction. But all the other newly acquired powers enumerated 
above had been exercised by two councils which elected each other. 1 

'After 1530, the two hundred elected the little council; the little council then 
elected the two hundred, i. e., 175 members besides themselves. These elections usually 
occurred respectively on the Monday and Tuesday following election of syndics, 1st 
Sunday in February. The four syndics of the previous year remained as members of the 
little council ; the treasurer and four new syndics were elected by the primary assembly, 
leaving sixteen to be elected by the two hundred. As the council of sixty elected by 
the little council acted so very rarely, it has seemed much simpler to follow actual condi- 
tions and speak regularly of the two active councils (twenty-five and two hundred). 
The functions of the state (though not then distinguished) may be analyzed as follows : 
(t) Executive; syndics and little council. (2) Legislative, usually the little council 
(ordinaire); in difficult or important cases, the two hundred ; elections of chief officers 
by primary assembly (eonseil general). (3) The judicial arrangements were as follows 
in 1536: (a) Supreme court in criminal cases, syndics and little council (eonseil ordi- 



Geneva before Calvin 237 

The primary assembly was rarely called, and nearly all the execu- 
tive and legislative steps in the progress of independence and reform 
had been taken by two bodies of magistrates, the little council of 
twenty-five, and the council of two hundred. Under normal cir- 
cumstances, 'the members of both these bodies continued in office, 
save for malfeasance. Even the four syndics and other executive 
officers elected by the primary assembly were almost invariably 
chosen from the double list of nominees presented to it by the two 
hundred, which had in turn revised the nominations presented by 
the little council. 1 

Geneva, then, had developed independence and civil rights, but 
neither democracy nor directly representative government. She had 
taken steps in this direction, and in two vital civil and religious 
changes the people, the " commune," had acted in their sovereign 
capacity. But, on the other hand, there had been, in the fierce 
struggle for independence and order, a marked and continued ten- 
dency from the middle of the fifteenth century to concentrate power 
in the hands of a few men, conservative, responsible, and experi- 
enced. 2 It is an instructive experiment in a system of " mixed 

naire). But the two hundred possessed right of pardon and in extreme cases the court 
consisted of 16 members of two hundred in addition to little council. (/») Police and 
civil court of first instance (replacing vidomne after Nov. 14, 1529), consisting of lieu- 
tenant of justice and four assistants (auditeurs) elected by conseil genb al ( annually in 
November). The lieutenant was re-eligible only after three years. (Cf. Bonivard, Z ' ' Anc. 
et A r ouv. Pol., p. 29.) (< ) Procureur general (1534), who intervened in all processes 
where public interest was at stake and was legal representative of minors and those 
under disabilities. See H. Fazy, Constitutions de Geneve, p. 39 ; Bonivard, Z' Anc. et 
Nouv. Pol., 29 ; E. Mallet, Coup d' Oeil, Hist, et Pitt., p. 552; Gautier, H. d. G., II. 
405, 546. See also Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fols. 1-4, Vol. XXVIII. , fol. 
209, Feb. 6, 1535, Vol. XXV., fol. 230, Feb. 8, 1534 (or Vol. XXVI. , fol. 210™); 
and other references to Registres du Conseil cited above. 

1 The assembly, however, possessed the right to elect its own choice in place of any 
or all nominees for syndic. Feb. 6, 1536, it exercised this right in electing Hemioz 
Levet. Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXIX., fol. I. 

2 For fifteenth century see above, pp. 220-222 and notes. For Liter developments, see 
powers exercised by council referred to above, pp. 236-237. The danger is recognized 
by the commune and expressed in : the defeat of every caucus nominee by the conseil gen- 
eral, 1458 ; the provision of 1459 for reading franchises and hearing individual com- 
plaints ; the conseil general' s reassumption and assertion of taxing power, 1460 ; by 
intrigues to upset the two hundred (see Reg. Con., vote Feb. 8, 1534, Vol. XXV., fol. 
230); by provision against re-election of syndics before 3 yrs. (1518); and by revolutionary 
events of 1537-1540. In the list of magistrates and councils a strikingly small number 
of names occurs, but the same ones recur constantly. E. g., of the eleven unsuccessful 
candidates for syndics, treasurer, and secretary for the chamber of accounts, in the vote 
of conseil general, Feb. 6, 1541, all but two were consoled by positions in two councils. 
See Registres du Conseil, Vol. XXXV., fols. 52-56, Feb. 6, 7, 9, 1541. Compare also 
the lists of syndics, lieutenants and councillors in appendices to vols, of Roget, Hist. <Z 
Peuple d. Gen. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 16. 



238 H. D. Foster 

aristocracy " and democracy, the system advocated by Calvin after 
seven years' experience, and by John Winthrop in Massachusetts 
Bay, a century later. 1 It had its efficiency. But it also had its 
dangers. The latter were averted in Geneva in part by the mettle- 
some spirit of the " commung peuple," who asserted their somewhat 
tumultuous sovereignty in the stormy years, 15 37-1 541 ; and in 
part by the influence of the "preachers" and the church in the 
endeavor to maintain their rights and prevent the absorption of all 
power by the magistrates. It is noteworthy that in the seventeenth 
and early eighteenth centuries, when both Calvin and Beza were 
gone, and there were no ministers strong enough to check the oli- 
garchic tendency, the power of the magistrates and of the citizens 
with exclusive privileges, developed into a dangerous political 
and social aristocracy, which was attacked in the three revolutions 
of 1707, 1735— 1738, and 1782, antedating the French Revolution 
of 1789. 2 

Several things, it is well to note, Geneva had not adopted before 
Calvin. She had not adopted democracy. She had distinctly re- 
pudiated the noble plea of honest and loyal Jean Balard for freedom 
of conscience. She had refused her inhabitants liberty in matters 
of worship even outside the city — saying to her old and honored 
families, conform or " go where you can do these things." 3 She 
had not adopted personal liberty, but had continued to pass restric- 
tive legislation regulating prices, amusements, hair-dressing, hours 
and amount of drinking, attendance on sermons, non-observance of 
holidays. 4 The Genevan church as an organism cannot be said to 
have existed before Calvin. It had neither formal creed nor system 

'Calvin's Institutes, ed. 1543, ch. XX., sec. 7, Calv. Op., I. 1105; Winthrop, 
Arbitrary Government described and the Government of the Mass. vindicated from that 
Aspersion (1644), in R. C. Winthrop, Life of John Winthrop, II. 440-458 [ed. 
1869]. 

2 For the comparatively unknown period of Beza, see the recent careful study from 
the sources, by Eugene Choisy, L' Etat Chretien Calviniste a Geneve an Temps de Theo- 
dore dc Beze (1902). To M. Choisy and to Professor Chas. iSorgeaud ot the University 
of Geneva I am indebted for suggestions on this later aristocratic development and on 
many other points. Professor Borgeaud has emphasized the democratic tendencies of 
the Reformation in his suggestive Rise of Modern Democracy in Old and A r ew E7ig- 
land (1894), and his monumental Histoire de /' Universtte de Geneve, L'Academie 
de Calvin, 1559-1798 (Geneva, 1900). The long and strong aristocratic tendency 
before Calvin in Geneva has not, so far as I know, been made clear. Only with this 
perspective can Calvin's tendencies be rightly judged. For 1 8th century, see E. Mallet, 
Coup d' Oeil, etc., II. 554-556. 

3 The language is that employed in the case of Girardin de la Rive, but the policy is 
characteristic ; cf. action in case of Balard, and five others, Sept. 4, 1536. See above, 
p. 232, 11. 5. 

4 See above, pp. 229-231 and notes. 



Geneva before Calvin 239 

of religious training. It had no rights of either property, discipline, 
revision of membership, or choice or dismission of pastors. 1 

The Genevan commonwealth of 1536 had won independence 
and abolished papal abuses, but had not established democracy or 
personal liberty, nor organized a new church. Her people had 
grown mettlesome and obstinate in defense of chartered rights and 
newer liberties, but they were even yet, " for the most part, thought- 
less and devoted to their pleasures." Her institutions and popular 
temper were vigorous but still plastic. Neither institutions nor 
temper had yet produced any striking contribution to human devel- 
opment, but the institutions were adaptable and the people capable 
of remarkable development, under conviction and devotion to a 
definite programme or goal. 2 

1 "The external forms of worship, the public prayers, the place of the sermon, the 
rites of baptism and of the Holy Communion, the celebration of marriage must have been 
fixed after the rules laid down in a little publication drawn up no doubt by Fare] and 
published in 1533 under the title, La maniere et fasso/i," etc. ( Rilliet et Dufour, Premier 
Catechisme de Calvin (1537), p. xv. ) 

2 There is no adequate exposition of the Genevan temper (" mentality," for lack of 
a better word) before the arrival of Calvin. It can best be understood from the deeds 
and from the contemporary writings of Bonivard, Fromment and his vigorous wife, Marie 
d'Ente (see her Epistre tres Utile, 1539, extracts in Herminjard, Corr. d. Ref., V. 
302 ff. ), Balard, Jeanne de Jussie, and from the things prohibited. Many of the criti- 
cisms of Genevan immorality before the Reformation overshoot the mark. No people 
utterly devoted to license could have so strenuously maintained their independence almost 
continually for centuries, and against such odds. Even the curious regulations of vice 
show not only its presence but a constant attempt to repress it. The Genevans, in fact, 
were not a simple, but a complex, cosmopolitan people. There was, at this crossing of 
the routes of trade, a mingling of French, German and Italian stock and characteristics ; 
a large body of clergy of very dubious morality and force ; and a still larger body of 
burghers, rather sounder and far more energetic and extremely independent, but keenly 
devoted to pleasure. It had the faults and follies of a medieval city and of a wealthy 
center in all times and lands ; and also the progressive power of an ambitious, self-govern- 
ing and cosmopolitan community. At their worst, the early Genevans were noisy and 
riotous and revolutionary ; fond of processions and "mummeries" (not always respec- 
table or safe), of gambling, immorality and loose songs and dances ; possibly not over- 
scrupulous at a commercial or political bargain ; and very self-assertive and obstinate. 
At their best, they were grave, shrewd, business-like statesmen, working slowly but 
surely, with keen knowledge of politics and human nature ; with able leaders ready to 
devote time and money to public progress ; and with a pretty intelligent, though less 
judicious, following. In diplomacy they were as deft, as keen at a bargain and as quick 
to take advantage of the weakness of competitors, as they were shrewd and adroit in busi- 
ness. They were thrifty, but knew how to spend well ; quick-witted, and gifted in the 
art of party nicknames. Finally, they were passionately devoted to liberty, energetic, 
and capable of prolonged self-sacrifice to attain and retain what they were convinced were 
their rights. On the borders of Switzerland, France, Germany and Italy, they belonged 
in temper to none of these lands ; out of their Savoyard traits, their wars, reforms and 
new-comers, in time they created a distinct type, the Genevese. This perhaps bold 
attempt of one from another continent to suggest the two sides of this very complex but 
very human and interesting folk may be concluded with a quotation from a Genevan rep- 
resenting many of the above somewhat contradictory characteristics : " One might kill 
them rather than make them consent to that from which they had once dissented. . . . 



240 H. D. Foster 

In August, 1 536, there settled in Geneva a young French theo- 
logian and jurist, then in his twenty- eighth year, possessed of the 
attributes needed by Geneva — unflinching moral conviction and a 
systematic programme. The next twenty-eight years, the second 
half of Calvin's life, were devoted to systematizing Genevan institu- 
tions and tempering her citizens. 1 The new generation of Genevese, 
bred on Calvin's catechism, disciplined by his consistory, and re- 
cruited by the exiles from other lands, was a new folk. Hardened 
by war, they were still more finely tempered by conviction and 
moral discipline. Their state was definitely organized and their 
institutions were crystallized into written codes. In 1564, within a 
year from the time when the Council of Trent had completed its 
programme of Catholicism, Calvin had finished his career and Gen- 
eva had become the living exemplar of the new fighting creed of 
Protestantism. Geneva and Calvin together accomplished what 
neither could have done alone ; they produced a new force in the 
world. The little Protestant state, reorganized on the basis of Cal- 
vin's ideas, became a Biblical commonwealth, ruthlessly consci- 
entious, intellectual, independent, business-like and successful — in 
a word, a Puritan state. 

Herbert Darling Foster. 

Otherwise, they were for the most part thoughtless (sans soucy) and devoted to their 
pleasures ; but the war, necessarily, the reformation of religion, voluntarily, withdrew 
them therefrom. . . . Many pleasant buildings (which) were destroyed, both to ensure 
the city from its enemies and to remove papal superstitions ; in such wise that its beauty 
has been lessened to augment its force." The value of this frank characterization is not 
lessened by the fact that Calvin and Geneva found Bonivard's Chronicle too rude to publish. 
Bonivard, Chroniques de Geneve, Revilliod's ed. (Gen., 1867), p. 35. Cf. the unknown 
author quoted by Rogert, S. et G., II. 121, "I did not prefer beauty to honesty, — I 
ruined my beauty to save my honor and instead of Geneva the beautiful became Geneva 
the valiant " (e pulchra fortis facta Geneva vocor) , 

1 Even during the three years of exile (1538-1541), Calvin devoted much time to 
Genevan conditions and the larger relations which involved Geneva. 



THE CONSTITUTION AND FINANCE OF THE ROYAL 
AFRICAN COMPANY OF ENGLAND FROM 
ITS FOUNDATION TILL 1720 

The early history of the Royal African Company of England 
has an interest of its own in view of the peculiarities of its financial 
methods. Towards the close of the seventeenth century the joint- 
stock organism was adapting itself to its environment ; and of all 
the different forms of adaptation that of the African Company pre- 
sents the most marked characteristics. From the point of view of 
economic history it is important to be able to make some estimate 
of the amount of capital employed in early trading undertakings and 
the mode of their finance. Fortunately it is possible to obtain this 
information in the case of the African Company and also to follow 
the different steps by which the capital of the company had expanded 
or contracted according to the needs of the trade and the state of 
the privileges of the undertaking. 1 

Prior to the incorporation of the Royal African Company Eng- 
lish traders had sent intermittent voyages to the coast of Guinea 
for over a century. Sieur de Guerchy, writing to the Due de 
Praslin in 1767, dates the foundation of the English trade to Africa 
as early as 1536. 2 Hakluyt mentions five voyages as undertaken 
in each of the years from 1553 to 1557. 3 In 1563 Queen Eliza- 
beth was a partner in an expedition, commanded by John Hawkins, 
which yielded a satisfactory profit. 4 In 1588 the first African Com- 

'The chief source for this important information is a collection of papers relating to 
the company, which is preserved amongst the "Treasury Papers" at the Public Record 
Office, London. These documents are entered under the general heading of " Royal 
African Company" in a separate MS. catalogue, and consist of "Warrant Books," 
" Home Journals," " Minute Books of the Court of Assistants," " Stock Journals and 
Transfer Books," "Accounts, Letters, etc.," and "Miscellaneous Books." There is 
no "Minute Book of the General Court" and several volumes of "Minute Books of 
the Court of Assistants ' ' are missing. Many of the books are bound in fine white 
vellum, with the elephant (taken from the arms of the company) stamped on them in 
gold. Many points of interest might be noticed as arising from a careful examination 
of these papers. It may be mentioned that James II. held ,£1,000 "original stock." 
After the Revolution it was decided that this stock must be transferred to William and 
Mary. The original transfer from James II. to Graham, the secretary of the company, 
is bound up in one of the minute-books (No. 1456, f. 32), and, although it is dated 
August 20, 1691, James is still entitled "the King's most excellent Majesty" and 
" King James." 

2 Bonnassieux, Pierre, Les Grandes Compagnies de Commerce (Paris, 1892), 96-98. 

3 Voyages (Ed. 1809), II. 464, 470, 480, 496, 504. 

4 Calendar State Papers, Dom., 1547-1580, p. 215. Annals of Commerce, by David 
MacPherson, II. 136-137. 

(241) 



2 42 W. R. Scott 

pany, incorporated by letters patent, was founded ' and another 
similar company in 1618. 2 In 163 1 a third chartered undertaking 
was formed ; 3 but, like its predecessors, it was unable to hold its 
ground, and in 165 1 a temporary charter was granted the East 
India Company. 1 

After the Restoration a new company was formed, which was 
the direct predecessor of the Royal African Company. On Jan. 
10, 1662, Charles II. incorporated a number of persons under the 
title of the " Governor and Company of the Royal Adventurers of 
England trading into Africa." The charter, besides granting the 
usual rights of a corporation, conveyed in addition the privilege of 
exclusive trade from Sallee to the Cape of Good Hope. 5 This 
company started under distinguished patronage. Prince Rupert 
was the first governor and amongst the thirty-six assistants there 
were several noblemen and merchants of good standing. At first 
the operations of the company promised to be very successful but 
its officials involved it with the Dutch by attacking their forts in 
Africa. This led to reprisals, and the English forts, ships and goods 
on the coast of Guinea were seized by the Dutch in 1665. The 
remainder of the short history of this company is one of financial 
distress. As in the case of the previous Guinea Company attempts 
were made to farm its privileges to persons who were not members. 
In 1668 an offer was made of ^1,000 a year for seven years for the 
right to trade to the north coast of Africa. 6 The rents obtainable 
for the lease of the company's privileges were insufficient to liqui- 
date the debt already contracted ; and, in 1672, the charter was 
surrendered to carry out a scheme of arrangement with the creditors. 

The method of satisfying the claims against the company was 
both drastic and original. To ascertain how the situation was faced 
it is necessary to examine in some detail the finance of the adven- 
turers. The capital subscribed at the formation of the company 
amounted to ,£122,000 in 305 shares of .£400 each, divisible into 
half shares of ,£200 each. The qualification of the governor was 
one share, or .£400. 7 Out of the .£122,000 subscribed, it was 
agreed that ,£20,000 should be paid to the representatives of Sir 
Nicholas Crisp (who had been a prominent member of the previous 

1 Hakluyfs Voyages, II. 610. 

2 State Papers, Grant Book Dom. Jac. I., p. 268. 

3 Rhymer's 1'oedera, XIX. 370. 

4 Annals of Commerce, II. 370. 

5 Charter of the Royal African Co., Treasury Records (Public Record Office), Royal 
African Co., No. 1390, f. 3. 

6 Treasury Records, Royal African Co. — Court Book of the Assistants of the Com- 
pany, 1663-1670, f. 82. 

iJiid., f. 101. 



Royal African Company of England 243 

company) for the forts and factories in Africa. This debt was never 
discharged by the Company of Royal Adventurers and was still 
owing in 1709. 1 

As early as 1664 fresh capital was required and " 2 per cent. 
above the ordinary interest " was offered for loans from the share- 
holders at par. Subscriptions were invited for £25,000 ; but, out- 
side the assistants, very little was raised. 2 Later in the same year 
a fresh endeavor was made to raise capital, and, on this occasion, 
the bonds were to be issued at a discount. On Nov. 4, 1665, the 
King wrote that considering " the greatness of the Company's debt 
and the heavy interest under which the Company's stock now 
labours," all money realized by home-coming ships should be used 
in paying debts not in new ventures. 3 At this date loans could only 
be effected on the personal security of the assistants. 1 In 1667 
another attempt was made to float a loan but with small success, 
though in some cases creditors were induced to accept bonds under 
the company's seal in satisfaction of their claims/' 

From 1667 to 1671 the position of the company had gone from 
bad to worse and at the latter date the undertaking was insolvent. 
The debts were estimated to amount to £57,000 and beyond the 
privileges of the charter the assets were of little if any value. The 
company and its creditors were therefore in the dilemma that there 
were few if any assets except the charter, and if the charter were 
to be of any value working capital was required. In the existing 
state of the company's finances, there being no credit, capital could 
not be obtained until the creditors had been satisfied. It was there- 
fore to the interest of both shareholders and creditors that the 
company should be reconstructed even at considerable sacrifice, and 
in 1 67 1 a scheme was drawn up and accepted which provided for 
winding up the company and for the formation of a new one while 
giving some compensation to members and bondholders. The fol- 
lowing was the reconstruction-scheme adopted, which provided for 
the formation of a new company with a capital of £100,000. 

Table A. Reconstruction Scheme. 

The existing capital of £1 22,000 to be written down by 

90% £ 12,200 

Creditors for debt of £^57,000 to receive two-thirds, or £38,- 
000 in stock of the old company. This £^38,000 stock 
was to be likewise written down by 90 °J C and exchanged 
for stock of new company 3, 800 

1 Journals of the House of Commons, XVI. I So. 

2 Court Book, 1663-1670, f. 6. 
"Court Book, 1 663- 1 670, f. 37. 
l I6id., f. 38. 

5 Ibid., f. 59. 



244 W. R. Scott 

Creditors were to receive the remaining third of debt in cash 
out of subscription below. 

Balance of subscription 84,000 

Total capital, new company ^100,000 

Table B. Allocation of Capital of New Company Between Shareholders 

and Creditors of the Old. 
Stock of new company to shareholders and creditors of the 

old company jQ 16,000 

Cash to creditors of old company 19,000 

Cash available as working capital 65,000 

^100,000 

Table C. Position of the Creditors on Reconstruction. 
For each debt of ^100, there was paid in cash one-third, £,ii- 6. 8 
The remaining -1 of the debt converted into stock of 
old company for the same amount. This was trans- 
ferred to stock of the new company at 10% of its nomi- 
nal value, giving as the equivalent of the remaining 
^66. 13. 4 of the debt f~6. 13. 4 stock of the new 

company worth at par 6 13 4 

^40 o o* 
* Conditional on stock selling at par. 

In order to carry out this scheme of rearrangement of capital 
the charter was surrendered, as otherwise it was held that the new 
capital to be raised might have been claimed by the creditors of the 
old company. 1 On the cancellation of the charter, Charles II. 
incorporated the creditors and shareholders, who assented to the 
reconstruction scheme, as the " Royal African Company of Eng- 
land " in 1672. As it will be found that two distinct series of 
events, namely the state of the finances of the company and opposi- 
tion to the monopoly, were frequently interacting and influencing its 
fortunes, it will be conducive to a clearer understanding of the 
transactions of an eventful fifty years to trace the history of each 
separately. 

The Royal African Company of England — Its Privileges. 

Under the charter of 1672 the usual privileges of incorporation 
are granted as well as "the whole entire and only trade" from 
Sal Ice to the Cape of Good Hope and the adjacent islands. 2 The 
company had the right of acquiring lands within these limits (pro- 
vided such lands were not owned by any Christian prince) " to have 
and to hold for 1,000 years, subject to the payment of two ele- 

1 Treasury Records, Royal African Co., No. 1390, f. 2. 
2 Treasury Records, Royal African Co., No. 1390, f. 15. 



Royal African Company of England 245 

phants' teeth," when any member of the royal family landed in 
Africa. 1 Powers were also given to the company to make peace 
and war with any non-Christian nation. 2 Amongst other miscel- 
laneous privileges the right of Mine Royal was conveyed to the 
company on 'condition that the Crown might claim two-thirds ot 
the gold won, on paying two-thirds of the expenses, the company 
retaining the remaining third. 3 

A considerable portion of the charter is occupied with provisions 
as to the internal government of the company. The stock-holders 
were to elect annually one governor, one sub-governor, one deputy- 
governor and twenty-four assistants. 4 This part of the constitution 
is similar to that of the East India Company at this date, except that 
the twenty-four officials are here called assistants instead of commit- 
tees, and that a new office — that of sub-governor — is created. The 
latter difference is accounted for by the fact that the governorship of 
the African Company was an honorary appointment filled by members 
of the royal family. The quorum at the court meeting was seven, 
of whom either the governor, sub-governor or deputy-governor 
must be one. 5 In 17 14 the qualification for an assistant was 
.£2,000. Each ^500 of stock commanded one vote up to a maxi- 
mum of five votes." In 1680 the stock-holders numbered 198.' 

In addition to the privileges conferred by the charter, the com- 
pany endeavored in 1672 to obtain Parliamentary sanction by pro- 
moting a bill. This was read a first time in the House of Lords 
but was " not proceeded with." 8 

For seven years, from its foundation up to 1678, the company 
was highly successful. In the three years 1676- 1678, 50 guineas 
per cent, were paid or nearly 55 per cent. 9 These favorable results 
engendered hostility in two ways — as with the India Company, 
persons who had suffered for infringement of the monopoly of the 
company were bitter against it, and secondly those who had lost 
money from 1662 to 1670 and had failed to take up stock in the 
new undertaking were jealous of others who had been more for- 
tunate. Writing in June, 1679, a member of the company says: 

^ Ibid., f. 4. 

2 Ibid., f. 19. 

3 Ibid. , f. 20. 

4 Ibid. , f. 8. 

5 Ibid. , f. 8. 

6 Proceedings at a General Court Meeting of the Royal African Company, Feb. 18, 
1714. Lond. 1714 (British Museum 8223, e. 4). 

'Treasury Records, Royal African Co., No. 1 741. (Assts. Minute Book under 
June 17, 1680.) 

8 Report of Royal Commission on Hist. MSS., IX. Pt. II., p. 9. 

9 Vide infra, p. 258. 



246 IV. R. Scott 

" Mr. Edward Seymour is very bitter, because in the former stock 
he lost near ,£400 and is unconcerned in this. He was a subscriber 
but never paid his money so he envies us, and I believe we fare 
never the better at this time by having the Duke of York as our 
Governor." ' Later in the year the same writer says that if the 
King wants money the company was not in a position to lend it, 
" for that's as poor as a Courtier . . . we go on paying off our debts 
that if the company be broke nobody may be sufferers but those that 
be in it." 2 The pessimistic prognostication of the last sentence was 
not borne out by events ; for in the thirteen years from 1680 to 
1692 eight dividends were paid and apparently a substantial reserve 
fund was formed. In 1691 the amount of each proprietor's stock 
was quadrupled without payment. This operation, like the doubling 
of the East India Company's shares in 168 1, seems to have brought 
bad luck ; for from 1691 to 1697 a series of disasters were encoun- 
tered partly through the war and partly by disorganization of trade 
by persons who infringed the exclusive privileges of the company. 

After the India Company had passed through the ordeal of an 
organized attack on its monopoly from 1692 to 1694, the opponents 
of exclusive grants turned their attention to the Royal African Com- 
pany. The position of the company both financially and legally was 
comparatively weak and the assistants with some strategic ability 
petitioned Parliament in 1694 for leave to bring in a bill to establish 
the company rather than wait for the expected request for the 
formation of a regulated company. They alleged that the African 
trade was impossible unless carried on by a joint-stock company 
with exclusive privileges. The cost of the up-keep of the forts was 
,£20,000 a year, and a regulated company could not find so large a 
sum. They also claimed consideration on the ground of the large 
losses of the company during the war, which were estimated at 
,£400, ooo. 3 Davenant, who wrote in favor of the company, urged 
that it was the policy of its opponents to depreciate the value of the 
forts and factories, so that they should be transferred to the pro- 
posed regulated company at a nominal price. 4 Precedent was in 
favor of a joint-stock company for the African trade, for all other 
countries managed it on that basis/' and in no case by a regulated 
company — the reason being that in dealing with savages, forts and 
an armed force were necessary and the consequent charges could 
only be raised equitably from a joint stock. Further in dealing 

1 Report of Royal Commission on Hist. MSS., VII. 472. 

*Ibid., 476. 

3 Davenant' s Works, V. 157. 

*Ibid., 126. 

'-•/Oit/., 127. 



Royal African Company of England 247 

with natives unity of councils and a uniformity of rules were indis- 
pensable. 1 A single independent trader, who, for the sake of a quick 
profit, was prepared to ill-treat the natives had it in his power to 
injure the trade of other Englishmen by exciting the hostility of the 
chiefs." 

As against these arguments some very damaging evidence was 
adduced against the company at the Parliamentary enquiry which 
began on March 2d, 1694. One trader, Richard Holder, swore 
that he had a capital of ^40,000 employed in the Guinea trade 
under license from the company. On his first expedition he made 
a profit of 50 per cent., in seven months, after paying 26 per cent, 
to the company on the value of his cargo. The next year the cost 
of his license was increased to 40 per cent, and in addition he was 
compelled to buy his trade-goods from the company, which cost 
him an extra 3 or 4 per cent, above the market price. He also 
suffered from being limited to trade only at certain specified places. 3 
Besides these and other complaints of the excessive cost of licenses, 
it was alleged that the company had not complied with a provision 
in its charter, under which all goods imported were to be sold by 
" inch of candle," i. e., by public auction. In the case of red-wood, 
sales had been made privately to some three or four favored per- 
sons, with the result that this commodity was engrossed and the 
price of it was three times what it had been formerly. 4 

The first result of the enquiry was that the Parliamentary 
committee recommended that the trade should be conducted on a 
joint-stock basis and the company received leave to bring in a bill. 5 
This decision gave rise to further opposition and fresh petitions 
against the company. Finally in 1697 by the Act 9 and 10 Will. 
Ill c. 26 a compromise was effected. The company was continued, 
but its monopoly was modified so far as to legalize the position of 
the separate traders, who were to pay the following charges to the 
company to aid in the maintenance of the forts : 

On Outward Voyages. 
All goods 1 o r /o 

Homeward Voyages. 

Gold, silver, negroes nil 

Red-wood 5 °l° 



Other goods 10 fo 

' Ibid., 131. 

2 Ibid., 137. 

3 Journals of the House of Commons, XI. 114. 
*-Ibid., XI. 287-290. 

5 Ibid., 542, 592, 622. 

6 Statutes, VIII. 393. 



6 



2 4 S W. R. Scott 

This settlement was to last for thirteen years at least, and the 
separate traders had the right of establishing factories if they wished 
to do so. The effect of this arrangement was to render the African 
trade open to all who would pay the specified charges. The com- 
pany discharged the duties of a regulated company without the 
privileges that accompanied them. 

Though the separate traders had represented at the enquiry 
that, failing the formation of a regulated company, they were pre- 
pared to pay 5 to 10 per cent, for licenses, they now proceeded to 
undermine the position of the existing company. After the passing 
of the act, while the company was raising nearly half a million of 
nominal capital to equip expeditions, the first ships of the separate 
traders to reach Africa spread reports that the company was bank- 
rupt and that the assistants were threatened with imprisonment for 
attempting to sell the forts to the Dutch. They seized several 
chiefs to ensure larger consignments of slaves for shipment to the 
plantations. The factors employed by the company were in many 
instances induced to enter the service of separate traders, and others 
who did not change masters engaged in private trade. 1 

Under such circumstances the trade could not be profitable to 
the company, and an even greater disadvantage than the hostility of 
the separate traders arose from the erroneous financial methods of 
the company which will be explained below. 2 Having issued stock 
at as low a price as 12 per ,£100 in 1697, further capital was 
obtained subsequently by the issue of bonds — at first from the public 
and later by an assessment on stock-holders for which scrip was 
given. Not only so but out of this money borrowed on bond divi- 
dends were paid as an "encouragement" to induce members to 
make further payments. The result was that the amount borrowed 
on bond, while only one-fourth of the nominal capital, actually 
exceeded the sums paid for that capital at the average of the various 
prices of issue. 3 Taking into account the unsatisfactory condition 
of the trade, the inevitable result of such vicious finance followed in 
1708, when interest on the bonds could no longer be paid. 

As a last resort application was made to Parliament at first in 
1707 and again in 1709. In the latter year, in view of the near- 
ness of the expiration of the thirteen years mentioned in the Act of 
9 and 10 William III., the company petitioned for a fresh settle- 
ment on the ground that an open trade had depressed the price of 
English goods in Africa and raised the price of negroes in America.' 4 

1 Davenanf s Works, V. 91, 93. 

* Vide infra, pp. 252-254. 

^Vide infra, p. 253. 

1 Journals of tlie House of 'Commons, XVI. 64. 



Royal African Company of England 249 

This argument (which was similar to that advanced by the East 
India Company in 1656-1657) was supported by the planters, who 
gave as reasons for the enhancement of the price of negroes, first 
that there was excessive competition amongst the shippers in Africa 
and that therefore the cost price at the port was higher and secondly 
that owing to the want of skill of the new traders the mortality on 
the voyage was greater, with the result that the price of slaves in 
the West Indies was double what it had been before the trade was 
open. 1 The company, with the optimism of a suitor before a Par- 
liamentary committee, stated that the stock-holders " were willing 
to advance more sums on their joint-stock." 2 The other side en- 
deavored to show that the company, owing to its financial embar- 
rassment, was in no position to maintain the present forts or to raise 
capital to build new ones. 3 During the season 1709-17 10 the com- 
pany's trade was only about one-thirteenth of that of the separate 
traders, as is shown by the following table. 

Comparison of Trade of the Company and Separate Traders.* 

Number of Ships. Value Cargoes. 10 per cent, thereon. 

Company, 3 £3>944- 2. 6 ^394. 8. 3 

Separate Traders, 44 ^,5o,co5. 12. 6 ^5,000. II. 3 

Altogether the company's case did not appear to advantage and 
on March 31, 171 2, it was resolved by a committee of the House 
of Commons that : (1) The African trade should be open to all 
British subjects under the management of a regulated company. 
(2) The forts were to be maintained and enlarged. (3) The cost of 
such maintenance should be defrayed by a charge on the trade. 
(4) The plantations should be supplied with negroes at a cheap 
rate. (5") A considerable stock was needed for carrying on the 
trade to the best advantage. (6) At least ,£100,000 value of Eng- 
lish goods should be exported annually to Africa.'' 

Naturally the company petitioned against these resolutions, 
which were intended to form the basis of a fresh bill. The as- 
sistants urged that the company had a legal right to their forts, and 
if this right were denied they claimed the same trial at law as any 
other corporation to defend their freehold. After considerable 
debate the matter dropped ; and, as far as the legal position of the 
company was concerned, no change was made. An act, however, 
was passed, December 20, 171 2, to enable the company to make a 

1 Ibid., XVII. 636. 
2 Ibid., XVI. 64. 
3 Ibid., XVI. 235. 
4 Ibid., 552. 
'-/bid., XVII. 164. 
6 Ibid., 319. 



2 so IV. R. Scott 

settlement with its creditors, 1 which legalized the arrangement ex- 
plained below. 2 On April 13, 17 13, the House of Commons again 
resolved that the trade should be open, subject to charges for the 
maintenance of forts, and a bill was brought in to give effect to this 
resolution, which, after passing the Commons, was rejected by the 
House of Lords." 

Thus the respective rights of the company and the separate 
traders remained undetermined. On several occasions Parliament 
endeavored to effect some improvement, but without success. In 
1750 the joint-stock company was dissolved after many further 
changes of capital, and in 1752 the forts were transferred from the 
recently created regulated company to the Crown. 

The Finance of the Royal African Company. 

In the foregoing account of the contest against the exclusive 
privileges of the company it has been necessaiy to postpone the 
consideration of the financial operations of the assistants owing to 
the complicated nature of the capital account. Going back to the 
formation of the company in 1672, the preamble or prospectus for 
subscriptions had mentioned £100,000 as the amount of the pro- 
posed capital, but by 1676 the total stock issued was £\ 1 1,100, at 
which figure it remained, during the successful years of the com- 
pany's history, till 169 1, when by order of a General Court held on 
July 30th it was resolved to give a bonus in stock of 300 per cent, 
to each stock-holder. There is reason to believe that the company 
had accumulated a considerable reserve out of profits over and 
above the 10 or 20 guineas per cent, paid annually as dividend. 4 
The assistants in speaking of these early years mention " the great 
and extraordinary success with which the trade had been carried 
on." 5 Houghton, too, stated in 1682 that "the Guinea Company 
was as safe as the East India Company." 6 The wording of the 
resolution for the bonus addition of capital confirms this view of the 
company's finances at the time. It is expressed in the following 
terms : " voted, by reason of the great improvements that have been 
made on the Company's Stock of £1 1 1, 100 that eveiy £100 adven- 
tured be made £400 and that the members have credit given them 
accordingly." ' 

After the date of this resolution the capital stood at £444,400, 

1 10 Ann c. 24. 

■■ Vide infra, 255-256. 

3 MacPherson's Annals of Commerce, III. 34. 

* Treasury Records, Royal African Co., No. 1455, f. f. 12, 34, No. 1456, f. 1. 

5 Memorial on Behalf of the Royal African Co. (British Museum, 816, m, 11 ). 

*' A Collection of Letters for the Improvement of Husbandry and Trade, II. 47. 

7 Treasury Records, as above, f. 14. 



Royal African Company of England 2 5 1 

of which only about ,£80,000 had been paid in cash — a part of the 
stock having been reserved for members and creditors of the old 
company. 

The time for quadrupling the stock was ill-chosen, for on the 
outbreak of the war immediately afterwards the company sustained 
great losses. In 1693, capital was required to carry on the trade ; 
and, on March 27th, an issue of £180,850 of stock was made at 
£40 for the share of £100, bringing in £72,340. This issue came 
at a time when the price of the stock had been falling. In 1692 the 
quotation had varied from 52 to 44. In the next year, 1693 — that 
of the issue — during the month of January it varied from 47 to 46 ; 
in February and March, previous to the new issue, the quotation 
was 44 ; afterwards it fell (March 28-30) to 41, so that the issue- 
price gave a very small bonus to applicants. The price remained 
at 41 during the months of April and May. With a few temporary 
recoveries it fell to 36 at the end of September, reaching 32 early in 
October, the lowest point of the year. Shortly afterwards there was a 
recovery to 34, which was maintained in November and December. 

The evidence of the Parliamentary enquiry of 1694, in combina- 
tion with other unfavorable circumstances, still further reduced the 
market value of the stock — the lowest prices of years 1694, 1695, 
1696 and 1697 being 20, 18, 17 and 13 respectively. During these 
years the company had become considerably indebted and, instead 
of sending ships to Africa, it had licensed merchants not free of the 
company at a high royalty. After the compromise of the act of 
1697, which, while not providing a satisfactory settlement of the 
company's legal position, at least settled matters for some years, an 
attempt was made to raise capital to discharge the most pressing 
liabilities and to despatch ships. The governor and assistants de- 
cided to make a fresh issue of capital. In 1697 the price of the 
stock had fallen as low as 13 for cash and 16 for payment in bank- 
notes. It was resolved on October 7 to double the existing capital 
of £625,250, the new issue being offered at 12 per £100 stock pay- 
able by installments of £7 "presently," £3 on April 7, 1698, and 
£2 on October 7, 1698. Although the issue-price gave a bonus of 
nearly 10 per cent, only £475,800 stock was taken up which re- 
alized £57,096. Thus the total capital after October 7, 1697, stood 
at £1,101,050. ' 

In 1698, according to a report of the Board of Trade, the bal- 
ance in favor of the company, including ships, stock and debts due 
(some of the latter being admittedly not good), after deducting lia- 

1 Treasury Papers, No. 1459 f.f. I, 134. Also an inset leaf in No. 1458, giving 
particulars of the various issues of stock. 



252 



IV. R. Scott 



bilities amounted to £189, 913. 5 s . 1 It is a somewhat curious coin- 
cidence that the middle market price of the year, 16, gave a valua- 
tion of .£176,168 for the ,£1,101,050 nominal capital, and the high- 
est price, 17, a valuation of .£187,178.10. 

It will thus be seen that the history of the capitalization of the 
company is slightly complicated, and from the fact that stock was 
issued as low as 12 it might be concluded that the shareholders 
had suffered severely by the reduction of the value of their holdings. 
It is to be remembered, however, that the total capital of £1,101,- 
050 represented cash payments of £"240,536 only (ranking the 
amount of stock handed over to creditors and shareholders of the 
old company as cash). 2 Now taking the four years 1 698-1 701 — 
being the period intervening between the last issue of share capital 
and the first floatation of bonds which latter event affected quo- 
tations — the mean price was i63s and, therefore, the valuation of 
the £1,101,050 stock was £180,297. Therefore, at this price, the 
total investment of £240,536 was valued at £180,297, the loss 
being £60,239 or only about 25 per cent., while at the highest 
price for the four years, 24, the market price showed a profit of 
nearly 10 per cent. The same facts may be expressed in another 
form. The original £100 stock was converted into £400 stock, 
without fresh capital being brought in — in other words by the re- 
arrangement of 1 69 1 £25 of the original subscription commanded 
£100 of stock — the issues of 1693 and 1697 were made at 40 and 
1 2 respectively, so that taking into account the different amounts 
subscribed the average issue-price of each £100 stock was about 
21.85. The following table shows the position of the stock-holder 
at this average with some representative quotations : 





Average of 

the High and 

Low Prices of 

4 years. 


Highest 

Price, 

1698-1701. 


Lowest Price, 
1698-1701. 


Average of 
the Highest 
and the Low- 
est Price, 


Stock exchange quotations ... 
Average amount paid per ^"ioo stock . 


16 ; s 
21 H 


24 

2I' ; 4 


12 

2 1 1; 


iS 

21-v 


Gain or loss per £100 stock .... 


-srt 


+ 2^ 


-9H —3% 



In 1702, the company being still in want of money, a new 
method of finance was adopted. At a General Court held on 
December 1 5th it was resolved that a call should be made of £6 
per cent, on all stock-holders and bonds were to be given for the 

1 British Museum Add. MSS., No. 14,034, f. 104. 

2 Vide infra, p. 257. "Summary of Capital." 



Royal African Company of England 253 

amounts paid in response to this assessment. This call represented 
nearly 50 per cent, of the price paid by persons who had recently 
purchased stock. Following the same method £j was called in 1 704, 
£4 in 1707 and £4 in 1708. These calls should have brought in 
about ,£230,600 but only £"207,098 was paid. By one of the many 
coincidences in the finance of this company, the total amount of 
calls (21 per cent.) almost exactly equalled the average issue-price 
of the stock. Besides these bonds accepted by stock-holders under 
compulsion, there was due to outsiders, also on bond, over £92,- 
OOO, making the total debt about ,£300,000. Thus in 1706 the 
capital of the company was as follows : 

Due on bond about £ 300,000 

Stock 1,056,35a 1 

Some of the bonds had been issued at a discount of 20 percent., 
so that it is probable the actual amount received in cash for the 
bonds was but little in excess of the amount of capital actually sub- 
scribed, the amounts being approximately as below : 

Amount realized by issues of bonds, say, £"280,000 

" " " " " capital stock . . . 240,536 

So far the history of the company had been on the whole un- 
fortunate ; it now became little short of dishonest. As an "encour- 
agement " for shareholders to pay these assessments, dividends were 
declared, and made out of capital. In this way seven dividends were 
paid from 1702 to 1707 amounting to 4^ per cent, or about 
£47,500, 2 so that the assessed stock-holders, while receiving back 
nearly one-quarter of the principal lent (in the form of dividend on 
their ordinary stock), were being paid interest on the whole of it. 
Probably the interest on these bonds was also paid out of capital, so 
that the stock-holders who advanced money were able to rank as 
preferred creditors for the whole amount of their bonds after, in 
some cases, half of the amount had been repaid in the form of inter- 
est and dividends ! 

This mode of finance as well as the pressure of loans generally 
on the company at a critical period of its history was a more serious 
hindrance to its prosperity than the losses of the war or the compe- 
tition of the separate traders. If the increment of capital from un- 
divided profits in 1691 was bona fide it had confessedly been lost ; 

treasury Records, Royal African Co., No. 1,488, f. 23. The amount of stock 
is reduced, owing to forfeitures for non-payment of calls. 

2 This is calculated on the amount of stock existing in 1706 which was less than that 
outstanding in 1697, owing to forfeitures for non-payment of calls (see below, " Summary 
of Capital," p. 257). 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 17. 



254 W. R. Scott 

thus the real capital of the company was actually less than the loans 
for which it was pledged. In 17 10 the company presented a valu- 
ation of their assets to Parliament in which its quick stock (includ- 
ing debts due, apparently both good and bad) negroes and stock 
only amounted to £279,555. It is true that the total was swelled 
to £517,749 by an exaggerated estimate of the dead stock (forts, 
etc.) at £238,194 ; ' but whatever may have been the value of the 
latter, it is obvious that the bonds were ill-secured both as to prin- 
cipal and interest. Early in 170S bonds were sold at 84,- and later 
in the year when interest could no longer be paid, according to one 
account, the price was as low as 30. 3 The embarrassment of the 
company was reflected in the price of the stock which touched 4% 
in 1708 and fellas low as 25 8 , 2 1 /,, 2 l /%, 2 J4 in the years 1709, 
1 7 10, 171 1, 1712 respectively — thus at the lowest price the million 
of capital was valued at no more than £21,500. 

Obviously the time for reconstruction had come, indeed the rear- 
rangement of the capital account had been too long delayed. In 
January, 1709, the governor and assistants had petitioned Parlia- 
ment for the restoration of the privilege of exclusive trade, and 
for the next two years this question was under the consideration 
of the House. 1 At first there was some difficulty in arranging a 
reconstruction owing to the necessity of providing fresh capital in a 
way that would be acceptable to the creditors, who were not willing 
to take new stock for their debts. The company professed itself 
ready to raise £500,000 as an additional stock and undertook to 
write down the existing capital to its present estimated value. 

According to an estimate made by the company, the capital 
required was £1,238,194, of which £238,194 represented the 
previous value of the dead stock, and the remaining £1 ,000,000 the 
existing quick stock augmented by the proposed new subscription. 1 ' 
Under this scheme the valuation of the existing capital would have 
been much beyond its market price and therefore both the creditors 
and new subscribers would have been under a distinct disadvantage. 
Another scheme, about 17 10, proposed the formation of a new or 
reorganized company, consisting of the members of the old, its 
creditors and new subscribers. The dead stock was to be valued at 
£150,000 (little more than half the former estimate), and the other 

1 Journals of the House of Commons, XVI. 317-319. 

2 British Museum, Add. Mss. No. 14,034, f. 105. 

3 Journals of the House of Commons, XVI. 326. 
* Ibiil., 64. 

6 A Short and True Account of the [mportance and Necessity of Settling the African 
Trade (? 1712, British Museum, 816, 111. n (12)). 

6 The Royal African Com f any and the Separate Traders agreed, etc. (British 
Museum, 8223, e. 11.) 



Royal African Company of England 255 

assets were to be taken at the price which they might be expected 
to fetch in the open market. The total estimated value of all assets 
on this basis was to be divided equally between the present stock- 
holders and the creditors. 1 Under this proposal it is probable that 
the creditors would not have been paid in full even in new stock to 
the amount of their debts and for this and other reasons no more is 
heard of this scheme. A further obstacle to an equitable recon- 
struction arose from the speculation that had grown up in the bonds 
of the company since the suspension of interest in 1708. 2 There 
were thus three classes of bondholders to be considered : (a) those 
who in the successful years of the trade had purchased bonds as an 
investment ; (b) members of the company who by right of such 
membership had received bonds either at a discount or who having 
subscribed at par had received back a part of the sums lent in the 
form of dividends on their stock ; (r) speculators who had bought 
bonds as low as 30 on the chance of payment being made at par or 
only a slight discount on reconstruction. Obviously the latter class 
deserved little sympathy but their position was strengthened by 
the fact that a large proportion of the bonded debt was still held by 
members of the company, who by their voting rights would exert 
a large influence on the terms of reconstruction. 

Meanwhile the condition of the company's finances had gone 
from bad to worse. The assistants in 171 2 spoke of its difficulties 
"as being without precedent or parallel." 3 It had in fact come to 
the end of its resources, having "mortgaged both its stock and 
credit" 4 and there was no way out of the " labarynth of debt" in 
which it was involved. 5 Finally in September, 17 12, a reconstruc- 
tion scheme was at last agreed to which was sanctioned by Act of 
Parliament. 11 According to this scheme the capital was to be writ- 
ten down by 90 per cent., thereby reducing it to practically the 
same amount at which it stood at the formation of the company in 
1672. The stock-holders, before receiving stock in the reorganized 
company, were to pay a call to provide working capital and the 
money due on bond was to be paid by an issue of new stock to the 
bondholders at par." There is some uncertainty as to the amount 

1 A Proposal agreed zmto for the more Effectual Support and carrying on the Trade 
to Africa. (British Museum, 816, m. 1 1.) 

2 Some Queries relating to the Present Dispute about the Trade to Africa. ( British 
Museum, 8 1 6, m. n.) 

3 A Short and True Account of the lVecessity of Settling the African Trade. ( British 
Museum, 816, m. II.) 

1 Ibid. 

5 The Case of the Royal African Company. (British Museum, 8223, e. 18.) 
6 10 Ann. c. 34. 

7 A Brief Narrative of the Royal African Company' s Proceedings with their Credi- 
tors, pp. 1-3. (British Museum, 8223, e. 30.) 



256 W. R. Scott 

of new stock distributed amongst the members and the rate of the 
assessment. In the ten years since 1702 there had been a reduc- 
tion in the capital from £ 1,1 01, 050 to £1,009,000 through for- 
feitures for non-payment of calls. This capital of £1,009,000 was 
exchangeable for new stock at 10 per cent, of its face value. An 
assessment of 5 per cent, on the old capital or 50 per cent, on 
the new was made and in this way £50,450 working capital was 
provided. Thus the total amount of new capital available for the 
old stock-holders was £151,350.' The following are the details in 
tabular form showing the total capital after reorganization : 

Capital Reorganization of IJ12. 

Old capital of £^1,009,000 written down by 90 per 

cent., £"100,900 

Assessment of 50 per cent, thereon, 50,450 

New stock alloted to proprietors, £^ I 5 I >35° 

Stock given in exchange for bonds, (about) . 300,000 

Total capital after reorganization, £^45 I !35° 

Previous to the reconstruction the sum of £240,536 actually 
subscribed for the nominal capital was, at the middle price of Janu- 
ary in 17 1 3, i. e., 47 l6 , valued at no more than £40,990 or less than 
20 per cent, of the total original subscriptions — in other words the 
£100 of stock, which cost at average issue-prices 2i3 + , could 
now be purchased at from 4^ to 3^8. To compare these quota- 
tions with those prevailing after the reconstruction it is necessary to 
take account of the estimated amount of the assessment, and, mak- 
ing this allowance, the following comparative results are obtained : 

Market value of stock 
prior to reconstruc- 
tion as above, £^40,990 

Assessment paid in cash, 50,450 Converted into new 

_£9 1,440 stock amounting 

to £^^,y^o 

which was worth at 

60%, 90,810 

It therefore follows that the first price quoted after the recon- 
struction, viz., 60, was practically equivalent to the previous one, 
taking account of the assessment. The middle price of the year 
17 13, i. e., 52^, showed a decline and the lowest (45*4) a further 
decrease. In the next year, 17 14, the quotation continued to 
recede, owing to a further call of 25 per cent., for which neither 

1 Treasury Records, Royal African Company, No. 1489, f. 66. 



Royal African Company of England 257 

stock nor bonds was given. 1 At this date the capital had been 
reduced to ,£402,950, probably through forfeitures for non-payment 
of the call at the reorganization. According to a statement made 
at the court meeting when this call was sanctioned, the assets then 
stood at £405 ,519. 

From 171 5 to 17 18 the company continued to be unfortunate. 
The lowest price of each of the four years was only 15 or 16 for 
the reduced capital, thus repeating those from 1697 to 1700 for the 
old. A further instance of the ill-luck of the company came in 
1720 when an issue of capital, known as the " engrafted stock," was 
made at a low price, and within a few months the price had risen 
from 23^ to 185. 2 

Summary of the Capital of the Royal African Co., 1672-17 12. 

Stock. Cask. 

1672. In the reconstruction of the old com- 
pany its members received stock 
credited as fully paid, £12,200 

New members paid for remaining 
stock at par, ,£98,900 ^111,100 o o £111,10000 

1 69 1, Bonus addition of 300 per cent, without pay- 
July 30. merit, 333-3°° ° ° 
Totals, 1 691, 444,400 o o 

1693. 
Mar. 27. Issue of £180,850 stock at 40, 180,850 o o 

Totals 1693, 625,250 o o 

1697, 
Oct. 7. Issue of £475,800 stock at 12, 475,800 o o 

Totals, 1697, 1,101,050 o o 240,536 o o 

1706, Apr. 9^ Owing to forfeitures for non- 1,052,550 o o 
1706, Jul. 11 I payment of calls total stock 1,055,650 o o 
1706, " 15 J was — 1,056,350 o o 

1712, Sept. 25 

At this date total stock was 1,009,000 o o 

Old stock written 
down by 90 per 
cent, and exchanged 
for new stock under 
reorganization, £100,900 

Assessment of 50 
per cent, for which 
stock was given, 50, 450 5°. 45° ° ° 

New stock as- 
signed to creditors 
(say) 300,000 280,000 o o 

Total stock after 
reconstruction, £451, 35© £451-35° ° ° ^57°.9 86 ° ° 

1 Proceedings at a General Court Meeting of the Royal African Company, Feb. 18, 
1714. Lond. 1714, British Museum (8223, e. 4). 

2 Treasury Records, Royal African Co., No. 1743, f. 2. 



Ill, 


100 








72, 


34° 








183, 


i44° 








57 


,096 









2 5 8 



IV. R. Scott 



Dividends and Prices of Stock. 





■'rices. 1 








Dividends. 2 
















Year. 


Date of Highest 
Price. 


Highest 

and Lowest 


Date of Lowest 
Price. 












Prices. 












1672 














to 














1675 














1676 








{,: 


10 guineas per cent, at 
equal 1 1 % sterling. 
10 do. equal do. 


22/ s 


1677 








r: 


10 do. at 21/6 equal 10 

sterling. 

10 do. do. 


/2 la 


1678 








V 


10 do. at do. equal do. 




1679 














l68o 








VI 


10 do. equal do. 




l68l 








VII 


10 " 




1682 








" 








1683 
















1684 
















16S5 
















1686 










From 1682 to 1 69 1 inclusive 


five 


1687 










dividends were paid. 3 




1688 
















1689 
















I69O 
















1691 
















1692 


Jan. 


5 2 -44 


May 9, 16 


XIII 


3 per cent, on the 
capital equal 12% on 
old capital. 


new 
the 


1693 


Jan. 


47-3 2 


Oct. 6 








1694 


12, 19 Jan. 


34-20 


Apr. 27, May 3 








1695 


9, 16 Jan.. 21 

Aug., 13 
Nov., 11 Dec. 


23-18 


Dec. 20-31 








1696 


5 Feb. 


21-17 


Apr. 23, May 
20, June 24. 
Dec. 30 








1697 


6 Jan. 


1 16 

17 (13* 

17-15 


Aug. 25-Dec 








1698 


24 Aug. 


Oct. 5 








1699 


4, II Jan., 28 
Mar., 16 Apr. 
to 10 May 


16-14 


Sept. 6 








I7O0 


7 Aug. 


24-15 


Jan. 17 








1701 


16-30 Apr. 


18-12 


Dec. 17-24 








I702 


5, 12 Aug. 


15-11 


Feb. 4, 1 1 ; 
Apr. 29 to 

June 17 


I» 


}4 per cent. 




'703 


25 Aug. 


22^-12 


Feb. 24 to 
Mar. 17 


11" 


y z per cent. 




1704 


15 Dec. 


23^-18 


Oct. 30 


III" 


]/ 2 per cent. 




1705 


8, 17 Jan. 


21^2-14^ 


Dec. S 








1706 


14 June 


17^-14 


Apr. 24 


/ IV" 

\ V- 


^ per cent. 












X " 




1707 


8-20 Jan. 


n%-iV% 


Aug. 15-25 


f VI" 
1 VII" 


U " 












X " 




1708 


7 June 


8#-4# 


Apr. 14 








I709 


7 June 


6-2^ 


Oct. 7 








I7IO 


4 Jan. 


4X-2K 


Feb. 20 








I7II 


5 on. 


4'A-2% 


May 23, July 
9-23 









Royal African Company of England 

Dividends and Prices of Stock.— {Continued. ) 



2 59 



Pi-ices. 



.Year. 



Date of Highest Highest Date of Lowest 

r> • s and Lowest -r, . 

Pr,ce - ' Prices. Pnce - 



1712 II Jan., 15 I 4X-2X 
Feb., 22 Feb., 
7 March 

1713 J 2, 16 Jan. ! 4^-3^ 



May 7 
Jan. 9 



Dividends, 



NEW STOCK AFTER REORGANIZATION 





2 Feb. 


60-45 Y 


Dee. 18 




1714 


8 Jan. 


46-22 


Dec. 10-28 




1715 


8-27 April 


27-15 


July 27-Aug. 
22 ; Sept. 28- 
Dec. 2 




1716 


4 Oct. 


30-15 


June 18-Aug. 
5 

July 5 




1717 


6 Dec. 


2234-16 




1718 


3-1 I Jan. 


22^-16 


June 3— Aug, 
29 




1719 


23 Oct. 


26-23 


Oct. 14 




1720 


3 J une 


85-23K 


Jan. 1-8 





1 The prices up to 1703 are taken from Houghton's Collection for Improvement of 
Husbandry and Trade, after that date from the Postman and Historical Account, the 
Daily Courant and other newspapers. 

2 Treasury Records, Royal African Co., No. 1455 (Stock Journal), No. 167& 
(Minute Book of Assistants). 

3 There are no Stock or Court Books in existence for these years. 
* 13 for cash, 16 in " Bank Money." 

W. R. Scott. 



THE PLANTATION TYPE OF COLONY 

Inasmuch as the various colonial governments in America 
were different in form and appearance, and inasmuch as the govern- 
ment of any one colony sometimes altered in form as time went on, 
writers and teachers have shown a tendency to dwell upon these 
dissimilarities and to emphasize their presence as throwing light 
on the evolution of the American state. Whether this manner of 
treating our history, if fairly done, be right or wrong, it certainly 
brings difficulties to the student who takes up the constitutional side 
of colonial development, for it obscures as well as illumines. More 
grateful, sometimes, is the discovery of similar institutions and con- 
ditions. Approaching the subject from this side, the effort must be 
to emphasize the features that are common. If, for example, it be 
possible to show that the earliest settlements in Virginia, New 
England and New Netherland had common, but distinctive, features 
which mark them as different from later colonial forms, then it is 
permissible to use these features as descriptive of a form of com- 
munity that may be called typical. This form would stand as the 
earliest practical model of colonial effort. Such a type would con- 
veniently aid analysis and comparison at the beginning of colonial 
history. If, with this step taken, it be possible to go still further 
and to point out that this special type reproduced itself all through 
colonial history, even though in modified forms, then another step 
has been taken and the original type stands forth as a concept that 
touches the whole colonial period. Like the biologist's concept of 
a " genus " it may be a standard for testing and grouping allied 
forms. 

The conditions at Jamestown from 1610 onward give the earliest 
illustration of a colonial community which can be used as the type 
of a persistent form. The English settlements at Jamestown and 
Sagadahoc before 16 10 were both tentative and undisciplined efforts 
ending in abandonment. But when Lord Delaware turned back 
the fugitives who had fled from Jamestown in 16 10 and re-established 
the colony, he began a period marked by better management and 
more definite aims. The Jamestown colony, as maintained by 
Delaware and his deputies, had the following characteristics ; absence 
of private property, agriculture as industrial basis, union of pro- 

( 260 ) 



The Plantation Type of Colony 261 

prietorship with jurisdiction, government for economic ends chiefly, 
and discretionary administration. The absence of private property 
is the most striking feature, perhaps, of this colony. Under the 
charter the soil of Virginia was given by the crown to the Virginia 
Company and held by the company at its own disposal. Houses 
were built upon the soil, and garden-plots were assigned 1 to colo- 
nists, but there was nothing of permanence in the possession so given, 
and private property in land was thus absent. The labor of the 
colonists was pledged to the company for a term of years, being at 
the disposal of the company's governor in return for maintenance 
and future dividends. 2 While the word "servant" is seldom ap- 
plied to the company's colonists, probably because they were tech- 
nically stock-holders, nevertheless they were really hired employees 
and treated as such. It is true, then, that private property in labor 
was absent. Cattle were constantly sent to Virginia by the com- 
pany. 3 Necessarily they were cared for by colonists, but they seem 
to have remained company property. 4 Sandys calls them happily 
"the goods of the Company, for the service of the public." 5 The 
produce of the colonists' labor, when exported, was the property 
of the company and sold for its benefit. Economic conditions 
indicate the colony as like a private estate. Two other facts are 
pertinent ; colonists had no right to export for themselves, they 
had no right of residence if the colonial governor thought fit to 
deport them, nor right to depart if the governor were unwilling 
that they should do so. 7 

Agriculture was the basic industry of colonial life, because no 
other source of food supply was as convenient and reliable as that 
of the tilled field. The other sources of supply were Indian trade, 
fishing and English aid, but none of these was as important as agri- 
culture. The historical importance of agriculture lies in its mould- 
ing influence upon colonial life. In Virginia especially, the rise of 
tobacco-culture was notable, but even before the first tobacco-crop 
the value of land as a means for agricultural effort was leading the 
colonists on to progressive steps of great significance. The tillage 

■Force, Tracts, I. "New Life of Virginia," p. 14. 

2 For terms given colonists: Force, Tracts, I. "Nova Britannia," 23-24; also 
Brown, Ge7iesis of the United States, I. 249, 253, 426. For management of labor : 
Force, Tracts, III. "True Declaration," p. 20, and "Laws Divine," pp. 15-16 ; also 
Brown, Genesis, I. 491-493. 

3 Force, Tracts, I. "New Life of Virginia," p. 12 ; "Nova Britannia," p. 23. 

4 Force, Tracts, III. "Laws Divine," p. 15, shows control by company. 

5 Brown, The First Republic in America, 225. 

6 Free trade began 1618. Brown, First Republic, 259. 

7 Free migration was granted by 1617. Brown, Genesis, II. 798. 



262 L. D. Scisco 

done in Virginia before 161 o seems to have been unsystematic. 
The union of economic proprietorship and political jurisdiction was 
the third characteristic feature of Jamestown colony. The com- 
pany held both political and economic control over the colony and 
exercised both without separation, by giving them into the hands of 
the governor whom it set over the colony. But while the company 
possessed both political and economic powers, its chief interest lay 
with the latter. The fact that government was for economic ends 
chiefly is another characteristic. That there were altruistic ideas 
like conversion of savages and relief of paupers attached to dreams of 
development need not be forgotten, but the practical ruling motive 
of action is plainly commercial. Hence the contrast between the 
early colony and its later form. The proprietors worked and hoped 
for returning cargoes of marketable products, while the colonial 
governor busied himself to plant crops, control his workmen, buy 
furs, husband supplies and scheme for new sources of wealth. 1 The 
earliest colonial history is distinctly economic. Discretionary ad- 
ministration was also characteristic of the earliest colonies. Given 
a body of men needing to be held sternly to uncongenial work, and 
the necessity of a strong hand in control is apparent. At James- 
town the governor had absolute power. 2 Nominally the colonists 
had a right to vote as stock- holders at company meetings, but there 
is no record of proxies from them, and by neither royal charter nor 
company grant were they given any power against the company's 
governor. This gave the governor full discretionary power, exer- 
cised with the advice of a council chosen by himself. 

At New Plymouth colony conditions similar to those at James- 
town existed. The colonists here were offered, and, after hesitation, 
accepted terms like those of the Virginia colonists. The lands of 
the colony belonged undividedly to a group of persons vaguely de- 
scribed as "John Pierce and his associates," under which term were 
included some London merchants and also such colonists as might 
be duly enrolled with them as partners. Unlike the Virginia Com- 
pany, they held no charter although organized as a joint-stock 
company. Under the terms given the colonists, the latter were to 
settle on the land which the partners held from the New England 
Council, pledging their labor for a term of years, receiving mean- 
while, from the common treasury, houses, food and clothing, and in 
return sending the London men such products as they could. 3 Ob- 
viously, these conditions left no room for individual property. In this 

' Brown, Genesis, I. 385, 415, 491-493. 

■' Ibid., I. 376-383, also II. 801. 

3 Bradford's History "0/ Plimoth Plantation'''' (ed. 1898), 56-58. 



The Plantation Type of Colony 26 



o 



colony agriculture took its place as the industry on which colonial life 
depended most. Fishing and fur-trade were developed, it is true, but 
to the colonists themselves the importance and necessity of tillage 
were clear, 1 and their earliest disagreement with the London partners 
was caused by their demand for land of their own. 2 Union of juris- 
diction with proprietorship existed at New Plymouth also by virtue 
of the patent from the New England Council. 8 There was no separa- 
tion of the two in colonial administration. Colonial government 
was carried on for economic purposes, the governor being responsi- 
ble to the London partners and occupied in overseeing labor and 
supplies. 4 The last feature of those enumerated was present, though 
not in the absolute form adopted in Virginia. At New Plymouth 
the governor, ^although an officer charged with the interests of 
European investors, was nevertheless elected to his place by the 
colonists. His elective tenure seems not, however, to have pre- 
vented him from wielding discretionary power, 3 unchecked by local 
statutes or immunities of any sort. 

New Netherland was first settled with posts of fur-traders, 
but until 1624 there is no evidence of family life or of systematic 
agriculture in the colony and, therefore, no hint of permanent set- 
tlement. After 1624, when the West India Company sent over 
actual agricultural colonists, the history of New Netherland shows 
some likeness to that of the English colonies. The details of the 
first ten years after 1624 are very obscure, but such positive and 
negative evidence as exists points clearly to a type of colony like 
that of Jamestown in its essential characteristics. As to land- 
ownership, it is clear that the company bought Manhattan Island 
for itself in 1626 and removed to it the scattered colonists previously 
sent over, that six farms were laid out, which seem to have been 
company property at first and were certainly so some years later, 
and that there is no reference to private land holding on Manhattan 
before 1636." As to labor, it is certain that a considerable part of 
the colonists were employees of the company." There is no definite 

1 Ibid., 162. 

2 Ibid., 58. 

3 Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections, Fourth Series, Vol. [I. 
* History " of Plimoth Plantation,'" 129, 133-135, 139, 191. 
& Ibid., 133-135, 151, etc. 

Scattered hints on land in N. V. Col. Docs., I. 37, in Doc. Hist, of N. Y, III. 
28, 31,32, in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 2d S., II. 345. While there is no positive evidence 
against private holdings before 1636, the conditions are such as to throw the burden of 
proof upon those who might claim their existence. It is unlikely that private holdings 
should exist during 1627-1636 without some current or retrospective reference to them. 

' Doc. Hist, of N. Y., III. 30; N. Y. Col. Docs., I. 181, 296, II. 765; Force, 
Tracts, II. "Planters Plea," 27-28. 



264 L. D. Scisco 

statement extant as to the terms given colonists, but various hints 
show that they were transported by the company, paid wages after 
their arrival, and furnished with some amount of supplies. 1 These 
hired colonists were not members of the West India Company. 2 
The company also sent over cattle, which were cared for by colo- 
nists, and yet, apparently, remained the property of the company. 3 
Such facts as these show that the proprietors of New Netherland 
were bent on establishing an agricultural community on Manhattan 
Island. The governor whom they sent over to manage their inter- 
ests lived at Manhattan and managed both the local affairs and the 
more distant work of the fur-trading stations. As in the English 
colonies, the company held both jurisdiction and proprietorship. 

The three earlier colonies thus show the dominance of the eco- 
nomic motive over the political. The problems of the early gov- 
ernors were those of commerce rather than of statecraft, and the 
colonies themselves must be considered essentially unlike their own 
later forms when the political phase of government became more 
developed. Englishmen of the colonial period called the American 
settlements " plantations," and that word is a convenient one for 
designating the earliest type of colonial experiment. A definition 
maybe made. The "plantation type" of colony is that form of 
settlement which showed in its structure the economic motive in its 
completest form ; or, the typical form of a plantation was that of an 
economic unity, based upon agriculture, under an exclusive local 
government which combined political jurisdiction with the powers 
of economic proprietorship. Since a type is only a standard of 
measurement for classification, it is not essential that it should ac- 
tually exist, but the plantation type as here described did exist at 
two, probably three, separated points. 

The plantation type had but a short existence in those places 
where it appeared, a change being wrought by the appearance of 
private property in land. Obviously the plantation was no longer 
an economic unity when the immediate control of tillage passed out 
of the hands of the plantation proprietors. Only political unity re- 
mained. The appearance of private property was always the begin- 
ning of a change that ceased not until the economic control of the 
proprietors was swallowed up. In the Virginia colony the altera- 

1 Col. Docs., I. 181, II. 768; Doc. Hist, of N. ¥., III. 30. 

'They had, consequently, no promise of future dividends like English colonists. In 
later years, and probably from the beginning, the West India Company kept an account 
with each employee, crediting with regular wages, and debiting with supplies and trans- 
portation. The account could be completely closed at any time. 

■■■■ Doc. Hist, of N. Y., III. 25, 26; N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 2d S., III. 89; N. Y. 
Col. Docs., XIV. s, 6, 19. 



The Plantation Type of Colony 265 

tion of the plantation type can be roughly traced in the time of Dale 
and Argall. The change seems to have begun in 1614 when Dale 
allotted small tracts to some of the colonists on a formal tenure 
involving quit-rent and one month of labor in each year. 1 These 
tracts passed to private tillage, and before the close of the year there 
were eighty-one of these farms in the colony. 1 Whether this idea 
was Dale's own, or the result of English orders, is not clear. Up 
to this time the colony had cost the proprietors about 500,000 dol- 
lars 2 without any balance of profit, and Dale's move seemed intended 
to make the colony self-supporting. The new policy was popular 
in Virginia. In 16 17, when Argall came, the number of tenant- 
farmers on the company land outnumbered those bound to regular 
service. 3 Apparently acting under instructions, Argall did more to 
destroy the old system on the company's plantation by selling the 
cattle to private owners. 4 A year later he reported that the land 
under cultivation was completely exhausted, 5 and some hints indi- 
cate that he stopped entirely the work on the company's farms. 6 
Thus within five years the colonial governors were evidently shift- 
ing off from the company the burden, as it had proved to be, of 
managing a plantation. There yet remained various tracts to the 
company, worked by colonists whom they sent over, but the James- 
town plantation was parcelled out to private interests. The procla- 
mation of 16 1 9 may perhaps be called its final ending. 7 

The plantation at New Plymouth had a shorter lease of unity 
than that at Jamestown. Discouraged by recurring ill-luck the 
London proprietors, upon whom rested the burden of maintenance, 
failed to send their people adequate support. Governor Bradford 
met the emergency in 1623 by assigning tracts on yearly tenure 
with economic independence for each possessor. In the same year 
the London partners sent over free planters for the first time, and 
their number was increased somewhat by an emancipation of dis- 
contented colonists. 8 By the close of 1623 the New Plymouth 
colony had reached the same point to which Jamestown had come 
in 1616, that is to say, it contained private interests and free labor 
based upon a very weak land-tenure. In this condition the colony 
remained for a time, while the London partners made some futile 

'Brown, First Republic, 205, 227, 229. 
2 Ibid., 432. 
3 Ibid., 253. 

4 Ibid., 258, 279. 

5 Ibid. , 260. 

6 Ibid, 277. 
1 1bid., 2S7. 

8 Changes of 1623 in History " of Plimoth Plantation,'" 162, 201, 171, 178, 188. 



266 L. D. Scisco 

efforts toward support. Finally, when the London men were 
$7,000 in debt and weary of it all, 1 the colonists offered to buy 
them out and the bargain was struck. Smith said in 1624 that 
about $35,000 had been sunk in the experiment. 2 While this was 
far less than the cost of Jamestown, it was enough to stamp the 
venture as a business failure. By the deed of sale to the colonists 
the powers of the London men over the colony were transferred. 
The American proprietors thereupon divided up the occupied land 
and the cattle among themselves, 3 and the plantation placed itself 
upon a basis of recognized individualism. The colonists retained the 
political power, however, as a common interest and it continued to 
be exercised by the colonial governors whom they chose at the 
annual elections. At New Plymouth as at Jamestown the story of 
the colony shows proprietary losses, temporary installation of pri- 
vate interests, and the absorption of the proprietors' improved prop- 
erty by the holders of private interests. 

In the Dutch colony at Manhattan the effort to make plantation 
work profitable proved as unsuccessful as in the English settlements, 
apparently. 4 Such profit as came to the West India Company 
through New Netherland was from the fur-trade. In 1629 the 
company issued the Articles of Freedoms and Exemptions, which 
offered privileges to owners of private plantations and to individual 
free planters. 5 Under these articles the private plantation of Tavonia 
was settled on the west side of the Hudson, but otherwise there 
seem to have been no results in the Manhattan region from the 
concessions of 1629. Not until 1636 is there any evidence of pri- 
vate land-holding on or near the Manhattan purchase. In that 
year certain Indian grants of farms on Long Island were validated 
and a grant is said to have been made of land on Manhattan Island 
itself. 6 These acts are the earliest recorded alteration of the dimly 
indicated economic unity of the plantation. The creation of free 
farms on Long Island brought under the local management of Man- 
hattan some persons who were politically subordinate to but econom- 
ically independent of the company, and who had a recognized 
attachment to the soil. About the same time that private interests 
in land were beginning, the director of the colony was sel """"■ or 
leasing the cattle of the company, and allowing the company farms 

Ibid., 240-241. 
2 Arber, Cap/. John Smith, 783, 943. 

3 History " of ' Plimoth Plantation,'" 259 ; Plymouth Records, XI. 4. 
*N. Y. Col. Docs., I. 40, 65, 84, 181 ; Neiv Eng. Reg., XL. 70. 
5 Article 21 relates to free planters. N. Y. Col. Docs., II. 556. 
''A/. Y. Col. Docs., XIV. 2-4; Brodhead, History of tin- State of jVcw York, I. 266. 



The Plantation Type of Colony 267 

to be turned from tillage to pasture.' Director Van Twiller, under 
whom these incidents occurred, was superseded in 1638 by Director 
Kieft. In his first year of control some orders were issued for the 
control of the company's men and the recall of company property, 2 
but the growth of private interests was encouraged. It was Kieft 
who created a mass of tenantry on Manhattan Island by granting 
lands on quit-rent, first by specific instrument and then by general 
order. 3 The grants made during Kieft's first two years included 
leases of the company farms, of its saw-mill and smithy, 4 showing 
the completeness of the growth of individualism. Apparently the 
Manhattan agricultural settlement had passed through the same 
cycle of change as Jamestown and New Plymouth, although its 
progress is far more obscure. 

The summing up of these repeated examples of plantation 
change must be, at the best, unsatisfactory, because of the lack of 
full details, but there seems to be a logical course of events. The 
first step was doubtless the appearance of the free laborer on the 
plantation, whose presence was due, not to free immigration, but to 
the expiration of service. Many colonists went back to Europe 
when their terms expired, but others preferred the free frontier life. 
The next step may have been a demand for private tracts at a time 
when absentee farming was felt to be a failure. The third step was 
perhaps the knowledge that private enterprise could pay more toll 
to the proprietors than the proprietors could win for themselves by 
direct plantation effort. It may fairly be said that the collapse of 
proprietary effort was closely connected with the rise of the free 
planter. Perhaps John Locke showed a touch of shrewd foresight 
when he wished to make the colonists of Carolina a class doomed 
to perpetual service. 

About the same time that the plantation colonies transformed 
themselves, another alteration of conditions took place in each 
colony, which emphasized the transition of colonial government 
from economic motives to political. This was the differentiation of 
colony government from local government. The governments of 
the early plantation colonies had in them the elements o l )th local 
and general control, managing as they did the actual interests 'of 
single small settlements and yet holding the powers necessary 
for governing the whole region in which a settlement lay. At 
first these colonial governments were essentially local in nature. 

1 N. V. Col. Docs., XIV. 5-6, 19; N..Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 2d S., I. 279. 

2 0'Callaghan, Laws and Ordinances, 17-18, 20. 

3 VV. Y. Col. Docs., XIV. 6, 9-10. 

l N. Y. Col. Docs., XIV. 7, 21-23, 2fi ; Calendar Dutch MSS., 11. 



2 68 L. D. Scisco 

When settlements multiplied, the extensive powers of the several 
executives, which had been possessed from the beginning, were 
utilized to enforce political unity. The change brought no break 
in the sequence of colonial administration. The word "colony" 
merely took on a broader meaning than before, while " plantation " 
remained what it had been, a local community subject to colonial 
government. The plantation type is therefore the ancestor of the 
older colonial and state governments by direct derivation. 

But the plantation type begins not only the development of 
colonial government but that of local government as well, for as 
agricultural settlements multiplied beyond the first simple establish- 
ments, the various features of the plantation type reappeared in the 
new communities. Usually these features were more or less modi- 
fied in their extent and completeness, but still they were character- 
istic, and their presence marks off broadly a certain large group of 
local governments as radically different in nature from the local 
communities of the present time. In this group are included the 
privileged plantations of Virginia, the manors of several colonies, 
the patroonships of New Netherland and many of the New England 
towns. The kinship of these places to the plantation type is plain. 
They were based upon agricultural organization. There were in 
each a measure of economic unity, a combination of jurisdiction 
with powers of proprietorship, and some use of civil administration 
for economic ends. This group of modified forms includes also 
such settlements as that of the Massachusetts Bay Company, which, 
like early Jamestown, was both plantation and colony, but which 
was not of the pure plantation type. An evolution went on in these 
modified forms in much the same way as it had in the first colonial 
plantations. Sometimes the course of events stripped away the 
jurisdictional side of a settlement and allowed it to fall back into a 
mere personal estate, but more often the economic side was given 
up and the community developed into a political entity with only 
political powers. 

The differentiation of colonial and local government in Virginia 
began with the settlement of Henrico in 1611 as a plantation like 
Jamestown, belonging to the Virginia Company. In 1613, the 
Bermuda plantation was organized by Dale. It was, apparently, a 
co-operative or corporate plantation composed of company employees 
pledged to three years of service and holding some sort of political 
privileges. 1 In 16 17 other modified forms of the plantation type 
were created by the locating of private plantations upon lands 
granted by the company. Virginia was the first colony to develop 

' Brown, First Republic, 194, 210, 240. 



The Plantation Type of Colour 269 

subordinate plantations. In 1620 the peculiar corporate form was 
adopted for another plantation organized for Virginia, but oddly cast 
upon New England shores instead. The self-government of New- 
Plymouth was an anomaly in colonial settlement, which needs more 
explanation than has yet been given. 1 Normally the plantation] 
governor should have been sent over from London. 

The development of modified forms in New England was ac- 
companied by much apparent confusion, because the various small 
settlements were left to follow their own courses without general 
supervision. The New England Council always intended to establish 
a general colonial government over New England, making it a unity 
like Virginia, but the council was too poor to carry out the idea. 
Owing to this plan, the various settlements which were founded 
under the council's patents were considered to be subordinate plan- 
tations. Hence the variety in the forms of settlement, some having 
jurisdiction, as New Plymouth, Wessagusset, Massachusetts Bay 
and Piscataqua, while others had no civil power whatever. Hence 
also the varied results visible after the plantation efforts had col- 
lapsed, as the most of them did. Out of the ruins of plantation 
efforts arose a modified form of remarkable vitality, that is to say, 
the New England town. In its completest form it was a corporate 
plantation, with combined powers of jurisdiction and proprietorship, 
and a small measure of economic unit)'. 

In New Netherland the modified forms of the plantation type 
appeared in 1630, when private settlements were organized under 
the provisions of the Articles of Freedoms and Exemptions. Of 
the three patroonships established, Swanendael was destroyed by 
Indians, and Pavonia was united to the Manhattan plantation, but 
Rensselaerwyck, on the Hudson River, kept an almost independent 
existence for many years. Other patroonships were created at a 
later date and New Netherland had several forms of local govern- 
ment. The tenant rights of the Rensselaerwyck property endured 
to make trouble for the New York government until the middle of 
the nineteenth century. 

What was the original source of the plantation type which 
appeared in America is an interesting question. There is a tempt- 
ing analogy between the plantation type in America and the manor 

1 Bradford curiously fails to tell of any agreement as to government. Robinson's 
etter, Hist, "of Plim. Plant.," p. 81, shows that the concession preceded the voy- 
age. The Mayflower compact was probably a temporary device. Smith says in 1624 
(Arber, Smith, p. 782) that the Plymouth men received council and directions from the 
London partners but no commands. Queries arise in connection with the particulars'' 
agreement (Hist. " of Plan. Plant.,'" 177), Lyford's complaint against exclusion (p. 
217), and the partners' complaint (p. 238). 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 1 8. 



2/0 L. D. Scisco 

type in Europe. Both are based upon the ideas of economic unity 
and proprietary jurisdiction, 1 and some resemblances maybe traced 
in the manner of working. In some cases there is clear evidence 
that the Old World manor was copied in modified forms of the 
plantation type. This is true of the Maryland manors, in certain 
Virginia plantations, in the patroonships of New Netherland and 
in Gorges's settlement in Maine. Feudal ideas are plain in the 
charters of Calvert, Plowden, Gorges and the Carolina grantees. 
Nevertheless, this does not prove that Jamestown or New Plymouth 
or Manhattan were copies of manors either in their forms or in their 
workings. The question is an open one. 

L. D. Scisco. 

1 Note the charge that Pierce intended to make the New Plymouth settlement a 
manor, in Hist. " of Plim. Plant." 167-168. 



THE STATE OF FRANKLIN 

In the history of the American frontier there have been repeated 
instances of the settlers' themselves taking the initiative in the erec- 
tion of local governments. Of these governments, formed by abso- 
lutely no other authority than that of the people directly concerned, 
perhaps the most noteworthy is that of the state of Franklin. It 
was maintained for about three years against the authority of the 
parent state, North Carolina. The movement could not justly 
be called a rebellion, however, as it was not begun till after the set- 
tlers thought themselves abandoned and left without any govern- 
ment. Seven years before, they had gladly given up their first inde- 
pendent association and accepted the authority of North Carolina. 

This first government, or " Watauga government," as it was 
called, was formed in 1772. The first settlers, who had crossed 
the mountains and established themselves along the Holston, 
Watauga, and other streams of what is now eastern Tennessee, 
found themselves beyond the influence of the laws of North Caro- 
lina, within whose territorial limits this region was included. In 
this situation they easily and naturally organized a government 
for themselves, passed laws, and put them into force quite inde- 
pendently of any outside influence. In doing so they merely carried 
a little further the principles of the North Carolina Regulators, with 
which they were doubtless familiar. In another aspect their situ- 
ation and their action were quite similar to those of the Pilgrim 
Fathers. The Watauga government was in operation — quite suc- 
cessful operation, so far as we know — for five years, when at the 
request of the settlers themselves the North Carolina government 
was extended over them. Laws were passed to confirm marriages 
and other acts requiring state sanction. So the Wataugans easily 
became North Carolinians. Other communities of that region went 
through a similar political experience. 1 It was not strange that 
these backwoodsmen, after their experience with independent gov- 
ernment, should easily revert to it when in their opinion their inter- 
ests demanded it. It has been suggested that the example of Ver- 

1 For a fuller description of the Watauga, Cumberland, and Clarksville associations 
see Turner, " Western State Making in the Revolutionary Era," in American His- 
torical Review, Oct., 1895. 

(271) 



272 G. H. Alden 

mont, maintaining her independence successfully against the states 
of New York and New Hampshire, was the cause of the Franklin 
movement. 1 Vermont's action may have had some influence on the 
Franklin leaders, although there is no direct evidence of it. More- 
over, considering the character and experience of these frontiersmen 
it would seem that only an occasion was necessary to make them 
take the step they did. 

The occasion was furnished by an act of the North Carolina 
general assembly by which her territory west of the mountains was 
ceded to Congress. This was in response to a request by that body 
that all states claiming lands beyond the Alleghanies should give 
them up to help defray the expenses of the Revolutionary War. 
Congress had just passed the ordinance containing the so-called 
Jefferson plan for the division and organization of the west into new 
states. 2 One of the rectangular states of that plan included most 
of the territory occupied by the settlers whom we are considering. 
Not only did it seem to them that their statehood was assured by 
the action of Congress and of North Carolina, but they were made 
to feel that at least some prominent North Carolinians were glad to 
get rid of them for personal reasons. It was reported that when 
the cession bill was before the North Carolina general assembly, and 
the members from the transmontane counties were pleading to be 
continued as a part of the state, prominent members from the older 
counties said that the Western people were the offscourings of the 
earth and they would be well rid of them." The delegates from 
the four western counties carried the news of the cession to their 
constituents. Two years had been allowed Congress in which to 
accept the territory. This was made much of, while the correlative 
declaration, that it should remain under North Carolina's jurisdic- 
tion until so accepted, was disregarded. The standing and well- 
grounded complaints of North Carolina's excessive and unjust taxa- 
tion and her inadequate judicial and military provision for the west 
influenced many in favor of the new state scheme. So for various 
reasons there was a large party ready to embark upon it. 

A committee composed of two members from each captain's 
company proposed an election of delegates from Washington, Sul- 
livan, Greene, and Davidson counties, who should meet in conven- 
tion at Jonesborough with power to adopt such measures as they 

1 Moore, Hist, of North Carolina, I. 364. 

2 For a discussion of Congressional action along this line see the writer's "Evolu- 
tion of the American System of Forming and Admitting New States into the Union," 
in Annuls of llie American Academy of Political and Social Science, Nov., 1901. 

■'' Franklin general assembly in Address to Governor Martin, Pennsylvania Packet, 
Nov. 21, 1785. 



The State of Franklin 273 

might deem advisable. An election was held in all but Davidson 
county, and the first convention met Aug. 23, 1784. John Sevier 
was made president, and Landon Carter secretary. 1 This convention 
adopted the report of a committee, — that they had an undeniable right 
to petition Congress to accept North Carolina's cession and " to 
countenance us in forming ourselves into a separate government, and 
either to frame a permanent or temporary constitution, agreeably to a 
resolve of Congress." They show their expectation of incorporating 
the neighboring settlements of Virginia by announcing that " When 
any contiguous part of Virginia shall make application to join this 
Association, after they are legally permitted, either by the state of 
Virginia or other power having cognizance thereof," it is our opinion 
that they may be received and enjoy the same privileges that we do, 
may or shall enjoy." It was further decided that " one or more 
persons ought to be sent to represent our situation in the Congress 
of the United States, and this convention has just right and author- 
ity to prescribe a regular mode for his support." The vote stood 
28 to 15 in favor of forming into a separate and distinct state " at 
this time." There is evidence that Sevier himself was opposed to the 
movement at first. He wrote to Joseph Martin that he was " Draged 
into the franklin measures by a large number of the people of this 
Country." 4 The lack of harmony was particularly manifest in the 
second convention, called for the purpose of drawing up a constitu- 
tion. It did not meet till November, 1784, several weeks after the 
time set for it, and then broke up in confusion. 

Meanwhile, before Congress had had an opportunity to accept 
North Carolina's western territory the act of cession was repealed by 
the North Carolina general assembly. In the act of repeal the rea- 
son therefor is given as follows : 

That the cession, so intended, was made in full confidence that the 
whole expense of the Indian expeditions and militia aids to the states of 
South Carolina and Georgia should pass to account in our quota of the 
continental expenses in the late war ; and also that the other states hold- 
ing western territory would make similar cessions, and that all the states 

1 For a sketch of what the four conventions accomplished see Ramsey, Annals of 
Tennessee, 286 ff. ; also Haywood, History of Tennessee, 137 ff. For a general ac- 
count of the state of Franklin, particularly in reference to relations with the Indians, 
see President Roosevelt's Winning of the West, 111. ch. iv. 

2 In view of the reference to the resolve of Congress just above, the " other power" 
is plainly Congress itself, to whom, in the opinion of the mountaineers, North Caro- 
lina had ceded their territory. President Roosevelt {Winning of the West, III. 157) 
is hardly warranted in concluding from this phrase that they " ignored the doctrine of 
State Sovereignty." 

'Committee report in Rev. S. Houston MSS., quoted by Ramsey, Annals of Ten- 
nessee, 287. 

* Calendar of Virginia State Papers, IV. 416. 



274 G. H. Alden 

would unanimously grant imposts of five per cent as a common fund for 
the discharge of the federal debt ; and whereas the states of Massachu- 
setts and Connecticut, after accepting the cessions of New York and Vir- 
ginia, have since put in claims for a large part of that territory, all the 
above expected measures for constituting a substantial common fund have 
been either frustrated or delayed. 

The party opposed to the organization of the new state was 
strengthened by further action of the North Carolina general assem- 
bly. The western counties were formed into a superior court district 
with an assistant superior court judge, and a brigadier-general of 
militia was created. Jn view of these concessions John Sevier 
made a speech against forming a new state, even when the election 
to the third convention was in progress. This convention met, 
however, December 14, 1784, and provided that a general assembly 
should be elected under the North Carolina election law, and should 
put the new government into operation at once. It also proposed 
a written constitution for the new state. The Reverend Samuel 
Houston was an influential member of this convention from Wash- 
ington county, and in a preface to a proposed constitution which he 
advocated has well sketched the history of constitution-making in 
Franklin, as follows : 

In December 1784, at Jonesborough in this state, a Convention was 
held, and having agreed to a Constitution, recommended and held it out 
to the people for their consideration, signifying to the people, that be- 
fore the expiration of one year they should choose a Convention, for the 
express purpose of adopting it in the name of the people, or altering it, 
as instructed by them ; which is attested by the Resolve itself, and a 
Resolve of the Assembly which sat August 1786. 

Well, accordingly, the late Convention met at Greeneville, November 
the 14th, 1785 ; and from different parts of the State, the people laid in 
instructions, which shewed that there was a great diversity and con- 
trariety of sentiments amongst them. However, the Convention, after 
some debate, agreed to appoint a Committee of their members, who 
should prepare a Form of Government to lay before the whole Convention, 
that it might be examined, altered, amended, and added to, as the ma- 
jority should think proper ; and thus be perfected and finished in as accu- 
rate a manner as the united wisdom of members of the Convention could do. 

After the Committee retired, the first thing of account they agreed 
upon, was, to proceed upon business by taking the Constitution of North 
Carolina for their groundwork or foundation, and together with it, all 
political helps that the thirteen Constitutions, the instructions of the 
people, and any other quarter might afford, to prepare a report to lay 
before the Convention. In this manner the Committee proceeded, 
adhering strictly to the groundwork, viz., North Carolina Constitution, 
retaining of it whatever appeared suitable, and to it collected pieces out 
of their other political helps, till they had just conformed their plan, that 
it might be laid before the whole Convention, that, as has been said, it 
might be examined, altered, amended, and added to, as the majority 
should think best. 



The State of Franklin 275 

The whole house having met, the Report of the Committee was laid 
before them, and rejected in the lump ; in consequence of which, the 
whole house took up the North Carolina Constitution, and hastily reading 
it off, approved of it in the general, whilst the friends of the Report of 
the Committee strove to introduce, but all in vain, some material parts 
of their plan, viz., a single house of Legislation, equal and adequate, 
representation, the exclusion of attorneys from the Assembly, etc., and 
failing in these most important points, by the unanimous consent of the 
whole Convention, obtained leave to enter upon the Journals, their dis- 
sent to what had been carried in Convention, and also to hold out to 
the people, for their consideration, the Report of the Committee. ' 

It was the constitution reported by this committee that Samuel 
Houston advocated. He circulated printed copies with his preface 
— all to no purpose however, as the people were satisfied with 
the North Carolina constitution as adopted by the convention. 

Under the North Carolina law providing for a brigadier general 
of militia for the western counties John Sevier was appointed to the 
office. It does not seem likely that he knew of it when, at the 
election of the third convention, he made his speech against the new 
state movement. At any rate, in view of his subsequent action 
this appointment cannot be given as the cause of his opposition. 
The facts that he had already served North Carolina in different 
public capacities, was a prominent King's Mountain hero, and was 
without doubt the leading man in the region, are quite sufficient to 
explain his appointment to that important office. 

Colonel Joseph Martin, agent to the Cherokee Indians for the 
states of North Carolina and Virginia, 2 was, in his official capacity, 
naturally against the new state, although he evidently had a good 
deal of sympathy with it. Arthur Campbell, the county lieutenant 
and a justice of Washington county in Virginia, charged him in a letter 
to the governor with being chosen " at his own solicitation one of 
the Privy Council for the State of Frankland." But this was indig- 
nantly denied by Martin. In a letter to Governor Henry he ad- 
mitted that the Franklin assembly had elected him to their privy 
council, but declared that " no Earthly thing shall prevail on me to 
neglect my duty as Agent for the State of Virga. so long as I have 
the honour to fill that office," and that he was "in Every Sence of 
the word against a New State." 3 It is from his reports, however, 

'This preface and constitution are printed in The American Historical Magazine, 
I. S o. 

2 He was a candidate for appointment by Congress as Indian commissioner for the 
entire southern department. See certificate of Governor Alex. Martin, dated April 16, 
1785, that "Colonel Joseph Martin hath been appointed Agent to the Cherokee nation 
of Indians by this State for some years past " ; also his request of Governor Patrick Henry 
for a similar certificate, that the two might be forwarded to Congress to further his candi- 
dacy. Calendar of Virginia State Papers, IV. 24 and 25. 

8 For this correspondence see Calendar of Virginia Slate Papers, IV. 31 and 53. 



2 7 6 G. H. Aid en 

that we get some of our information about the " New State." He 
seems to have been on different occasions a sort of go-between in 
much of the controversy between Sevier and Governor Martin of 
North Carolina. At the beginning of it, shortly after the repeal of 
the act of cession, he wrote to Sevier as follows : 

The Honorable John Sevier Esq., Brigadier General Washington 
Dst. 
Dear Sir. Deem' the 31' 1784 

I left Governor martins the 19' Instant he informed me that Maj r 
outlaw was sent forward near four weeks ago with some dispatches to you 
inclosing your Generals Commission with a number of other papers . . . 
he informed me the first business that the assemble Did was to repeal the 
Cession bill — before Congress Could meet to accept it ... as you 
have formed a Government heare I must beg that you will inform me 
whither you will presist or let it lay over untill you Can be Better in- 
formed.' 

But it was not allowed to lie over. The first general assembly 
of the state of Frankland, as it was then called, met early in 1785 
and proceeded to organize the new government. A full set of 
officers was chosen, including John Sevier as governor. He ac- 
cepted this office in spite of his appointment as brigadier-general of 
the district by the North Carolina government. The definite 
launching of the new government called forth the following letter 
from Governor Martin, addressed to "Brigadier General Saveez " 
[meaning Sevier] : 

Danburv, the 27th of Feb. 1785 
Sir 

With some concern I have heard that the counties of Washington, 
Sullivan, and Greene, have lately declared themselves independent of 
the state of North Carolina, and have chosen you governor ; that you 
have accepted the same, and are now acting with a number of officers 
under the authority of the new government. 

As I wish to have full and proper information on this subject, major 
Samuel Henderson waits upon you with this, by whom you will please to 
transmit me an account of the late proceedings of the people, relative to 
the above, in the western country, that I may have it in my power to 
communicate the same to the general assembly. The general discontent 
that prevailed through the state at the late cession act, and the sense of 
Congress to make the state no retaliation for the same, caused the assem- 
bly to repeal that act, by a large majority, and to convince the people of 
the western country, that the state still retained her affection for them, 
was not desirous to part with so respectable a body of citizens, in the 
present situation of affairs, attempted to render government as easy as 
possible, by erecting a new superior court district, creating a brigadier 
general of the militia, and an assistant judge of the said superior court, 
which was, in short, redressing every grievance, and removing every 
obstacle that called for a separation, and which the legislature were 

1 Draper Colls., King's Mountain MSS., XI. Library Wis. Hist. Soc. 



The State of Franklin 277 

taught to believe, from one of the members of that dist., would give full 
satisfaction. 

It has also been suggested that the Indian goods are to be seized, 
and the commissioners arrested, when they arrive on the business of the 
treaty, as infringing on powers of your new government, for which they 
are stopped. ' I shall not proceed with the commissioners, until we are 
assured how far the militia of Washington are to be relied on for guards 
in concluding of the treaty, whom alone I designed to call upon to at- 
tend this duty. You will also please inform me respecting the procla- 
mations, to remove all intruders on the Indians land, and what is done 
in Hubart's case, of which I wrote you by colonel Martin. 

In the meanwhile, 
I am with respect 

Your most humble servant 

Alex. Martin. 1 

In the reply to Governor Martin the Franklin general assembly 
presented an admirable statement of the Franklin case against 
North Carolina. It is found in the Pennsylvania Packet of May 21, 
1785, and is worth quoting in full as follows : 

Sir, 

Your letter of the 27th of February, directed to brigadier general 
Saveez, favored by major Henderson, was laid before the general as- 
sembly of the state of Franklin, by the governor : we therefore think it 
our duty to communicate to you, the sense of the people of this state, and 
observe your excellency's candor in informing us that the reason North 
Carolina repealed the cession act, was, because the sense of Congress was 
to allow the state of North Carolina nothing for the land ceded ; the 
truth of that assertion we will not undertake to determine — but we 
humbly conceive, the terms on which Congress was empowered to accept 
the cession, was fully expressed in the cession act itself; and conse- 
quently every reason existed for not passing that act, that could have 
existed for the repeal; except that of doing justice to the United States 
in general ; who, upon every principle of natural justice, are equally en- 
titled to the land that has been conquered by our joint efforts : and we 
humbly thank North Carolina for every sentiment of regard she has for 
us, but are sorry to observe, that as it is founded upon principles of inter- 
est, as is apparent from the tenor of your letter, we are doubtful, when 
the cause ceases which is the basis of that affection, we shall lose your 
esteem. 

Reflect, sir, upon the language of some of the most eminent members 
in the general assembly of North Carolina at your last spring session, 
when the members from the western country were supplicating to be con- 
tinued a part of your state : were not these their epithets, "The inhabi- 
tants of the western country are the off-scourings of the earth ; fugatives 
from justice ; and we will be rid of them at any rate." The members of 
the western country, upon hearing these unjust reproaches and being 
convinced it was the intention of the general assembly to deprive them 

1 Pennsylvania Packet, May 21, 1785. The question regarding Hubart, who had 
murdered an Indian, was a pertinent one, as he had been elected member of the Frank- 
lin assembly. See Joseph Martin to Patrick Henry, Calendar of Virginia State Papers, 
IV. 18. 



■7' 



G. H. Alden 



of any further protection, consulted each other and concluded it was best 
to appear reconciled with the measure, in order to obtain the best terms 
they could, and was not surprised to see North Carolina, immediately on 
passing the act of cession, enter into a resolve, to stop the goods that 
they, by act of the general assembly, had promised to give the Indians, 
for the lands they had taken from them, and sold for the use of the state. 

The inadequate allowance made the judges who were appointed to 
attend the courts of criminal jurisdiction, and who had to travel over the 
mountains, amounted to a prohibition as to the administration of justice 
in this quarter : and although the judge appointed on this side the moun- 
tains, might, from the regard he had to the administration of justice in 
the county of Cumberland, have held a court there, yet, as your excel- 
lency said, to grant him a commission agreeable to the act of general as- 
sembly, he could not have performed that service, had he been ever so 
desirous of doing it. 

The people of the western country found themselves taxed to support 
government, while they were deprived of all the blessings of it ; not to 
mention the injustice done them in taxing their land that lay five hun- 
dred miles from trade, equal to lands of the same quality, on the sea 
shore. The frequent murders committed by the Indians on our frontiers, 
have compelled us to fall upon some plan for our own defence. How r far 
North Carolina has been accessory to those murders, we will not pretend 
to say. We know she took the land the Indians cleared — promised to 
pay them for it — and again resolved not to do it ; and that in conse- 
quence of that resolve the goods were stopped. 

You say it has been suggested that the goods your state promised the 
Indians, are to be stopped, and the commissioners arrested when they 
arrive on the business of the treaty. We are happy to inform you that 
that suggestion is false, groundless, and without the least foundation ; and 
we are certain you cannot pretend to fault us, that your state stopped the 
goods by a resolve of the general assembly in violation of the act for 
granting them to the Indians : and if vour state is determined to evade 
their promise to the Indians, we intreat you, not to lay the blame upon 
us, who are entirely innocent, and determined to remain so. 

It is true we have declared ourselves an independent state, and pledged 
our honours, confirmed by solemn oath, to support, maintain, and defend 
the same. But we had not the most distant idea that we should have 
incurred the least displeasure from North Carolina, who compelled us to 
the measure ; and to convince her that we still retain our affection for 
her, the first law we enacted, was to confirm all and every right granted 
under the laws of North Carolina ; and have placed them on the same 
footing in every respect, as if we had not declared ourselves an inde- 
pendent state; hath patronized her constitutional laws — and hope for 
her assistance and influence in Congress, for hastening our reception into 
the foederal union. Should our hopes be blasted, we are determined 
never to desert that independence which we are bound by every tie of 
honor and religion, to support. 

We are induced to think North Carolina will not blame us for endeav- 
oring to promote our own interest and happiness, while we do not attempt 
to abridge her's, and appeal to an impartial world to determine, whether 
we have deserted North Carolina or North Carolina deserted us? You 
will please lay these our sentiments before the general assembly of your 
state, and beg leave to assure them, that should they ever stand in need 
of our assistance, we shall be always ready to render them every service 



The State of Franklin 279 

in our power, and hope to find the same sentiments prevailing in them 
towards us. 

Your very humble servants 

Landon Carter, S. S. 
William Cage, S. C. 
By order of both houses of the general assembly. 
Thomas Talbot, C. S. 
Thomas Chapman, C. C. 
To his Excellency Alexander Martin, Esq. 
Governor of the state of North Carolina. 

Meanwhile, as his letter to Sevier had been unavailing, "Gov. 
Martin published a long manifesto opposed to the measure of 
the government of Frankland and using some threats in case the new 
authority was not given up." ' In order to get his proclamation dis- 
tributed among the people whom he intended it should influence, 
he sent it to Colonel John Tipton, a prominent opponent of the new 
state scheme, and bitter rival of John Sevier. 

In the letter accompanying it he referred to Tipton's " Endeavors 
to prevent the late rash, and unwarrantable Measures of the people 
of the Counties of Washington, Sullivan, and Greene," and asked 
him to make the proclamation public through his " county, and 
elsewhere, it may be necessary by dispersing Copys thereof." In 
conclusion he thanked him for the " attempts he had already made to 
discountenance the lawless proceedings of his neighbors " and sug- 
gested that "they would not be unnoticed by the Legislature." 3 The 
circulation of this document does not appear to have had much 
effect upon the situation. According to one report it " was ingeni- 
ously answered by two different hands and afterwards held in much 
derision." 3 It was moreover met by the counter proclamation of 
Governor Sevier, issued May 15, 1785. He charged that its object 
was "to create sedition and stir up insurrection amongst the good 
citizens of this state, thinking thereby to destroy that peace and 
tranquility that so greatly abounds amongst the peaceful citizens of 
this new happy country." He refers to the effective work of the 
backwoodsmen in the battle of King's Mountain and points out the 
ingratitude of North Carolinians, who " first invited to this separa- 
tion " and " if in their power would now bring down ruin and 
destruction on that part of their late citizens, that all the world 
well know, saved the present state out of the hands of their enemy, 

1 Maryland Gazette, Oct. II, 17S5, quoting a letter from Richmond. Draper Colls. , 
Newspaper Extracts, III. 

2 Governor Martin to Colonel John Tipton, Draper Colls., King's Mountain MSS., 
XL 

3 Richmond letter in Maryland Gazette, Oct. 11, 1785, Draper Colls., Newspaper 
Extracts, III. 



2 8o G. H. Aid en 

and saved her from impending ruin." He closes by "strictly en- 
joining" and requiring all and every the good citizens of this state, 
as they will answer the same at their peril, to be obedient and con- 
formable to the laws thereof." 1 

While the issue between the new and the parent state was thus 
squarely presented, the new government was assuming and exercis- 
ing actual jurisdiction. A man in Washington county, Virginia, 
wrote June I, 1785, that "the New society or State called Frank- 
lin has already put off its infant habit, and seems to step forward 
with a florid, healthy constitution ; it wants only the paternal guar- 
dianship of Congress for a short period, to entitle it to be admitted 
with eclat, as a member of the Federal Government. Here the 
genuine Republican ! here the real whig will find a safe asylum, a 
comfortable retreat among those modern Franks, the hardy moun- 
tain men ! " 2 

The paternal guardianship of Congress had been particularly 
desired by the Franklinites from the beginning. It was closely 
connected with their idea of independence, which was the independ- 
ence of a state in the Federal Union. Their plan in the beginning 
was to send one or more persons to " represent their situation " in 
Congress and to bear their petition that that body accept North 
Carolina's cession and give them " countenance in forming a separate 
government." William Cocke was chosen delegate, and was re- 
ported to have been "greatly satisfied with his reception." 2 

Although some influence was brought to bear to secure further 
land cessions to Congress, and although some members showed a 
decided sympathy for the new state,' nothing was done to give it 
official recognition. Cocke later sent an appeal to Benjamin Frank- 
lin asking for advice. 4 That experienced statesman in his reply 
expressed appreciation of the honor of having his name adopted by 
the new state which he had hitherto supposed was called Frankland, 
but advised his friends not to persist in their plan of separation from 
North Carolina at that time. In the spring of 1787 Governor 
Sevier himself wrote to Franklin, outlining the whole history of the 
movement, and asking him, if he thinks the cause laudable, " to 
write on the subject." He said Franklin's former letter had not 
been received, but if one should be directed in " care of the gover- 
nor of Georgia it would come safe." 5 

1 Governor Sevier's entire proclamation may be found in Pennsylvania Packet, Aug. 
9, 1785. 

2 Maryland Gazette, Oct. 1 1, 1785, Draper Colls., Newspaper Extracts, III. 
'"William Grayson to Governor Randolph, Calendarof Virginia State Papers, IV. 296. 
4 Cocke to Franklin, Works of Franklin, X. 260. 

5 Works of Franklin, X. 290. 



The State of Franklin 2 8 1 

While these efforts were being made to secure recognition by 
Congress and to enlist the support of prominent men in the other 
states, plans were being made to increase the numbers and extend 
the territory of the new state. We have noted part of the resolu- 
tion of the first Franklin convention contemplating annexation of a 
"contiguous part of Virginia." There was quite a party in Wash- 
ington county, Virginia, ready to join any movement that would 
free them from Virginia rule. Some account of their leaders, par- 
ticularly Colonel Arthur Campbell, justice of the peace and county 
lieutenant, is worth giving not only to show their relation to the 
Franklin movement but also to show the temper of the frontiers- 
men and their readiness to throw off their state allegiance and em- 
bark on new government schemes. 

The chief complaint of these people in 1785 was excessive taxa- 
tion. Colonel Campbell declared that two million dollars more than 
was due had been taken already from the citizens of the county, and 
that they should insist on that sum's being accounted for before sub- 
mitting to any further taxation. When some one urged in a public 
meeting that " the people Ought to pay the half Tax then Cal'd for, 
. . . Colo. Campbell Immediately replied, truly the Gentleman 
preaches up to You Passive Obedience and non-Resistance." On 
the same occasion it was announced that " the Sheriff would take Beef 
Cattle for the Collection, to make it Easy on those who Could not 
rais Money to pay their Taxes. Some of the people replied the 
would take up arms before the would pay Their Tax. Colo Camp- 
bell Instantly replyed, he liked such Men, who would take up arms 
Rather than Submit to so unjust a Tax." When they were threat- 
ened with the military power of Virginia, he said " he could assure 
them there was no danger from that quarter. They would get as- 
sistance enough, especially from the Northern States, for they were 
groaning under their burthens, and wished for some way to extri- 
cate themselves." He added " that he could never think to live 
happy under such a Government, nor die in peace to leave his 
children under such Government ; for his part, he had rather fight 
till he lost the last drop of his blood." ' 

Reports of the disloyalty of the county lieutenant of course 
reached headquarters and he was called to account for it in several 
letters from the governor. In his reply Colonel Campbell, after 
saying that the Whig interest " seemed to rest satisfied that an ami- 

I 1 Sworn depositions of General William Russell, James Montgomery, and others to 
the same effect, prepared for Arthur Campbell's trial for misconduct in office, also letters 
of the same import from some half dozen different men to Governor Henry. Calendar of 



282 G. H. Alden 

cable and enlightened Administration would pave the way " for a 
redress of grievances, plunged directly into the new state questions. 
His words on this subject are worth quoting as coming from the 
man who was at this time the leader of the new state movement in 
his region. He wrote as follows : 

We are told (but it is only from report) that we have offended gov- 
ernment on account of our sentiments being favourable to a new State, and 
our looking forward for a separation. If such a disposition is criminal, 
I confess there is not a few in this County to whom guilt may be imputed, 
and to many respectable characters in other Counties on the Western 
Waters. If we wish for a separation it is on account of grievances that 
daily become more and more intolerable ; it is from a hope that another 
mode of governing will make us more useful than we now are to the gen- 
eral Confederacy, or ever can be, whilst so connected. But why can 
blame fall on us when our aim is to conduct measures in an orderly man- 
ner, and strictly consistant with the Constitution. . . . But, sir, why 
may we not take courage and say we are right when adverting to our own 
Constitution, to the different Acts of Congress, that of different Legisla- 
tures, the opinions of the first statesmen in America, among whom we 
can number an illustrious Commander, a great Lawyer and Judge in this 
State, and a Governor of Virginia himself. 1 

All this might seem to indicate that another new state was in 
contemplation rather than an addition to the state of Franklin ; but 
such was not the case. Campbell had regarded the Franklin 
movement as hasty, and had expressed the opinion that the moun- 
taineers should have waited for some encouragement from Congress 
before setting up an independent state. But after it had been done 
he thought it would be best for the people on the western waters of 
Virginia to join the Franklinites ; and " the sooner the better," said 
he, " or we need not expect to share equal advantages with them." 
The settlers of these parts of Virginia and North Carolina had acted 
together in the war of the Revolution, and there were economic as 
well as political reasons why they should now be bound together 
into a single state. The people of western Virginia sent two peti- 
tions to Congress asking to be formed into a new state, and pro- 
posing boundaries which included the Franklin settlements. They 
wanted the Jefferson plan of 1784 so modified as to allow this. 

Virginia, determined to check the movement, passed an act in 
the fall of 1785 by which it was made high treason to erect an 
independent government within her limits unless authorized by the 
assembly. This seems to have been effectual. The Franklin people 
must have been much disappointed at not gaining the addition of 
these parts of Virginia. They had hoped that with this accession 
they would be strong enough to secure recognition by Congress 

1 Ibid. , 44. 



The State of Franklin 283 

and admission to the Federal Union. 1 But there seems to have 
been no public attempt to secure an addition of any part of Vir- 
ginia's territory without her consent. Governor Sevier emphasized 
this in a letter to Governor Henry, saying, "we will on no account 
Encourage any part of The people of your state to join us, nor 
will we receive any of them unless by Consent of your state." 2 
There seems to have been no discussion of a union with any part 
of Virginia after the fall of 1785. 

In the spring of 1785 it was reported that a project of quite a 
different character was on foot, with the object of getting an acces- 
sion of population and territory toward the south. It was nothing 
less than the incorporation of the Cherokee Indians into the new 
state — something decidedly exceptional in United States history. 
Difficulties had been expected when Governor Martin, alleging the 
defection of the Western people as the reason, refused to deliver 
goods promised to the Indians for their land or to hold any treaty 
with them. A little later he reported that " the Greatest part of the 
Cherokee and Creek Indians are for warr, occassioned by the State 
of Franklyn passing an Act to Extend their Boundary . . . with- 
out Holding any Treaty with them." 3 Colonel Joseph Martin 
thought that if the Westerners should proceed with their new state 
movement it would involve the whole country in a general Indian 
war. The next report was that the Cherokees were likely to be 
incorporated in the state of Franklin and send delegates to her gen- 
eral assembly. What there was at the bottom of the report we 
cannot say. We have it from at least three different sources, letters 
dated May and June, 1785. Arthur Campbell wrote to Governor 
Henry that Governor Sevier was then " treating with the Cherokees 
with a view to an incorporation." i A " gentleman in Washington " 
wrote that " The executive of the State of Franklin has lately con- 
cluded a treaty of amity and perpetual friendship with the Cherokee 
Indians, and a negociation is on foot to give that nation a represen- 
tation in the new legislation." 5 The Maryland Gazette (Oct. 11, 
1785), published an "Extract of a letter from Caswell County, in 
the State of Frankland," whose author said : " A negociation is on 
foot with the Cherokees, and the aim will be to incorporate them 
and make them useful citizens. I dare say this project will startle 

'Joseph Martin thought this was their reason for trying to get Virginia towns 
to join them. Joseph Martin to Governor Henry, Calendar of Virginia Slate Papers, 
IV. 54. 

2 Calendar of Virginia State Papers, IV. 43. 

3 Joseph Martin to Governor Henry, Calendar of Virginia State Papers, IV. 18. 
* Calendar of Virginia State Papers, IV. 32. 

5 Pennsylvania Packet, Aug. 6, 1 785. 



2S4 G. H. Alden 

your rigid sectaries; — but you, we expect, will be more liberal, 
when ii manifestly appears that the interests of humanity and of 
our new society will be promoted." ' No evidence appears to show 
whether the Indians declined to be made useful citizens in this way, 
or the Franklin leaders changed their minds about it. Perhaps the 
latter feared that to unite with the Indians would prejudice their 
cause in the other states, where their character was already im- 
peached by some. Governor Sevier even thought it incumbent 
upon him to write to Governor Henry, "we hope soon to convince 
them all that we are not a banditti, but a people who mean to do 
right as far as our knowledge will lead us." 2 Afterwards the 
Franklin government had considerable trouble with the Indians, 
and made an agreement with the friendly state of Georgia to furnish 
r,50O men for a joint expedition against them. 3 Governor Sevier 
found occasion to bring into play all his ability as an Indian fighter. 
It will be remembered that the Franklin government was estab- 
lished early in 1785 by a general assembly elected under the North 
Carolina election law. This assembly did a good deal of business. 
Among other things it organized the counties of Caswell, Severn, 
Spencer, Wayne, and Blurt, 4 adding them to the original three. It 
appears to have remained in session through the spring and summer 
of 1785, and only dissolved on the eve of the meeting of the fourth 
state convention. Many of its acts were of course criticised. 
Party differences existing among the people were sure to find ex- 
pression upon most governmental measures. One optimistic Frank- 
linite, speaking of the contentions then existing, wrote that it might 
give uneasiness to some, but he found it "had a powerful influence 
to set on foot free enquiry, and to bring about surprising advances 
in political knowledge." "This will be found useful," said he, "in 
forming the manners of a people ; and I am not without hopes that 
the next generation in Frankland will vie with Athens itself." The 
proposed constitution then before the people was another subject 
for dispute. The fourth convention was authorized to modify, ac- 
cept, or reject it. About the first thing done when it met, Nov. 
14, was to reject it. A more satisfactory one was drawn up with 
the constitution of North Carolina as a basis. In this connection a 
decision was made regarding the name for the new state. Up to 
this time it seems to have been called Frankland or Franklin indif- 
ferently. Now it was officially christened Franklin. 

1 Draper Colls., Newspaper Extracts, III. 

2 Cale>tdar of Virginia Slate Papers, IV. 43. 

3 Major Elholm's letter. Draper Colls., Newspaper Extracts, III. 

* Thus in the Pennsylvania/ Packet, January 5, 1786. Possibly for Blount or Blunt. 



The State of Franklin 285 

In the summer of 1785, Governor Martin's administration having 
expired, North Carolina's attitude seemed more friendly. 1 An amic- 
able settlement with the parent state seemed probable. Indeed Gov- 
ernor Martin himself had hinted at a formal and legal separation when 
he admonished the western men to remain loyal to North Carolina 
" until the consent of the legislature be fully and constitutionally had 
for a separate sovereignty and jurisdiction." Again he is reported to 
have suggested that negotiations be opened for a division of the 
back lands with North Carolina without the interference of Con- 
gress, and that a liberal compact might " be formed and their sep- 
aration recognized constitutionally." 2 North Carolina appeared to 
object to the organization of the new state, simply because its 
organization had been effected without authorization. Even the 
North Carolina constitution, adopted in 1776, recognized that there 
might be "the Establishment of one or more governments west- 
ward of this State by the consent of the Legislature." 3 So it 
would seem that with "a very friendly overture" from "Governor 
Caswell and some others, the first characters in that state," the out- 
look was promising for a peaceful settlement with North Carolina. 
The executive was but the servant of the legislature, however. 
Under a new election law passed in Nov., 1785, some members of 
the North Carolina general assembly were elected from Franklin 
counties by North Carolina partizans. This was the first interfer- 
ence with Franklin jurisdiction. 4 In the session of Nov., 1786, 
North Carolina decided to reassume sovereignty and jurisdiction 
over the transmontane counties at once. It looked as though there 
would have to be submission or an armed conflict. In the hope of 
averting both, Governor Sevier "in Council" wrote a letter to the 
governor of North Carolina, in June, 1787, and sent it to him by 
Major Elholm, special commissioner from the state of Franklin. 
"We are unwilling and exceedingly sorry to think," he wrote, 
"that any violent measures should be made use of against any of 
our sister states, especially the one that gave us existence, though 
it now wishes to annihilate ; and what occasions us excruciating 
pain is that perhaps we may be driven to the unparalelled necessity 
of defending our rights and liberties against those who, not long 
since, we have fought, bled and toiled together with, in the common 
cause of American Independence — otherwise become the ridicule 
of the whole world." " It is not the sword that can intimidate us," 

1 Franklin letter dated Aug. 17, 1785, in Pennsylvania Packet, Sept. 30, 1785. 

2 Arthur Campbell to Governor Henry. Calendar of Virginia Stale Papers, IV. 32. 
3 N. C. Const., Art. XXV. Colonial Records of North Carolina, X. 1005. 

4 Sevier to B. Franklin. Works of Franklin, X. 290. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 19. 



2 86 G. H, Ala en 

he added. " The rectitude of our cause, our local situation, to- 
gether with the spirited alertness of our countrymen in such cases, 
would inflame us with confidence of success." Recalling the assist- 
ance rendered North Carolina by frontiersmen in the Revolutionary 
War, he asked the governor and through him the whole state gov- 
ernment " to be pleased to afford the State of Franklin your counte- 
nance in promoting the interest of our infant republic ; and recon- 
ciling matters between us and the parent state." 1 This plea availed 
nothing, however. In the same region where Franklin officers 
acted for their state another set of officers attempted to maintain the 
authority of North Carolina, and with some success. Conflicts 
were of course inevitable, but it is remarkable that they were so 
few. Many of the people took advantage of the situation, particu- 
larly in the matter of tax paying, professing to be uncertain which 
was the rightful authority and so paying no taxes at all. To make 
matters worse there was the then common frontier difficulty of scar- 
city of specie. This was remedied by fixing currency values to 
such articles as " good clean beaver," raccoon, fox, and deer skins, 
linen, bacon, tallow, and "good whiskey." Salaries of state officers 
were fixed in this money toward the last. The governor was 
allowed 1,000 deerskins, while his secretary had 500 raccoon skins. 
A justice received four muskrat skins for signing a warrant, while 
the constable was allowed one mink skin for serving it. 2 

In the last year of its existence, when there seemed to be no 
hope of recognition by Congress or favorable consideration by North 
Carolina, some of the Franklinites allowed themselves to hope that 
the Federal Convention at Philadelphia might do something for 
them. They thought it might undertake to settle their difficulties. 
It could be done, wrote one of them, by investing Congress with 
" power to have a deed executed to them for the Territory ceded by 
the State of North Carolina on the 2d of June, 1784." Their argu- 
ment was that " Congress were in possession of the act of cession of 
said state at the time it was repealed ; and also that it could not 
with propriety be repealed, as the time Congress had to consider of 
and accept the Territory so ceded was one of the stipulations of the 
said act." :) If an attempt had been made to get the convention to 
act in this way on the strength of this argument, probably there 
would have been some interesting discussion involving important 

1 Historical Review and Directory of N. Am., II. Draper Colls., Newspaper 
Extracts, III. 

1 Act of Franklin general assembly, quoted in Maryland journal, March 3, 1789. 
I<y the terms of the law itself it was to go into effect |an. I, 1 789. 

3 ' Writer from the state of Franklin," in Maryland Journal, July 27, 17S7, Draper 
Colls., Newspaper Extracts, III. 



The State of Frank/ 'in 287 

principles at the basis of Federal relations. Rut the constitution 
makers had no time to take up the claims of the North Carolina 
mountaineers, even if they had considered it wise to do so. In spite 
of the fact that the United States gave no recognition in any way to 
the state of Franklin and did absolutely nothing for it during the 
whole period of its existence, no official Franklin document and no 
letter written by a Franklin citizen, so far as we have been able to 
discover, breathed the slightest complaint against the Federal Gov- 
ernment. Loyalty to the American Union was characteristic of 
them all. The influence of the frontiersmen upon the development 
of the national spirit in the last century and a quarter of American 
history is not sufficiently understood. 1 As the frontier has swept 
from the Alleghany Mountains to the Pacific Ocean and the back- 
woodsmen have founded state after state they have always been 
strong in their attachment to the Union. The founders of Franklin, 
which might be called the first western state, showed their considera- 
tion for the Federal Government in practical ways, if we may credit 
the accounts that have come down to us. We can easily believe 
the " writer from the state of Franklin" whose letter was published 
in the Maryland Journal in July, 1787. He wrote: "They have 
opened an office in the State of Franklin for the disposal of the 
lands given up to them by the Cherokee tribe. . . . The money 
arising from the sale of the said lands is to be reserved in the 
Treasury for the express purpose of paying their quota of the Fed- 
eral Debt, as they are all friends to the Federal Government if they 
can enjoy it." We may well question whether much money was 
actually laid aside for the Federal debt, but it does not seem doubt- 
ful that such was the intention. 

The new commonwealth was not backward in considering the 
distinctive interests of the west. The Maryland Journal reported 
the sending of " two Deputies to Kentucky to meet a Convention 
of all the western settlements for the purpose of consulting on 
proper measures respecting the navigation of the Mississippi." At 
another time the aggressions of the Spanish from the Floridas and 
Louisiana received vigorous consideration, especially when it was 
reported "from undoubted authority that many of their citizens had 
been deprived of their lives, liberties and property, within the juris- 
diction of the United States, by persons acting under the authority 
of his Catholic Majesty's government." The Maryland Journal 
credited the news "from the State of Franklin" that their "As- 
sembly, as the Fathers of the people, thinking it their indispensable 

1 See Turner's "The Significance of the Frontier in American History," Report of 
the American Historical Association, 1S93, p. 199. 



288 G. H. Alden 

duty to put a stop to all further depredations, have passed a law 
which provides for a body of 1500 men, to be immediately enlisted 
as regular troops for three years, to be embodied in one Legion and 
to be commanded by a General of experience. . . . They will be 
in readiness to march this month and mean to thrash (by the Divine 
Blessing) those perfidious Castilians into a better conduct towards 
the people of the United States." 

Whether troops were actually raised for operation against the 
Spanish we cannot tell. Soon the Franklin government had all it 
could do to maintain itself. Colonel Tipton had been invested with 
North Carolina authority, and with the resident North Carolina 
partizans was doing all he could to overthrow the Franklin govern- 
ment. The wonder is that there was not more blood shed than 
there was, considering the whole situation. The Tiptonites, as they 
were called, and the Franklinites were in arms against each other, 
and the former succeeded two or three times in getting possession 
of Jonesborough. In spite of these and other conflicts there seems 
to have been but one sanguinary engagement, when perhaps ten 
men were killed. Sevier and his party had been surprised early in 
the morning and compelled to retire so hastily that the governor's 
boots were left behind. General Russell in describing the results 
of the battle at the time wrote : " twelve are dead of their wounds 
and the Governor seen 1 5 miles from home barefooted. The last 
account says both parties are raising more men : how it may end 
God only knows." 1 It ended peaceably, however, shortly after 
this — with the close of Sevier's term of office. His friend Joseph 
Martin had been made brigadier-general of North Carolina militia, 
and in order to avoid an armed conflict wrote him a friendly letter 
on March 2 i , 1 788. Within a week Sevier replied that he considered 
himself "under obligations to any friend" for "interposition in 
time of Distress," but assured him that he considered himself 
"justly authorized" to do all that he had done for Franklin "from 
the laws of North Carolina, which State is the author of all these 
disturbances." "I have been faithfull," he wrote, "and my own 
breast acquits myself that I have acted no part but what has been 
Consistent with honor and justice, tempered with Clemency and 
mercy. How far our pretended patriots have supported me as their 
pretended chiefe magistrate, I leave the world at large to Judge. 
I never meaned to spill blood on the occasion to the latest period 
of my time in office, Tho' unfortunately for some, it has been the 
case, But contrary to my orders. ... I am now a private citizen 

1 Maryland Journal, Apr. 8, 1 788. Draper Colls., Newspaper Extracts, III. 
General Russell's letter is dated March g, 1788. 



The State of Frank/ in 289 

some time since. I have supported the authority of Franklin dur- 
ing my continuance in office, and if the People have not spirit 
enough to support it farther, I shall not concern myself more than 
to secure my person and friends from the hands of Ruffins and 
assassinators." ' In response to another letter from General Martin, 
Sevier wrote, April 3 : " I have just now been Hon'd with your letter 
with respect to an accommodation of our unhappy disturbances. 
I am ready to suspend all kind of hostilities and Prosecutions on 
our part, and bury into total Oblivion all past conduct. If you and 
the officers under your command will accede to the like measures 
Until the Rising of the next North Carolina Assembly, and be 
guided by the deliberations of that body, peace and Order may 
immediately take place." 2 A few days after this General Martin 
wrote to Governor Randolph : " I returned last evening from Green 
Co. Washington destrict, North Carolina, after a tower through 
that Co'ntry, and am happy to inform your Excellency that the 
late unhappy dispute between the state of North Carolina and the 
pretended State of Franklin is subsided. ... I have met with some 
Difficulty in settling the dispute, and flatter myself that it is af- 
fected." 3 On April 12 Arthur Campbell wrote to Governor Ran- 
dolph, " The commotions in what was called Franklin has subsided, 
and Mr. Sevier is elected a Member for the North Carolina Con- 
vention." 4 Surely at this time the state of Franklin was no more. 
Of the many schemes for forming new governments west of the 
Alleghany Mountains fl none up to this time had reached the devel- 
opment attained by this state, formed by the pioneers themselves, 
and maintained for three years against the indifference or avowed 
opposition of the old states. Its history is perhaps the best illus- 
tration that can be given of the political conditions existing on the 
American frontier prior to the adoption of the Constitution. It may 
be that the scenes described above would have been repeated again 
and again all along the frontier, with perhaps not always the same 
outcome, if Congress had not been enabled to provide a better 
system. 

George Henry Alden. 

1 Calendar of Virginia State Papers, IV. 416. 

2 Calendar of Virginia State Papers, IV. 421. 

3 Calendar of Virginia State Papers, IV. 432. 

4 Calendar of Virginia State Papers, IV. 424. The convention referred to was the 
one which rejected the Constitution of the United States, to Sevier's disgust. 

6 For a number of those plans see the writer's " New Governments West of the Alle- 
ghanies before 1 780." Bulletin of the Univ. of Wis., Historical Series, II., No. I. 



AN UNPUBLISHED MANUSCRIPT ON THE RISING 
OF 1647-1648 IN NAPLES 

Probably no episode of comparatively local importance in the 
middle of the seventeenth century was productive of more contempo- 
rary literature in more different languages than the rising of 1647— 
1648 in Naples. A considerable part of this literature is from the pens 
of eye-witnesses and participants in these stirring scenes, and is, there- 
fore, of the greatest value in forming a correct estimate of the prin- 
cipal actors in the rising. A special interest attaches to the nar- 
rative of Giuseppe Donzelli, Baron of Digliola. His Partenope 
Liberata, Parte Prima} was the first account of the revolution and 
bears the imprimatur of Gennaro Annese, accompanied by the 
special sanction of the Due de Guise. It was published in Feb- 
ruary, 1648, though it bears the date of 1647 on the title-page, and 
therefore saw the light before the Spanish power was restored and 
the incidents of the insurrection were at an end. Donzelli was on 
the point of publishing Part II., when an order from the magistrate 
forbade the printing of further copies of Part I.; and an effort was 
made to destroy all that had been already issued. 2 As a result of 
this action this book has become exceedingly rare, and has not been 
accessible to some investigators of the rising. 3 

Doctor Giuseppe Donzelli, Baron of Digliola, was perhaps bet- 
ter known to his contemporaries as a learned physician and chemist 
than as a literary man. Born in 1 596, he established his reputa- 
tion by the invention of a sort of medicinal potion and stimulant, of 
which he made considerable use. 1 He published many scientific 

1 Partenope Liberata overo Racconto ddP Heroica Risolutione Fatta dal Popolo di 
Napoli per Sottrarsi con Tittto il Regno dalP Insopportabil Giogo delli Spagnuoli Parte 
Prima. Naples, 1 647. 

2 Soria, Francesantonio, Memorie Storico-Critiche degli Storiri Napolitani. 2 Vols., 
Naples, 1781-1782. I., 214. 

3 Vogt, quoted by Soria, in his catalogue of rare books, mentions having sought 
anxiously everywhere for a copy, without finding one. Soria likewise counts it among 
the rare books. Grifio, also quoted by Soria, says : "It is rarer on this account because 
the writer indulged in bitter invective against the Spaniards, which made it difficult to 
publish it again." — Soria, Vol. I , p. 215. 

4 Orloff, Gregoire, le Comte, MSmoires Historiques, Politiques et LitUraires sur !e 
Royaume de N pies, pub/ie avec des Notes et Additions par Amaury Duval. 5 vols. 
Paris, 1819-1821. Vol. IV., p. 329. 

( 290) 






The Rising of 1647- 1648 !H Naples 291 

treatises, one of which, entitled Tcatro Farmaceutico, Dogmatico e 
Spargirico, first published in 1661, is said to have passed through 
twenty-two editions. His other scientific works bear such titles as 
Synopsis de Opobalsaino Orientedi et de Theriaca, which was published 
in Naples in 1640, and Antidotario Napolctano di Nuovo Rcformato 
e Corretto, also published in Naples in 1649. He was also a mem- 
ber of the Academy of the Discordanti. 

Judging from the introduction to the published portion of his 
book, 1 Donzelli was not only a zealous partizan of the people's 
cause, but an ardent admirer of the Due de Guise. These facts lend 
a special interest to the manuscript portion of his work. 

The manuscript of Partenope Liberata, Part II., now in the Cor- 
nell University Library at Ithaca, N. Y., contains 120 quarto pages. 
It is a copy of another, itself a copy, which was preserved in the 
library of Baron Domenico Ronchi at Naples. This manuscript in 
the possession of Baron Ronchi was sold in 18 14, and fell into the 
hands of the Duke of Cassano, Luigi Sarra. The date of the Cor- 
nell Library copy is difficult to determine. It is written in script 
on heavy linen paper resembling parchment and is bound in boards. 
It commences with the words : " Doppo cavalcato per la Citta con 
grandissima allegrezza del popolo, il Duca," etc., and ends : " E 
questo e il termine delle discordie civile, e straniere di Napoli, e del 
regno, che si sollevarono, e fecero grandissimi danni, che lingua hu- 
mana ci vorrebbe per raccontarlo." But few copies of the Partenope 
Liberata, Part II., are in existence. Bartolommeo Capasso, who 
undoubtedly owned several manuscripts describing the insurrection 
and examined many others in the libraries of Naples, does not men- 
tion it in his elaborate bibliographical introduction to the Casa e 
Famiglia di Masaniei/0. 2 His silence, however, may be accounted for 
by the nature of his monograph, which has to do with Masaniello. 
Of the many secondary writers on the revolution, Mielle' in his 
edition of the Me moires die Comte de Modem is the only one to 
mention the existence of a Part II. and he is simply following 
Soria. 4 The latter speaks of a " manuscript of the two parts" in the 
possession of the Prince of Tarsia, and refers the reader to the cata- 
logue of his library. But as Soria's book was published in 1781, 
this copy may not be in existence to-day, or if in existence, may be 

1 Donzelli, Preface, p. 6. 

2 Capasso, Bartolommeo, La Casa e la Famiglia di Masaniello: Ricordi della 
Storia e della Vita Napolitana nel Secolo XVII. Naples, 1893. 

s Modene, Esprit de Raimond de Mormoiron, Comte de, Mimoires sur la Revolution 
de Naples de 1647. 3 e e ^. publie par J. B. Mielle. 2 vols. Paris, 1827. Vol. I. 
contains bibliography. 

4 Soria, Vol. I., p. 215. 



292 D. C. Knowlton 

inaccessible to the investigator. The Cornell University Library, 
then, has one of the very few copies, if not the only one, of this 
unique chronicle, which Donzelli meant to be a continuation of his 
earlier work. Had it not been for the government restriction, this 
too might have seen the light, and Part I. might have had a happier 
fate. 

The concluding words of the preface to Part I. cannot fail to 
arouse the reader's curiosity as to the contents of the unpublished 
portion : " In the second part (the end of which will show how 
well suited its title of Partenope Liberata) I promise you events 
much more strange. Read and marvel." ' As it begins with the 
arrival of the duke in Naples, it is natural to expect that it will be 
filled with fulsome praise of his hero. Either Donzelli's attitude 
changed by the time he approached the task of describing his hero's 
exploits, or he desired to follow a middle course in narrating the 
events, especially in view of the many changes in the political situa- 
tion. The book cannot be called the work of a vehement partizan. 
The author speaks of the dissatisfaction of the people with the 
duke's actions, but in general does not comment on it, either to 
justify or to oppose their verdict. He is perhaps inclined to spare 
Annese, especially where he describes the hostility manifested by 
Annese to the duke and the underhanded means employed for the 
latter's overthrow. Here would be an excellent opportunity to 
place himself on one side or the other, but again he refrains from 
favorable or adverse comment. He rarely speaks of the Due de 
Guise, the Comte de Modene, or the other actors to praise or to 
blame; he leaves that to the reader; nor does he, in short, have 
any thesis to maintain as to the causes or results of the events he 
describes. Perhaps his enthusiasm waned as he saw the popular 
cause decline ; or again his failure to fulfil his original purpose, so 
dear to his heart, of describing the liberation of Partenope from the 
hated Spaniards, accounts for the entire absence of party spirit. 
The decidedly impersonal character of the book, so unlike the ma- 
jority of the accounts of the career of the duke, makes it a valuable 
commentary on the events described. Any statement, however 
trivial, which aids in clearing up the tangled maze of intrigue and 
cabal which surrounds this phase of the rising is to be welcomed. 
This manuscript may be said to serve such a purpose. The author 
describes many incidents which are passed over in silence by most 
of the other contemporary writers. He emphasizes, for example, 
the hostility of the duke to France, and makes the duke exclaim, 
on beholding a suit of clothes ornamented with the fleur-de-lis, 

1 Donzelli, Preface, p. 12. 



Tlie Rising f i6^y-i6^8 in Naples 293 

" To look upon the fleur-de-lis is like the Devil beholding the 
Cross." 1 Again, the duke tells his friends to answer any inquiries 
as to his birth by saying that he was born outside of France, in a 
boat, and was baptized at the pier of Naples. 1 Such anecdotes aid 
materially in forming a final estimate of the central figure in this 
stage of the insurrection. It is to be borne in mind, however, that 
Donzelli perhaps reflects the opinions and gossip of the middle 
class, and that the statements in his book are not to be accepted as 
solving entirely the difficulties connected with the period. The 
main statements in Donzelli's narrative are corroborated by the 
Memoires of Modene, whom Reumont regards as a safe guide for 
this period of the revolution. When one remembers the admiration 
expressed by Donzelli for the conduct of the Cardinal Ascanio Filo- 
marino, that " most vigilant pastor, full of prudence, and by nature 
very obliging and in accord especially with this movement," 2 the 
insertion in his account of the important fact, attested by Modene, 
that the Cardinal was forced to bless the sword of the Due de 
Guise, under threat of being dragged through the streets by the 
mob, 3 goes far toward impelling belief in other incidents not ex- 
pressly corroborated by, and seemingly contradictory to other con- 
temporary accounts. The book is perhaps lacking in arrangement ; 
but it can hardly be said to be devoid of literary merit. The duke 
is now made the center of interest ; now he is suddenly abandoned 
to describe the prosecution of the war in the suburbs of Naples. 
The verdict of Haim, which is quoted and accepted by Soria in his 
Memorie, is confirmed and strengthened by a careful examination of, 
the manuscript portion of Donzelli's work : " Donzelli is one of 
the best historians of the rising of Masaniello." 4 

Daniel Chauncey Knowlton. 

'Donzelli, Part II., p. 27. 
2 Donzelli, Part I., p. 12. 

3 Donzelli, Part II., p. 5. 

4 Soria, Vol. 1., p. 215. 



DOCUMENTS 
/. A Letter of William Bradford and Isaac Allerton, 1623. 

The following letter is amongst a mass of unarranged and un- 
calendared papers in the Public Record Office in London, which 
were sent to that office from the Registry of the High Court of 
Admiralty. Its appearance in so unexpected a quarter is explained 
below. The original has been followed as closely as it is possible 
to follow in print a written letter. One or two contractions have 
been extended ; the punctuation has been altered in one or two 
places; and the letters "v" and " u" have been interchanged ac- 
cording to modern usage. 

The Little Janus, went out in 1623 with supplies for the Ply- 
mouth colony. On her return to England in 1624 she was sued in 
the High Court of Admiralty by Stevens and Fell, two of her crew, 
for their wages. The defense was that they had forfeited their 
wages by their mutinous conduct ; and, in the result, the claim was 
dismissed. The cause of discontent appears to have been that the 
Little James had a commission to capture ships, and that a French 
bank fisherman, who might have been captured on the outward 
voyage, was allowed to escape; and, further, that after the ship 
arrived in New England she was ordered by Bradford to go upon a 
fishing voyage, which the crew objected to, alleging that they had 
been hired for a privateering and not for a fishing voyage. Brad- 
ford's letter given below was produced as evidence for the defense 
in the suit of Stevens and Fell c. The Little fames. It is through- 
out in the handwriting of William Bradford — the writing of the 
well-known "Log" of the Mayflower. It has no address, but the 
context shows that it was sent to the adventurers in London. 
Annexed to it are two other letters, one from Emmanuel Altham, 
the captain or commander of the Little fames, the other from John 
Bridg (or Bridge), her master. Both of these are addressed to 
James Sherley, the treasurer of the adventurers in London. The 
address of the former is almost illegible ; it appears to be as follows, 
but the words marked (?) are doubtful : 

"To the Worshipfull (?) and my most respected loving kind 
friend M r Jeames Sherle Treasurer for the New Plimoth adventurers 
dwellinge on London bridg at the Golden hoospyte (?)." 

294 



A Letter of William Bradford and Isaac Allerlon 295 

Bridge's letter, written from " Plemoth in New England" is 
dated 27th Sep., 1623, and is addressed : 

"To his aproved frend M r Jeames Sherley at his house in 
Croked Lane in London." 

The Little James belonged to the adventurers, and upon her 
return to England she was taken possession of by Thomas Fletcher 
and Thomas Goffe under a decree of the Admiralty Court in pay- 
ment of a debt of ,£250. 

R. G. Marsden. 

2 da 1 

Beloved and kind freinds We have received your letters both by the Anne 
and the James, which are both safly arived here, thanks be to God, the 
Anne about the later end of July, and the James a fourthnight after, and 
by them a large and liberall suply, for which togeather with your loving 
and honest leters we give you harty thanks, being very sorie to hear of 
your losses and crosses, and how you have been turmoyled therabout. 
If God had seen it good we should have been right glad it had come 
sooner, both for our good and your profite ; for we have both been in a 
langwishing state ; and also faine to put away our furrs at a small vallew 
to help us to surne necessaries, without which notwithstanding we should 
have done full ill, yea indeed could not have subsisted ; so as we have little 
or nothing to send you, for which we are not a litle sorie ; but if you 
knew how necessarily we were constrained too it, and how unwillingly 
we did it, we suppose you cannot at all blame us for it ; we put away as 
much at one time and other of bevar as, if they had been savid togeather 
and sould at the best hand, would have yeelded - y or -4- too- pounds; 
and yet those are nothing to those we have lost for want of means to 
geather them when the time was, which I fear will scarce ever be againe, 
seeing the Duch on one side and the french on the other side and the 
fishermen and other plantations betweene both have, and doe furnish the 
savages, not with toyes and trifles, but with good and substantial cmod- 
ities, 2 as ketkes, hatchets, and clothes of all sorts ; yea the french doe 
store them with biskay shalopes fited both with sails and ores, with which 
they can either row or saile as well as we ; as also with peices powder 
and shot for fowling and other servises; (we are informed that ther are 
at this present a • 100 • men with • 8 ■ shalops coming from the eastward, 
to robe and spoyle their neighbours westwards) ; also I know upon my 
owne knowledg many of the endeans to be as well furnished with good 
ketkles, both strong and of a large size, as many farmers in england ; yet 
notwithstand we shall not nectlect to use the best means we can with the 
pinnas and means we now have, both for trading or any other imploy- 
nient the best we can for both your and our advantage ; but we are sorie 
that shee is maned with so rude a crew of sailors ; we hope the maister is 

1 Secunda. This word in the margin of the original indicates that a duplicate was 
sent by another ship. 

2 Sic. 



296 Documents 

an honest man ; and we find the capten to be a loving and courteous gen- 
tle-man ; yet they could not both of them rule them, so as we were 
faine to alter their conditions and agree with them for wages as well as 
we could ; and this we did not only by the capten, and maisters, together 
with M r peirces advice, but we saw we were of necessitie constrained 
thereunto to prevente furder mischefe, which we saw would unavoyd- 
ably ensew ; for besides the endangering of the ship, they would obey no 
command, at least without continuall murmuring, aleging that they were 
cousened and deseaved and should saile and work for nothing, the which 
they would be hanged rather than they would doe, as also that they would 
not fish, or doe any such thing ; they said they were fited out for a taker, 
and were tould that they might take any ship what soever that was not 
to strong for them, as far as the west endeans, and no other imployment 
would they follow ; but we doubt not now to have them at a better pass, 
and hope to raise some benefite by her imploymente ; shee is now 
to go to the southward ; we have sent to the Indeans, and they promise 
us we shall have both corne and skines ; at her returne we think to 
send her northward, both to fish and truck, if it please God to bless 
them. 

We have sent unto you (with these our letters) one of our honest 
freinds, Edward Winslow by name, who can give you beter and more 
large Information of the state of all things than we can possiblie doe by 
our letters ; unto whom we refferr you in all partickulars ; and also we 
have given him Instrucktion to treat with you of all such things as con- 
sceirn our publick good and mutuall concord ; expecting his returne by 
the first fishing shipss. 

We have write to the counsell for an other patente for cape Anne to 
weet for the westerside of it, which we know to be as good a harbore as 
any in this land, and is thought to be as good fishing place ; and seeing 
fishing must be the cheefe, if not the only means to doe us good ; and 
it is like to be so fite a place, and lyeth so neer us ; we thinke it verie 
necessarie to use all diligence to procure it ; and therfore we have now 
write unto you and the counsell againe about it, least our former letters 
should not be come, or not delivered, of which we have some suspition ; 
M r Weston hath writen for it, and is desirous to get it before us ; and 
the like doth M' Thomson ; which is one spetiall motive that hath 
moved us to send over this messenger fore named ; as allso about that 
grand patent which we understand you have gott from M r peirce, which 
if it be as we have it is by M r Thomsons relation, but to goe by a right 
line from the Gurnatsnose due west into the land a certain way, and noe 
furder north-ward, it will stripe us of the best part of the bay, which will 
be most comodious for us, and better then all the rest ; therefore seeing 
now is the time to helpe these things we thought it were then necessarie 
to send aboute the former patente for cape Anne ; we desire it may be 
procured with as ample privileges as it may, and not to be simplie con- 
fined to that place, but in our liberty to take any other, if we like it 
better. 



A Letter of William Bradford and Isaae Allertou 297 

M r peirce 1 (for ought I hear) hath used our passengers well, and 
dealt very honestly with us ; but we wanted a perfect bill of lading, 
to call for ech parcell of our goods, which as you have occation we 
pray you see toe hereafter, for it is very requisite though you have to 
deale with honest men. we have agreed with him to lade him back for 
a • 150 • pounds, which you will thinke something much, but we could 
gett him no cheaper; we did it the rather that he might come directly 
home, for the furderance of our other affares ; as also for some other 
respects necessarie and benefitiall for us ; we have laded him with clap- 
board, 2 the best we could gett, which we hope at the least will quite the 
cost ; for lengths they are not cut by the advice of the Cooper and pipe- 
stafmaker which you sent us ; for thicknes they are biger than those 
which come frome other places, which must accordingly be considered in 
the prices ; the cooper of the ship saith they are worth ■ 5 • per • 100 ■ 
and I here he means to bye some of them of you ; of which I thought 
good to give you notice. 

We have also sent you that small parcell of furres which we have left, 
besides those we put away formerly ; if the ship had but come one month 
sooner, we had sent you a good many more, though since that conspiracie 
raised against us by the Indeans, caused by M 1 ' Westons people, and that 
execution we did at the Massachusets, cheefly for the saving of their lives, 
we have been much endamaged in our trad, for ther wher we had most 
skins the Indeans are rune away from their habitations, and sett no corne, 
so as we can by no means as yet come to speake with them, we have 
taken up of M r peirce sundrie provissions, the cheefe wherof is bread, and 
course cloth, and some other needfull things withall ; and with them he 
hath put upon us some other things less necessarie, as beefe etc. which we 
would not have had if we could have had the other without them ; fear of 
want againe before suply come to us, as also a li tie to encourag our peo- 
ple after ther great dishartening hath made us pressume to charg you 
herewith ; a bill of the pertickulars we have here sent you ; we hope the 
furres will defray it. 

It is for certain that great profite is here raised by fishing ; the shipes 
have this year made great viages, and were a great many of them ; s and 
if we could fall once into the right cource about it, and be able to man- 
age it, it would make good all ; a good fishing place will be a great 
advantage for it, wher the boats may goe quickly in and out to sea at all 
times of the tide, and well stoed with fish neer at hand, and convenient 
places to make it, and build stages in, and then it will not only serve for 

1 About 14. days after came in this ship, caled the Anne, whereof M r William 
Peirce was mr, and aboute a weeke or 10. days after came in the pinass which in foule 
weather they lost at sea, a fine new vessell of aboute 44. tune, which the company had 
built to stay in the cuntri. History " of Plimoth Plantation " (1898), 171. 

2 This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapboard, by the help of many hands. 
Also they sente in her all the beaver and other furrs they had, and M r Winslow was sent 
over with her, to enforme of all things, and procure such things as were thought need- 
full for their presente condition. Ibid., 1JJ. 

3 Thus, in the original, possibly some words were omitted. 



298 Documents 

our owne fishing, but after it be known once by experience to be a place 
well quallified for that purpose, benefite will be made of it by granting 
licence to others to fish ther. But about these things we referr you for 
furder information to our messenger and M r peirce, who is a man as we 
perceive very skillful and diligent in his bussines, and a very honest 
man, whose imployments may doe us much good ; and if you resolve, as 
we ernisly desire you may, of any course aboute fishing we think he is as 
fite an Instrument as you can use. 

It would be a principall stay and a comfortable help to the Colonie 
if they had some catle, in many respects, first it would much encourage 
them, and be in time agretter ease both for tillage of ground, and cariag of 
burden ; 2ly, it will make victuals both more plentifull, and comfortable ; 
3W, it might be a good benefite after some encrease that they might be 
able to spare some to others that should have thoughts this way ; espetialy 
goats are very useful for the first, and very fite for this place, for they 
will here thrive very well, are a hardly creature, and live at no charge, 
ether wenter or sommer, their increas is great and milke very good, and 
need little looking toe ; also they are much more easily transported and 
with less difficulty and hassard, then other kattle ; yet tow of those which 
came last dyed by the way, but it was by some neclegence. for kine 
and other caile it will be best when any comes that it be in the spring, 
for if they should come against the winter, they would goe near to dye ; 
the Colonie will never be in good estate till they have some. 

As touching making of salte we have by accedente had speech with 
one of the north cuntrie, who came with M r Remolds (who put in here), 
and was his mate ; he had speech with our smith aboute the making of 
salt pane, he douts he cannot doe it ; also he saith if they goe about it 
that have no skill they will quickly burne the pans and doe no good, 
wheras if they be skillfully ordered they may last a long time, he thought 
we might have some frome about new-castle that would best fite our 
tourne.for that bussines we pray you provide for us here about as soone 
as you can, that we may doe some thing to the purpose. 

M r Westons colonie is desolvd (as you cannot but hear before this 
time), they had by their evill and deboyst cariage so exasperated the 
Indeans against them as they ploted ther overthrow ; and because they 
knew not how to effecte it for fear we would revenge it upon them, they 
secretly Instigated other peoples to conspire against us also, thinking to 
cut of our shalope abroad and then to assalte us with their force at home, 
but ther conspiracie and trecherie was discovered unto us by Massacoyte, 
(the occation and furder relation wherof our messenger can declare unto 
you at large, to whom we referr you). we went to reskew the lives of 
our countrie-men, whom we thought (both by nature, and conscience) 
we were bound to deliver, as also to take vengance of them for their vil- 
lanie entended and determened against us, which never did them harme, 
weaiting only for opertunite to execute the same, but by the good provi- 
dence of god they were taken in their owne snare, and ther wickednes 
came upon their owne pate ; we kild seven of the cheife of them, and 



A Letter of William Bradford and Isaac Allerton 299 

the head of one of them stands still on our forte for a terror unto others ; 
they mett our men in the feild and shoat at them, but thank be to god 
not a man of them were hurte ; neither could they hurte the Indeans 
with their peices, they did so shilter them selves behind great trees, only 
they brake the arm of a notable rogue as he was drawing his bow to 
shoot at capten standish, after which they came away, we gave the 
capten ordere, if M r Westons people would, that he should bring them 
to us and we would aford them the best secoure we could, or if they 
chose reather to goe to Monhegin, that then if he tooke any corne from 
the Indeans, he should let them have to victuall them thither (which 
accordingly was done, though ours had scarce enoughe to bring them 
home againe). yet for all this, and much more [the]y cannot afford us 
a good word but reproach us behind our backes. 

Touching our governemente you are mistaken if you think we admite 
weomen and children to have to doe in the same, for they are excluded, 
as both reason and nature teacheth they should be ; neither doe we 
admite any but such as are above the age of ■ 21 ■ years, and they also but 
only in some weighty maters, when we thinke good ; yet we like well 
of your course, and advice propounded unto us, and will as soon as we 
can with convenience bring it into practice, though it should be well it 
were so ordered in our patent. 

Now wheras you think we have been to credulous in receiving in- 
sinuations against you, and to rash in complaining and censoring of 
you ; as allso that to pertickular men letters have been writen not with 
that descr[e]tion and deliberation which was meet, we answare what 
others have writen we know not, neither could hinder; if ther be any 
thing otherwise then well lett them beare their blame ; only what we 
have writen we best know, and can answer, and first we wishte you 
would either roundly suply us, or els wholy forsake us, that we might 
know what to doe ; this you call a short and peremptorie resolution, 
be it as it will, we were necesarily occationed by our wants (and the 
discontents of many) therunto. yet it was never our purpose or once 
came into our minds to enter upon any cource before we knew what you 
would doe, upon an equall treaty of things, according to our former, as 
we conceivd, bonds between us. And then if you should have left us we 
mente not to joyne with any other (as you it should seeme conceived) 
but thought we could get our selves foode, and for cloathes we Intended 
to take the best course we could, and so to use the best means we could 
to subsiste, or otherwise to returne. though Indeed we thinke if you had 
left us we might have had others desirous to joyne with us. also you 
may conceive some of us have had enough to doe to hould things togeather 
amongst men of so many humors, under so many dificulties, and feares 
of many kinds ; and if any thing more hath been said or writen to any 
by us, it hath been only to shew that it might rather be marviiled that 
we could at all subsist, then that we were in no better case haveing been 
so long without suplie, and not at all for your disgrace. If necessity or 
pation have caried others furder, your wisdoms will (I doute not) beare 



300 Documents 

with it. as for capten standish we leave him to answare for him selfe ; 
but this we must say, he is an helpfull an Instrument as any we have, 
and as carfull of the generall good, and doth not well aprove him selfe. 

Indeed freinds it doth us [muc]h good to read your honest letters. 
we perceive your honest minds, and how squarly you deal in all things, 
which giveth us much comforte, and howsoever things have been for time 
past, we doubt not for time to come but ther shall be that good coras- 
pondance which is meete. and we shall labore what we can to be answar- 
able to your kindnes and cost. 

for our freinds in holand we much desired their companie, and have 
longe expected the same ; if we had had them in the stead of some 
others we are perswaded things would have been better then they are 
with us, for honest men will ever doe their best endeavoure, whilst others 
(though they be more able of body) will scarce by any means be brought 
too ; but we know many of them to be better able, either for laboure or 
counsell then our selves ; And indeed if they should not come to us, we 
would not stay [her]e, if we might gaine never so much wellth, but we 
are glad to take knowledge of what -you would write touch [ing] them, 
and like well of your purpose not to make the generall body biggere, 
save only to furnish them with usefull members, for spetiall faculties. 

Touching those articles of agreement, we have taken our selves bound 
by them unto you, and you unto us, being by M r Weston much pressed 
ther unto, we gave M r Cochman full Commission to conclude and confirme 
the same with you. for any thing furder ther aboute we referr you to 
our messenger ; though in any bound made, or to be made between you 
and us, we take our freinds at Leyden to be comprehended in the same, 
and as much interese[d] as our selves ; and their conssents to be accord- 
ingly had ; for though we be come first to this place, yet they are as 
principalle in the acction and they and we to be considred as one body. 

We found the chirugion in the pinas to be so proude and quarelsome 
a man, and to use his termes in that sorte, as the Capten and others durst 
not goe to sea with him ; being over ready to raise factions and mutanie 
in the shipe ; so as we were constrained to dismise him, and hire M r 
Rogers in his roome, M r Peirce being willing to releace him, to doe us a 
favore. he is to have '35 ■ s ■ per month, wherof he desers his wife 
may have ■ 16 • s a month, which we pray you may be accordingly per- 
formed. 

About Hobkins and his men we are come to this isew. the men we 
retaine in the generall according to his resignation and equietie of the 
thinge. and about that recconing of ■ 20 ■ ode pounds, we have brought 
it to this pass, he is to have • 6 • "• payed by you ther, and the rest to be 
quite ; it is for nails and shuch other things as we have had of his brother 
here for the companies use, and upon promise of paymente by us, we 
desire you will accordingly doe it. 

for the tokens of your love and other the charges you have been at 
with my selfe befitt ' you many thanks, (and so doe they 

1 A hole in the paper. 



Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall 301 

likewise) not knowing how to recompence your kindnes. it is more 
then we have deserved at your hands. 

Touching those which came unto us in ther pertickular, we have re- 
ceived them in as kindly maner as we could, according to our abilite, 
and offered them as favorable terrhes as we could touching their footing 
with us. yett they are sundrie of them discouraged I know not whether 
by the countrie (of which they have no triad) or rather for want of those 
varietis which England affords, from which they are not yet wayned, 
and being so delitefull to nature cannot easily be forgotten without a 
former grounded r[esolu]tion. but as they were welcome when they 
came, [so shjall they be when they goe, if they thinke it not for their 
g[oo]d, though we are most glad of honest mens companie ; and loath 
to part from the same. 

Thus againe giveing you hartie thanks for your loveing affections and 
large hands extended unto us, we rest your loving freinds to use, 

William Bradford, Governor 
Plimoth Isaac Allerton, Assistant 

September 8 
1623 

2. Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall, ij6q-ijjj} 

The following letters of the Reverend Samuel Cooper relate to 
public affairs in the American colonies before the outbreak of the 
Revolution and during the war. As far as the present writer is 
aware they are now for the first time printed. 

In the library of George III., presented to the nation by George 
IV., is a manuscript volume (British Museum, King's MSS. 201) 
comprising " Original Letters, from Dr. Franklin to the Reverend 
Doctor Cooper, Minister of the Gospel in the Town of Boston in 
New England, in the years 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, 1773, and 
1774, upon the subject of American Politics." With this volume 
are two others, bound and lettered in the same style, the one con- 
taining original letters from Governor Pownall to Dr. Cooper {ibid., 
202), and the other, drafts and copies, in his own handwriting, of 
letters from Dr. Cooper to Dr. Franklin and Governor Pownall 
(ibid., 203). A fourth volume [ibid., 204) contains copies of Cooper's 
letters to Franklin, Franklin's letters to Cooper (except that of De- 
cember 30, 1770), and all but two of Pownall's to Cooper, the letters 
of Cooper to Pownall being omitted. 2 

1 A brief notice of Samuel Cooper may be found in Vol. VI., p. 301, of the Review. 

2 Preceding the transcripts in the last-mentioned volume is a short history of ihese 
letters, which runs as follows : 

" Account of the manner in which the following Letters came into the hands of the 
Person who now possesses them. 

" Immediately after the Affair of Lexington, which happened upon the 19th of 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 20. 



302 Documents 

Pownall's twenty-six letters to Cooper, comprising "the newly 
discovered evidence " of Frederick Griffin, may be found published, 
generally entire, in that author's Junius Discovered (Boston and 
London, 1854). Cooper's letters to Pownall, fourteen in number, 
beyond an occasional extract, have not, as far as the present writer 
can learn, been heretofore printed. The first letter here printed, 
dated "Boston Feby. 18. 69." and the last one, dated " 28. March 
1777," are in the possession of Mr. Marvin M. Taylor of Worcester, 
Massachusetts. Frederick Tuckerman. 

1. Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall. 
Dear Sir, Boston Feby. 18. 69. 

I am now to acknowledg the Favor of your Letters of the 16 and 
20th of Nov'r last, and to Thank you for the kind and particular In- 

April, 1775, the Town of Boston was surrounded by the Rebels and all intercourse with 
the Country was cut off. Those who were in the Town were not allowed to quit it with- 
out the permission of the commander in chief, and no person was allowed to pass the 
lines to go into the country without first being searched by Officers appointed by the Gen- 
eral for that purpose. At this time many of the leading Men of the disaffected party 
were still in the Town, and among the rest the Revd. Dr. Cooper, Minister of the Gospel 
to one of the Religious Societies in that town, a Man of great weight and influence among 
the people, who admired him as much for his Abilities, as they respected him on account 
of his Holy profession, and his exemplary life and conversation. He, with many others, 
made immediate application for leave to quit the Town, and obtained a Passport for that 
purpose. 

" At this time he had in his possession the Originals of the following Tetters from 
Dr. Franklin, together with the original draughts of his Answers, and a great number of 
Letters from Gov. Pownall, written the same time, upon the same subject, with the 
draughts of all his answers to them. Being unwilling to destroy these papers, and afraid 
of detection if he attempted to take them with him through the Lines, he determined to 
leave them behind in the hands of a confidential friend, with directions to forward them 
to him by the first safe conveyance. He accordingly packed them all up together in a 
bundle, and sent them to Mi". Jeffries, one of the selectmen of Boston, who at that time 
was sick, and unable to leave the Town. He was confined to his bed, when these papers 
were brought to him ; they were therefore put by in a trunk which contained other things 
of his own. As soon as Mr. Jeffries was recovered from his illness, he left the Town, 
and followed the rest of his Party into the Country. 

" His son, Dr. John Jeffries, who is now one of the Surgeons to the Hospital at 
New York, not choosing to take part in the Rebellion, refused to accompany his father 
into the Country. With this Son he left everything that he could not take with him, and 
among other things the beforementioned trunk, either not knowing or forgetting that it 
contained a treasure belonging to his friend. This trunk remained near a year in Dr. 
Jeffries' possession without his knowing what it contained, till, upon the evacuation of 
Boston in the month of March following, collecting his effects in order to embark with 
them for Hallifax, he accidently discovered this packet of Letters, and finding them 
interesting, took care to preserve them. From Hallifax he brought them with him to 
London in January last [1777, Ellis; 1779, Sabine], and made a present of them to 
Mr. Thompson [presumably Benjamin Thompson, later created Count Rumford], who 
now presumes most humbly to lay them at His Majesty's feet, as a literary, as well as a 
political curiosity." 

1 At the head of the original of this letter is written, " Letter 4" 1 . ToTho 5 Pownall 
Esq r . Copy." Thomas Pownall, LL.D., F.R.S., F.S.A. , statesman and antiquary, was 



Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall 303 

formation you have given me of Affairs relating to America, and this 
Province in particular. As I am fully persuaded both of your Ability 
and Inclination to serve us, and have heard with much Pleasure of your 
friendly Exertions on our Behalf, I shall omit no ' Endeavors of my own, 
as far as they will go to enlarge your Opportunities of shewing your Kind 
Regard to us. I have made, and shall continue to make the best Use of 
your Letters to this End, and at the same Time in so cautious a a manner 
as to avoid ev'ry Inconvenience to you. — The Agents for America, lam 
afraid have not thoroly done their Duty to their Constituents. De 
Berdt 2 has grossly fail'd respecting the Petitions committed to his Care 
- — T am told it was asserted in Parliament, in Favor of the Secretary of State, 
that the Petition of y '' House was never given to him ; nor can I learn that 
this was contradicted, tho the Agent wrote the Speaker that He had offered 
it to Hs Lordship. — The Province is certainly much oblig'd to you for 
the sound Advice you gave him respecting the Petition of the Conven- 
tion, 4 and his not acting according to it, at such a Crisis appears to me 
unpardonable, and has lost him much Confidence here. I was surprised 
to see the Complexion of the Thing such after the Petition had got 
home, and the good Conduct and Effect of the Convention were known, 
as also the Testimony of the Council to the good Order of the Town ; 
and am afraid this was owing to uncandid and exaggerated Accounts 
transmitted from hence, and too easily credited by Administration. The 
People of this Town and Province, are under this great Disadvantage, 
that living so distant from the great Fountain of Government, they 
Know not what has been alledg'd against them, nor in what Light their Con- 
duct has been plac'd, and consequently it is out of their Pow'r to vindicate 
themselves till the Misrepresentation has had its Effect. — In political Con- 
tests, of so important a N ature as the present, between Britain and the Col - 
onies, is it just that Government should act upon Accounts stated ex parte ; 
for such we may suppose many of the Accounts receiv'd at the great offices 
from the immediate Servts of the Crown, and industriously conceal'd 

born at Lincoln about 1722, and graduated at Cambridge in 1743. Ten years later he came 
to America as private secretary to Sir Danvers Osborn, Bart. , royal governor of New York. 
In 1755 he was appointed commissioner for Massachusetts; and in 1757 succeeded 
General Shirley as governor of that province. In 1759 he was appointed governor of 
South Carolina, but he never assumed the government of that colony. In 1760 he 
returned to England, and satin Parliament first for the Cornish borough of Tregony, and 
subsequently for Minehead, Somerset. He died at Bath, February 25, 1S05. Pownall was 
a staunch friend to the American colonies, and as a member of Parliament strenuously 
opposed the ministerial measures against them. He protested against the war with 
America, predicting the consequences which followed. For some further account of him 
see Diet. Nat. Biog., XLVI. pp. 264-26S. A list of his writings may be found in the 
appendix to Junius Discovered, by Griffin. 

1 After this the word " opportunity " is written and stricken out. Other erasures of 
this kind have been made, but have not been transferred in publication. 

2 Dennis De Berdt, colonial agent in England for the Massachusetts assembly. 
'This word may be "y e ," i. e., "the" and perhaps it should be printed "the" 

here. 

4 The convention of September 22, 1768. See Frothingham, Life of Warren, 86-96. 



304 Documents 

from the People who are essentially interested in them ; Ought not 
the People to be made acquainted with these Accounts, and invited to 
vindicate themselves as far as they can, before Decisions are founded 
upon them that must affect their most important Interests — I find it has 
been receiv'd among you, as an undoubted Fact, that the Convention was 
called by the Town of Boston, upon the Precedent of 1688 — on Sup- 
position of the Dissolution of Government, and with Intention to erect a 
new one — Had this been true, I should not wonder at the Resentment 
expres't against the Town of Boston, and the Circular Letter of the 
Selectmen. But this is far from the Truth — I never heard that they 
intended to proceed upon such a Ground, till it came from your Side 
the Water, suggested I believe from hence — ■ The Letter mentions no 
such Thing — and it was, I am persuaded, far from the Intention 
of those who propos'd and carried that measure. If the Proceedings 
of the Convention were legal, innocent, and even meritorious, as I 
think they were, so were those of the Town of Boston, and of 
the Selectmen, that made Way for the Convention — The Design of 
it was, to calm the People, to prevent Tumults, to recognize the 
Authority of Government by humble Remonstrances and Petitions, 
and to lead the People to seek Redress only in a Constitutional 
Way. The discerning who promoted this Measure, saw that it must 
have this Effect. Had any Thing been intended in Opposition to Govern- 
ment, common Sense would have forbid the Calling the Members to as- 
semble in this Capital, where all they said and did must be Known, and 
would have left them to act more secretly, and effectually in the several 
Districts where they had Influence — The Publicity of the Meeting, was 
consider' d as the surest Pledg of the Prudence and good Temper of 
their Proceedings. Candor would have thus represented it to Ad- 
ministration. I have nothing to say, as to the Propriety of the Vote 
respecting Arms — It had an ill Appearance upon which Account I dis- 
lik'd it ; but that was all. it was strictly legal — For it was not, as has 
been maliciously represented, a Resolution to take up Arms, but only to 
comply with a Law that obliges the Inhabitants to be provided with 
them. There was at that Time, not only a Report, but a General Appre- 
hension of a War with France — Some however, I do believe were in 
Favor of this Vote, not Knowing what Excesses the Troops that were 
then expected might commit, and because theyjudg'dit expedient for 
the Inhabitants at such a Juncture to avail themselves of the Privilege 
given them by Law, and that a public Declaration of this might be a Se- 
curity to them. 

Mr. Greenville's Pamphlet is in many Places rather plausible than 
solid — Your Note is handsom [?] and conclusive — It is strange that we 
should be represented as paying no Taxes, because we avoid as much 
as may be, Duties and Burdens upon Trade, and make prompt Payment : 
— that a Necessity for Paper mony should be be consider'd as a Mark of 
our Riches, and that a Tax should be propos'd to be laid on America, 
an infant Country, twice as large as upon Ireland, an old Kingdom, of 



Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall 305 

establish' d Manufactures — that the \ilhgible\ of Woollen Manufactures, 
should be held out as a Douceur to the last, and nothing but a severely 
restricted Trade to poor America. — A larger Quantity of British Goods 
were imported into America, the Year of the Stamp Act than in the 
succeeding ones, because the Merchants here gave Orders to their Cor- 
respondents, in Case they apprehended the Repeal would take Place, to 
ship a more than common Quantity of Goods ; because the Act had 
given a start to American Manufactures wch was perceptible the next 
year and still further promoted by subsequent Acts of the same Spirit : 
so that Facts truly stated are directly repugnant to the Author's Argu- 
ment. Manufactures daily advance among us : Hundreds of the Troops 
station' d here have already deserted, delighted with the Country, and 
mixing with its Inhabitants, carrying useful Arts and Trades as well as 
military Skill, wherever they go — In short, ev'ry hard Measure from 
Britain, reacts upon itself; and true Policy respecting America seems to 
have forsaken your Councils. 

I have heard that when the Secretary of State was pres't in Parlia- 
ment, upon American Measures, it was said in his Vindication, that the 
Order to dissolve the Assembly in Case of Non rescinding, was never de- 
sign' d as a Threat to a Corporation ; that being address' d to the Gov- 
ernor, as a Direction to his Conduct alone, it could by no Means becon- 
sider'd in that light ; and that another Assembly must of Course meet in 
May — But the Governor laid this Order before the Assembly, declaring 
himself indispensably oblig'd to obey it — It had therefore as much Effect 
upon their Deliberations as if it had been addres't immediately to them. 
The House desiring a short Recess, to consult their Constituent upon so 
important a Point, were refus'd — Nay when they only took a few days to 
deliberate upon it, the Governor grew impatient, and told them in a 
Message, that He expected an immediate Decision, and should regard a 
longer Hesitation as an absolute Denial, and proceed accordingly — Was 
all this no Threat to a Corporation — ' 

11. Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall. 

May n ,h 1769 
My Dear Sir. 

1 am extremely obliged to you for the trouble you have given your- 
self, so particularly to inform me of Affairs in which America is inter- 
ested. I havereceiv'd your Letters of 30 Jan y [and] 13 Feb y [and those 
of] 19, 21, 22 March 2 have been deliver' d to me. I wrote you by Capt. 
Hall, and Scot, who both promised me very particularly to deliver my 
Letters into your own Hand. Tho I suppose by your Letters, that some 
have not fulfill' d their engagements to me upon this Head. I shall how- 
ever take the best care I am able in this Point for the Time to come. Ev'ry 

'The remainder of this letter is missing. With a few exceptions Dr. Cooper's 
drafts or copies are signed by him, eilher in full or with his initials. 

2 All of the letters here mentioned, except that of March 21, are printed by Griffin 
in Junius Discovered. 



306 Documents 

American and indeed ev'ry Friend to the true Interest of the Nation is 
indebted to you for your Speech in Parliament upon the Resolution in 
which you united Reasoning and Eloquence with a precise Knowledg of 
Facts. But I'm afraid that some on your Side the water do not wish that 
things should be view'd in a clear and just Point of Light, they have taken 
their Part, and know not how to recede, and seem determin'd to use their 
utmost efforts to support the credit of their Representations, upon which 
they have hastily founded their Sentiments and Conduct — Measures that 
have been gone into thro. Mistakes and from false Lights held out to lead- 
ing men, must be maintain'd and perserver'd in for the Sake of Dignity, 
as if it could be for the Honor or Support of Government to persist in 
Error. 

Your Speech which was soon Publish' d and dispers'd among us, tho 
not from the copy sent me, which came later than some others, is much 
admir'd among us, and regarded as a Proof of your Knowledg Public 
Business, and of your Zeal for the Welfare of both countries. But tho 
there is nothing in it, that 1 can discern, to give the least Umbrage to 
the warmest Friends of Government, yet I suspect that ev'ry Part of it is 
not highly relish' d by some few among us, who are fond of Assuming 

this character, and are for having ev'ry thing carried with a high 

Hand. On the other Side, some are jealous that from your concessions 
on the Head of external Taxes you meant the Establishment of a Revenue, 
on Port Duties, which they say would not be going back to the old 
Ground : inasmuch as before the Stamp Act : Parliament evidently in- 
tended nothing more than a simple regulation of Trade for the Benefit of 
the whole as a Proof of which they allidg, that the Duties rais'd by the 
Molasses Act were consider'd only as Perquisites to the Officers here, and 
not appropriated to any use by Parliament, or bro't into the accounts of 
the Exchequer — In the observations on the state of the Nation, said here 
to be M'. Rourkes, it is remark'd if I mistake not, that a Country from 
which Britain reapes the Fruits of a double Monopoly, that of all its Im- 
ports and all its exports, can never in true Policy be consider'd as the 
Object of Taxation — These Monopolies must draw from it all it can 
yield: and if they are not strictly Taxes, they certainly include all 
Taxes. So that Government may take the old Ground with ev'ry ad- 
vantage to itself — The Gentlemen of the convention and particularly the 
Selectmen of Boston are greatly oblig'd to you for your Candid and ac- 
curate Vindication of them, from these artful and cruel Misrepresentations 
which aim'd at nothing Short of involving them in the Penalties of 
Treason — Tho there is not a man among us, but must be convinc'd in 
his own Mind, from the open Part which they took, and from other cir- 
cumstances that these Gentlemen were not apprehensive that they were 
doing anything illegal. I cannot think of the Malignity of some among 
us, without Detestation and Horror. 

I do not wonder that the nullum Tempus Bill, was not consider'd as 
extending to America ; nor am I surpris'd after what has taken place ; 
that it made a Question whether any of the great acts, that guard the 



Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Powuall 307 

Liberties of the Subject do thus extend an unbounded Pow'r, can do 
anything with us. It can create and anihilate us as often as it Pleases, 
whom we are to obey, it can make us absolutely and completely British 
Subjects : when we claim a Privelege it can as easily unmake us. How 
dreadfully precarious is such a condition, and can any Man imagine, that 
so great a Part of the Nation, as now inhabits America, and that is rap- 
idly growing, to an equality in Numbers with those within the Realm, 
can be contented with such a Situation, while they have as thoro an 
understanding as high a value for the Rights of the British Constitution 
as any who enjoy them : We must be plac'd upon a broader and firmer 
Bottom than we stand at present or Things will inevitably tumble into 
confusion — I am oblig'd to you for the copy Inclos'd of the Mutiny 
Bill, it being the only one in the Place. — I read it to General Mackay, 1 
who arrived about a Fortnight ago. — The alterations which you origi- 
nated have greatly amended the act — But the passing a Law here for the 
Purpose Mention'd, is like to meet with opposition upon two accounts ; 
because we have never made an act the operations of which is to be Sus- 
pended till it be confirm'd by the King ; and because People will be ex- 
tremely jealous of anything that shall look like a conceding to the estab- 
lishment of an Army among us in Time of Peace. — For the same Reasons 
as because the Troops were quarter'd in this Town in direct opposition 
to act of Parliament, our assembly will thoroly deliberate I imagine be- 
fore they give any Money towards the Support of these Troops in their 
present Situation. Many I am persuaded w'd chose to have their Money 
taken from them by Force, rather than give the Sanction of their own 
consent, to the Maintenance of an Army sent among us under Pretence 
of aiding the civil Magistrates, while they protested ag'st it, and which 
threatens to overthrow the constitution. 

1 enclose you the Instruction of the Town of Boston, from which you 
may judg of the general Disposition of the whole Province : and how far 
the late measures are likely to soften us to any concession — Our Merchs 
stand firm to their agreement respecting Non Importation of Goods. '' 
Some who had goods sent contrary to expectation, have readily resign'd 
them to a committee of the Body. — a few who never enter'd into the 
agreement and have imported a small Quantity, have their Names pub- 
lished in Hand Billits, to their great vexation, because they know it is 
the Spirit of the People in the country as well as Town not to purchase 
of them. For which Purpose Engagements will be form'd among the 
Purchasers of Connecticut and N. Hampshire as well as this Province. 
Ill Humers if violently repell'd at one avenue do naturally break out at 

Colonel (afterwards Major-General) Alexander Mackay arrived in Boston with the 
troops from Ireland in November, 176S, being at that time in command of the 65th 
Regiment. He returned to England the following August. See Mass. Hist. Coll., 6th 
Series, IX. 170, note. 

2 The merchants and traders of Boston had entered into an agreement not to import 
goods from Great Britain, and further agreed that no goods should be sent from Boston 
until the revenue acts had been repealed, and so notified De Berdt, the agent of the col- 
ony in England. See Mem. Hist. Boston, III. 29, note. 



308 Documents 

another, till there is a radical cure. The same Firmness is discover'd by 
the Merchants at N. York and some that have imported there, have 
Solemnly engag'd to send back their goods while we are thus stopping 
our Importation 

Manufactories continually increase among us ; We are ambitious of being 
clad in our own Produce ; and the invention of a Sagacious and injur' d 
People quite thro this extended Continent is now upon the Stretch, to 
find out ways and means to supply themselves, and diminish the com- 
mercial advantage Britain has reaped from them. — This is indeed an 
unnatural state — But we have been drove to it, and if the Presure 
continues the state will become natural by Habit, and the Tree will 
break before it is made strait again. In the Mean Time the Figure 
and Influence of the Nation is impair'd — The weight of Negotiation is 
lost. — It is understood that Peace must be preserv'd upon any Terms 
with Foreign Pow'rs. — The Manilla Ransom must and other Points Per- 
haps of greater importance must be wav'd from confessed Weakness. 
This indited new Insults and Infractions of Treaties — and precipitates 
rather than protract a dreaded War — And for what are the Foundations 
thus out of course? Sovereignty you always had and might continue to 
have ; ev'ry good and valuable Purpose — nor can the Colonies be more 
useful upon any Plan than that upon wch they stood from the Beginning 
and is [it] worth while to incur such capital Distresses for the sake of a 
Shadow : or to Support a few unworthy Servants of the Crown, whose 
Avarice, paltry Ambition, and base Misrepresentations, have shook the 
Empire, and essentially injur' d the Service of that good Prince, they 
were under ev'ry obligation to promote. — 

Governor Bernard is still convine'd as we \illegible\ to sooth us, on 
Doubt into compliance, — and employ his great Interest with the People 
for the service of the Crown, strange that He should seem so loth to 
leave a country He has so grossly injur'd and abus'd, and He has indeed 
essentially tho undesignedly Serv'd us — Had he been wise and smooth 
and known how to have establish' d himself upon a broad Bottom, our 
Liberties might have been lost without a strougle The assembly I be- 
lieve will keep up as firm a Tone as any former ones ; and the Council 
will be more than ever united with the House and the People — For this 
we are greatly indebted to the Governor — 

From what you dropt in your last letter, I expect the Agency would not 
now be agreable to you; as it would give me great Pleasure to have you 
in that important Trust, but much more to see you again at the Head of 
the Province, as no man would be more likely to heal our Wounds, and 
essentially to promote the service of both Countries — The Rev'd Mf 
Moore, Presbyterian Minister of Hallifax, promises to deliver this to you 
with his own Hand — He goes to Sollicit Aid for the poor Ministers at 
N. Scotia : He is well recommended, and His Success in this affair seems 
to me of no small Importance to the Support of this declining Province. 

To T. Pownall Esq'" 



Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall 309 

in. Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall 

] uly 12. 1769 
Sir 

I wrote you the 11 1 !' May acknowledging the receit of several Letters 
from you ; and again about the middle of June, which 1 hope you have 
receiv'd — D r [Franklin] favor'd me with Notes of what you deliver'd in 
Parliament, in favor of a Repeal of the Revenue Act. Whatever might 
have been said in reply to this Speech I am persuaded it was never 
Answer'd; The Force of your Arguments appears to me irresistable ; 
and they who were for delaying this just and wise measure to a more 
convenient Season, will never I believe fine \_sic\ such an one. I have 
made the best and most prudent use of these Notes, allowing some 
Friends, and the Speaker 1 of the House among others, to communicate 
them as they tho't might be of advantage, but have suffer'd no Part to 
be copied, or appear in Print, less thro the Baseness of the Times it 
might be improv'd to your Disadvantage — I gave in my last an account 
of the Transactions of the Court at their first coming together ; you will 
see by the Replys not only of the lower House but of both Houses to 
the Governors Messages and by the Resolutions, the Temper that pre- 
vails it is as I told you it would be, more rais'd and fir'd, by ill Treatment. 

The assembly have been greatly divided about the affair of an Agent 
It has been generally tho't necessary that a Person should be sent from 
hence, in that character to be join'd by another on y r side the Water, 
to guard ag'st any Misrepresentation of Facts by G. B. 2 But they have 
been far from agreeing who these Persons should be. Several leading 
men among us it is tho't, have secretly desir'd the Trust and have travers'd 
one another. The Council are zealous for M r Bollan," with whose ser- 
vice particularly in procuring authentic copies of Bernards and Gage's 
Letters, they are extremely pleas' d — Finding they were not like to 
obtain his Election by your Ballot with the House they unanimously 
[chose] him as Agent for the Council. — The House have chosen none, 
and I am told are not like to agree upon any, so the Speaker is desir'd 
to send their Papers to whom He pleases, and as he is connected with 
Deberdt who has still a considerable Interest, He it is probable will be 
the Person. Thus the Matter stands at present. — How long it will 
remain so I pretend not to say. But however devided they are in this 
Point, they were never so much united in the great American Cause, and 
in the Resolutions they were unanimous. If any of them appears harsh, 
you must impute it to the Severity with which we have been treated and 
the irritation produc'd, and continu'd by the ill conduct of some to 
whom the business of the Crown has been committed. 

1 Thomas Cushing was speaker of the Massachusetts assembly. 

2 Sir Francis Bernard, Bart., from 1760 to 1 77 1 governor of the province of Massa- 
chusetts. 

3 William Bollan, for some years agent in England for the province, and afterwards 
agent for the Council alone. 



3 1 o Documents 

Great Part of the Navy and Army are leaving us with the Governor 
and General Mackay. The Lieut. Governor's Conduct, relative to some 
causes that have come before the supreme Court, in which Military Officers 
are concern'd, have greatly incYeas'd a Dissaffection to him. A speci- 
men Copy of the Resolutions before they were finish'd by the House, 
appear'd in Print, one of which seem'd to claim all Legeslative Authority 
in Parliament over the Colonies. The Governor immediately sent the 
Secretary to the Speaker for an authentic Copy. Pie replied that the 
resolutions were still under the consideration of the House, and not com- 
pleated and that what had appear'd in Print was imperfect and not gen- 
uine. I mention this least any advantage c'd be taken of this circum- 
stance. I send you a copy of the Council's better etc upon Governor 
Bernard's Representation, the Baseness of which cannot but be universally 
detested 

I am Sir 
To Governor Pownall 
Mem 

Wrote by Col Hoar July 26. by the Ripper Man of War 

iv. Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall. 

Boston, Septr 8. 69 
Sir 

In one of my late Letters, I gave you a short account, how the affair 
of an Agent was conducted in the Assembly ; but lest that Letter should 
Miscary, I think it not amiss to Mention this Matter again : The coun- 
cil some of whom have Family connections with M r Bollan being highly 
pleas'd with his service in behalf of the Colonies, and on their own 
Principles particularly his procuring authentic copies of Letters laid 
before Parliament, were disirous he should be appointed agent for the 
Province, and accordingly with this view propos'd to join the House in 
a choice ; But apprehending they were not like to carry this Point, they 
soon relinquish'd the proposal of a joint Ballot, and chose him as Agent 
for the Council, Meaning by this step to testify their regard to him, and 
secure him some public character, and hoping to induce the House after- 
wards to make the same choice. But not withstanding the very popular 
Point of procuring the Letters, no Interest could be made in the House 
for M. r Bollan as agent, Ml' Bowdoin was much talk'd of as a proper 
Person to take off any Misrepresentation of the Town and Province etc. 
and [it] was confidently expected by almost all out of Doors that He 
w'd be unanimously chosen But he was not fond of this Trust himself, 
his Family connections were also against it for the Difficulty of Satisfy- 
ing Peoples expectations in such a business. In the House it was objected 
privately that he was a Manager of the Plymouth company, who were 
endeavering to carry the Trial of real estate before the King in Council — 
In Truth the Leaders in the House were suppos'd at Bottom to have an 
Inclination fur this Trust, at least the offer of it. If this was the case as ' 



Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pcwnall 31 1 

I believe, they thoroly counter work'd and disapointed each other : so 
that at the close of the session, they appear'd to care a little about the 
Matter: and spoke of an Agent as unnecessary, and the House left it 
with the Speaker to write to whom he pleas' d but soon after appointed 
De berdt for another year. 

Many among us are of opinion that it would be best for the Colonies 
to have no Agent and concern ourselves no more about Remonstrances 
and Petitions, which have had hitherto so little effect, and to leave the 
Ministry to procure their own measures till they find themselves like Gov- 
ernor Bernard at the end of their Tether, to which if I mistake not they 
are by this Time very near if not quite arriv'd — Our General Court was 
prorogu'd by S r Francis, before he left us till January.' He is gone 
home with high expectations of improving the Proceeding of last sessions 
greatly to our Prejudice ; and since his departure we have had copies of 
Letters of His and others from him and others w'ch discover as base 
and infamous a Design, to compass the ruin of the Province as perhaps 
any History can parrallel. Mf Hutchinson " when assuming the chair, 
made a soft complaisent speech to the Council and is prudent en'o not 
to have so many Councils as in the late administration upon trifling occa- 
sions, and beneath the Dignity of such a Body. He would be glad not 
to [be] tho't by the People to have been very closely connected with 
Sr Francis etc ; but he will find it hard to effect this ; and He had in- 
deed not many warm Friends, who were not friendly to the other : so 
that without a change of Measures at home He will not be able to do 
much in Favor of Government or to negotiate such ground as you hint it 
has been led to expect. 

Our Merchs. remain firm, you teach us to live more and more within 
ourselves. Your own Troubles I find increase ev'ry year bring you 
nearer to War ; and almost ev'ry measure has given the enimies of the 
Nation an advantage a Rupture will at once shew the true state of Brit- 
ain, and it will awake like Sampson shorn of his strength. But I check 
myself. 

And am dear Sir 
To Pownall 

v. Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall. 

Boston N. E. i Jan? 1770 
Dear Sir. 

By your last Tetters of Sept 25^ I have the Pleasure to find you 
were safe arriv'd from Ireland : I do not wonder that the Patriots of 
[that] Kingdom have a sympathy for America. Common Dangers and 

'"When the Massachusetts Assembly, sitting at Cambridge, had refused to grant 
the supplies demanded by Bernard, that functionary prorogued it to the tenth of Janu- 
ary. When that date arrived, Hutchinson, under arbitrary instructions from Hillsbor- 
ough, prorogued it still further to the middleof March." Mem. Mist. Boston, III. 28. 

2 Thomas Hutchinson, the lieutenant-governor. 

3 There are two letters from Governor Pownall of this date, both printed in Griffin, 
I c., 235 ff. 



3 1 2 Documents 

Suffering are apt to unite us, and however free the ruling Nation may be 
in itself, it behoves the state dependent upon, jointly to guard against 
encroaching Pow'r. It has been observ'd, however it comes to pass, 
that the Provinces of a free Nation have commonly much less privelege 
in comparison with their Fellow Subjects, than those that belong to an 
arbitrary Prince. Ireland I have ever tho't, has had hard measures, but 
the Priveledge of granting their own property is still left — should this 
Natural this constitutional, this unalienable Right be ever torn from these 
Colonies, I do believe we should be as oppres't and miserable a People 
as any under Heav'n. Those who profit of the Revenue here would 
continually employ their invention to enlarge it, without regard to the 
abilities or Inclinations of the People, to propose new Burdens, new ways 
and means, and new Securities for the collection, Government would 
confide generally in its servants here, and see with their eyes, and our 
remonstrances coming from a distant People, cold upon Paper, and from 
a People represented as disaffected, would avail little. You cannot won- 
der that the most sober among us shudder at the most distant prospect of 
such a situation. We are sensible that before the late Revenue Acts, we 
were upon a better Footing than that of Ireland, but should the entring 
wedg remain we shall soon be in a much worse. And we do not wish 
for an establishment like Ireland Secretary, Secretary Oliver, 1 who has 
lately been at N. York upon the affair of the Line between that Province 
and N. Jersey has shewn me a Plan, or rather a few general Propositions 
for the settlement of America, which he tells me some Gentlemen in 
that city are fond of, and have wrote home to their Friends to bring for- 
ward. — These Propositions have never appear'd in Print: they are not 
known here ; nor have I ever heard of them but from the Secretary. — 
They mean to establish an American Parliament, chosen by the general 
Legislatures of the Colonies. I have no expectation from this Proposal, 
imagining it would neither be agreable to Government at home, from 
the union it proposes, nor to the Generality here for other reasons, 
whatever may be suggested by Individuals from this side the Water, the 
Body of the People are forrecuring to first Principles — The old estab- 
lishment upon which they have grown and Flourish' d. The Charter of 
W!" and M. gives ev'ry reasonable security to the Nation and Govern- 
ment ; for our Subordination — No Mony can be rais'd, no Act pass' d 
but by the consent of the Governor appointed by the King. Should a 
a disagreable Act escape it can be anihilated by the King in Council. 
Moreover the Disposal of Offices civil and Military by the Governor 
creates a great Interest among ourselves, and even in the Representatives 
of the People on the side of Prerogative. I might Mention, but need 
not to you, have said so much. What addition can be made in Equity 
or Policy to all this ; and yet many People seem to imagine that if the 
Colonies should obtain what they have petition' d for, they must imme- 

1 Andrew Oliver (Harvard College, 1724) was a member of the council from 1746 
to 1765, and secretary of the province from 1756 to 1770. In 1771 he succeeded Hutch- 
inson as lieutenant-governor. 



Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas P&wnall 313 

diately become independent. When indeed we wish nothing remov'd 
but innovations and innovations that experience has prov'd to be prejudi- 
cial to both countries ; and wish those securities to remain to the Nation, 
which our establishment, plann'd by some of the wisest men that ever 
adorn'd that Nation gives; and which are really the firmest and best that 
can possibly be given. It is extremely dangerous to touch Foundations — 
and by resuming any Previlidge granted to the People by original Char- 
ters, they may be led to infer that the Restriction on themselves provided 
for in the same Charters are also vacated. 

I have endeavor'd to avail myself of your Letters for the Good of my 
Country — The Sentiments were so just and Striking that I could not 
forbear to publish a good Part of them, tho not in the form of an extract 
from a Letter ; and carefully concealing except from a trusty few, the 
Hand from whence they came. Not that there was anything thro the 
whole that would not do you honor, had you been known as the author, 
but in these Times, I chose to err respecting my Friends on the safe side. 

I have wrote you fully upon the affairs of Agency for this Province — 
Tho I tho't the assembly would do Honor to themselves, and greatly 
promote the service of this Country by appointing one to this Trust, 
whose administrations had so happily united the Interest of the Crown 
and People, yet when I found the leading men among us look'd at it for 
themselves, I could not wish you to be dishonor'd by being canvas'd for 
Diberdt was nam'd at Last, and consider'd not as a negotiator, but 
rneerly as a carrier, or Presenter of Letters etc. It is now I find, con- 
sider'd as dangerous, by some men of Influence to have any Provincial 
Agent at all with such Pow'r as formerly given — They say it is incon- 
sistent to object against Representatives in Parliament, and yet put the 
Province, as it were, into the Pocket of one man, upon whom the Gov- 
ernor has a negative, that the Agent for N. York is appointed only by 
the Lower House, and that ihe want of Authority in such an appointment 
here, was first started by Sf Francis, and adopted by the Ministry only as 
a Protest. All this is objected to Bollan, who has prest strongly for more 
Pow'r, and notwithstanding some warm Friends in the Council will not 
be able I believe to carry this Point. In his Letter upon this Head, he 
has given a copy of his former Authorisation which is alarming great, and 
allow'd him to appear and Act for the Province, and in its Name, and in its 
Behalf, in all cases touching its Interests — The leading men in the House 
as far as I can discern are not for forming any dangerous alliances, nor 
throwing themselves into the arms of any Party on your side the Water : 
and some are ready to wish that we had not even the appearance of an 
Agent, nor the Form of any kind of negotiations, chosing rather to leave 
the American Cause to its own Weight. 

Our Merchants continue their Resolution not to import, except two 
or three, whose Dealing are small, and who, perhaps, may soon be dis- 
courag'd. — Not long since they came into an agreement not to import 
till the Duties on Molasses, Sugar etc. as well as the other Revenue Acts 
should be repeal'd — But the Merchants at Philadelphia etc. not chosing 



3 1 4 Documents 

to alter their first agreement, promising at the same Time, to unite in 
any future Measures that might be judg'd expedient for the removing 
ev'ry grievance, our Merchants for the sake of Preserving Union reverted 
to their former Stipulations. We are just inform'd that the assembly of 
N. York, has voted by a Majority of one, Supplies to the Troops. This 
occasion'd great Uneasiness among the People Many hundreds of whom 
assembled in the Fields, and expres't their Dislike of this Measure. S" 
Carolina Assembly has refus'd to make this Provision : and the present 
House of this Province will remain, I am persuaded, fix'd in their Reso- 
lution upon this Point. Tho had they not been wro't up by S r Francis 1 
to an high Temper, they would have refus'd, so warmly, and with such 
Perempteriness. I am asham'd of the Neglect of our Selectmen in not 
writing you. — Writing is not their Talent, and I can venture to affirm 
that their silence is owing to Inattention, and not to want of Regard to 
you, and a grateful sense of your important services to them and to their 
country. We are all highly oblig'd to you, and your generous concern 
for us, will we hope continue these services — I shall write you the Pro- 
ceedings of the General Court, when it meets. The L! Governor, it is 
said, will interpose for remo ing the main guard from the Door of the 
Court House ; but if the Troops remain in Town, I believe the House 
will do no business in it. We consider this Metropolis, and indeed the 
whole Province under Duress. The Troops greatly corrupt our Morals 
and are in ev'ry sense an oppression. May Heav'n soon deliver us 
from this great Evil, and grant to you and yours ev'ry Blessing. 
I am my Dear Sir with great Regard and affection 
Your Most Obdt. hum""' Servt 

Sam 1 Cooper 
Governor Pownall. 
Mem. 

Sent with this Observations of the Merchs on Act of 
Trade to M.' Pownall and D r Franklin 

vi. Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall. 

Boston Jan' 30 1770 
Drar Sir 

I wrote you by Capt Hall the 30"' of this Month, who promis'd to 
deliver-it with his own Hand. I then told you that the agreement of the 
Merchs here stood firm, tho the high Party here have promis'd them- 
selves the Pleasure of being able to write an account of its Dissolution 
before now. Great efforts have indeed been made for this, but hitherto 
they have been dissapointed — and the Spirit of Non-Importation rather 
rises than abates. Not long ago the two elder sons'- of His Honor the 
Lieut Governor, Merchants secretly remov'd and sold some Tea w'ch 
they had agreed with the Merchs. to store, and of wch they had given 
the Keys This gave an alarm. The Merchs. call'd a Meeting of all 

' Sir Francis Bernard, the governor. 

* Thomas and Elisha Hutchinson. 



Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall 315 

connected with Trade. This Meeting was large, and increas'd rather than 
diminish'd by adjournments. The Lieut. Governor soon call'd his coun- 
cil to oppose them : He propos'd a Proclamation to be issu'd ag'st them, 
as an illegal Assembly : and then that a Message to the same Purpose, 
s'd be sent them in the Name of the Governor and Council, neither of 
w'ch with all his address c'd be obtain'd by Him. The Meeting voted 
to proceed orderly and peaceably in a Body to the House of the Hutchin- 
sons, and some others who had violated their own Voluntary engagements 
with the Trade : five of the Body were appointed to treat, the rest were 
to observe a profound silence, w'ch they did. When they came to the 
Lieut. Governor's House, none of them were allow'd to enter, but his 
Honor threw up the Window, and appear' d as the principal negotiator. 
His Honor seem'd willing to consider them as making a tumultuous and 
threatning application to him as Governor. The Gentlemen observ'd 
that they came there, not to treat with him, but as the Dwelling of his 
sons, and reminding him of their dishonorable Violation of their own 
contract, in w'ch their Honor was depended on. He observ'd, that a 
contract without a valuable consideration was not valid in Law. Upon 
the whole the sons refus'd to give any Satisfaction to the Merchs. The 
evening following His Honor was in great Perplexity, and early the next 
Morning He sent for Mr Phillips the Moderator of the Meeting, and en- 
gag' d on the Part of his sons, that the Tea s'd be return' d and a sum of 
Money in the Room of what was sold. This was immedially [sic] 
reported to the Meeting and accepted. Afterwards He was greatly 
embarras'd, sensible that He and his sons were consider' d as the chief 
Bulwark of those who wish'd to see the Merchants agreement anihilated. 
He was blam'd for appearing below His Dignity as a negotiator in this 
business, His sons were blam'd even by his own Friends for their incon- 
sistent and Dishonorable conduct with the Merchs: The commissioners' 
were offended with what they call'd his weakness in this Instance, de- 
claring that he had now given the reins of Government into the Hands 
of the People, and that he c'd never recover them : — His Unpopularity 
is increas'd by this Step, He being consider'd as the first Governor upon 
the continent who has publicly and Directly oppos'd Himself to the 
Meeting of the Merchs as illegal. He told M'. Phillips He was ruin'd — 
The Point was however gain'd by the Merchs., and He could not go 
back. All that remain'd was to exert himself in council to obtain a Dis- 
countenancing such Meetings : and after having wrote to the Body, with- 
out the consent of the Council, by Dint of Importunity one Gentleman 
was gain'd over, and a majority was procur'd for a kind of adoption 2 of 
what He had written. The meeting went on Steadily with their Busi- 
ness, and then agreed peaceably to disperse. The last Day of their being 
together, His Honor summon' d a Number of Justices from the Country 
to attend him ; but this step was attended with no advantage to him, on 

1 Commissioners of the customs in Boston. The board consisted of Charles Paxton, 
Henry Hulton, William Burch, John Robinson, and John Temple. 

2 Adaption ? 



3 1 6 Documents 

the contrary it disgusted the Town, and particularly the Magistrates of 
it ; and even the council themselves, who consider' d these Justices as a 
kind of second Board. 

The few who continue to import, and who it is said are secretly sup- 
ported by great Promises, are avoided more than ever by customers, and 
grow more obnoxous. In the mean Time our own Manufactures take 
deeper root, and the necessity of Importing English Goods lessens ev'ry 
Day, some striking Instances of wch had I Time I c'd give you. The 
Proroguing our General Court by order at a Time when if ever the Prov- 
ince needs the aid of its grand council, is consider' d as a great Griev- 
ance as [a] violent stopping of our complaints, and as a direct violation 
of our charter, wch provides that this shall be determin'd by the King's 
Representative upon the spot, according to his own judgment upon the 
Posture of affairs. Moreover such a step, instead of cooling tends to 
warm the Members more when they come together, and to heighten a 
spirit wch the Ministry w'd wish to abate. Upon the whole our un- 
easiness and those circumstances among us, that tend to the Prejudice of 
Gt. Britain, are upon the growing hand, and Time will confirm the 
Truth of what you observ'd the last session of Parliament, that then was 
the fittest season for establishing the Prosperity of the Empire, by just 
and mild Measures respecting America. 

We are waiting with Impatience to know in w't manner the Minis- 
try will make good the Promises they gave us last Summer of easing the 
Colonies, and how they will extricate themselves out of the Embarrass- 
ments at home. With respect to ourselves, besides the Board of Com- 
missioners, there are three grand Grievances to be redres't. The Reve- 
nue Laws; the Unconstitutional Pow'rs of the Admiralty Courts, and 
the Standing Army in Time of Peace. Either of these remaining with 
us, will prove a root of Bitterness. 

I am Sir, with best wishes to you and yours 

Your Most Obedt. hum"."' Servt. 

S. C. 
The Hon 1 Thos. Pownall Esq" 

vi t. Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall. 

March 26. 1770 
Sir 

I wrote you not long since on account of the conduct of our Mer- 
chants respecting those who had violated their engagements, on the Head 
of Non-Importation and the Part the L l Governor took in the affair. 
This was soon follow'd by the Murder of a Lad 1 from the Discharge of 
a loaded Muskeut, by an infamous informer w'ch wounded another and 
endanger' d many more, of wch you will no doubt particularly hear even 
before this can reach you. But nothing we have ever seen has equal'd 
the Horrors of the Bloody Massacre on the evening of the 5 th Instant 

1 Christopher Snider. See Mem. /list. Boston, III. 30. 



Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall 3 1 7 

when a Party of Soldiers with Capt. Preston at their head fir'd upon the 
Inhabitants in King Street without a civil Magistrate without the least 
Reason to justify so desperate a step and without any warning given to the 
People, who could have no apprehension of Danger. The circumstances 
that preceded, that accompanied, and follow'd this shocking and unex- 
ampled scene of Barbarity you will see in the public and authentic 
accounts w'ch this vessel hir'd by the Town on Purpose to carry. 

The Day following, when the Town assembled, and the Governor 
met his council, with the principal Military Officers the Town prest for 
a total Removal of the Troops to the Castle, the council unanimously 
advis'd it, and Col. Dalrymple, the commanding Officer, Signified his 
readiness, and even appear' d to desire it; which shows his good Judg- 
ment in such a critical circumstance. But the L! Governor alone was 
backward would have compounded for one Regiment, and kept the affair 
in suspence till near night, when he gave way with reluctance. He is by 
this Time sensible I believe that it is easier to advise and act the second 
Part in Government, than to stand forward and open in the first Depart- 
ment. 

It was a great Favor of Heav'n that the soldiers proceeded no further : 
That the Inhabitants did not attempt to revenge themselves Instantly ; 
That the Promise of Justice was immediately perform' d and the Party 
with the Captain deliver'd up to the civil Magistrates. Had more Blood 
been shed of which there was the most eminent Hazard in the first Heat 
and confusion our Brethren in the country, apprehending a general 
Massacre, being on Tip Toe to come to our Defence, no one can tell 
where it would have stopt, nor what consequences it would have drawn 
after it, not only in this but in other Colonies : But a Kind Providence 
interpos'd for us, and we are now happily deliver'd from that Army, 
which instead of preserving the Peace among us, has in numerous In 
stances most audaciously violated it, and instead of Aiding has overaw'd 
and sometimes even assaulted the civil Magistrates, and Demonstrated 
how impossible [it] is for Soldiers and Citizens at least in our Circum- 
stances to live together. For these and other reasons we cannot suppose 
that Troops [will] ever again be quarter'd in the Body of the Town. — I 
could say much upon this Subject but chose to forbear. 

The Commissioners have never held a Board since the late Tragical 
affair, they have adjourn'd themselves from Time to Time, without con- 
sulting M r Temple ; ' and have left the Town ever since the Departure of 
the Soldiers, and tho not the least Injury or Insult has been offer'd either 
to their Persons or any thing belonging to them, it is tho't that they are 
now so sensible of the Public Odium, and so tir'd of their employment, as 
to wish for a Removal. The night after the Massacre, the State and ap- 
prehension of the Town absolutely requir'd a strong Military watch : This 

'John Temple, one of the five commissioners of the board of customs lor North Am- 
erica, and after the war consul-general of Great Britain to the United States. Me 
married Elizabeth, only daughter of Governor Bowdoin, and in 1786 succeeded his kins- 
man, Sir Richard Temple, as eighth baronet of Stowe. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 21. 



3 1 8 Documents 

was kept up till the Soldiers had all retir'd to the Castle, and the Town 
has been quiet and in good order ever since. The Officers with their 
Servants and Attendants from the Castle pass the Streets night and Day 
in their Regiments without the least Molestation or Uneasiness. 

M r Robinson one of the Commissioners sail'd for London more than 
a week ago. His Intention was kept a profound secret till he had em- 
barqued and was under Sail, this has occasion' d many Conjectures. It 
is reported among other things that he carries Depositions secretly taken, 
relating to the firing upon the Inhabitants, and hopes for the advantage 
of making the first Impression If it should be represented that there 
was a great Mob in King Street, and the Custom House attack'd, you 
may depend upon it nothing can be further from the truth as you will 
see by the Depositions sent. 

Our General Court is now sitting at Cambridg. Both Houses are 
uneasy at their inconvenient Situation. The Representatives sit in the 
New Chapel without fire. The L' Governor pleads an instruction from 
which he cannot, and the House protests ag'st this as an Infraction of the 
Charter. They are now preceding to Business, having as the first step, 
appointed a Committee of Grievances. Such Prorogations instead of 
humbling do but increase the Spirit of opposition, and by this Time it 
must be evident to all, that it is absolutely necessary to restore Harmony 
and Confidence upon a broad, equal, and Constitutional Basis. It gives 
me great Joy to hear of your Recovery. May God long confirm your 
Health, and grant to you and yours all good Things. 1 am my dear Sir, 
with the most cordial Attachment 

Your Obedt. and hum ble Servt. 
To Governor Pownall S. Cooper. 

viii. Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall. 

n „. Boston. July 2. 70 

Dear Sir 

I have receiv'd your repeated Favors, the Dates of which I am not 
now where I can command, but believe all you have sent have been de- 
liver'd: Tho my ill state of Health and absence from Town have pre- 
vented my writing you as I should have done, we are greatly indebted to 
you for your uncommon services, and unremitted exertion in Parliament, 
for the joint Interest of Britain and the colonies, for your Speeches 
— your state of the Colonies, — your attention to the unconstitutional 
Military Fow'r introduc'd among us in Time of Peace : and your concern 
that the grand securities of British Liberty may be clearly extended God 
prosper and reward your generous Efforts. Your Speech in March I 
immediately communicated to Speaker Cushing He admir'd it, and 
carried it to Cambridg the same Day, and read it to the House — it was 
heard with great Avidity and Pleasure : and we have seen nothing like it 
from any Member of Parliament. I amastonish'd however that the Rea- 
soning and Force of Expression should have no greater effect in your H. 
where they ought to have had the most. 



Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas PownalL 319 

I am astonish'd to find upon Gardiner's arrival, by whom I have 
receiv'd yours of 11"' of May 1 how basely the bloody affair of the 5" 1 
March has been Misrepresented in the London Papers. It shows the 
Malignity of some men against this Town and Province. Those who 
are capable of giveing and supporting such false and cruel Representa- 
tions are the chief source of the Troubles of both Countries, and consider- 
ing the Disposition of these Persons the Arts they employ, the attention 
paid to them (Check'd only now and then by Facts publish! d to all the O) 
and the encouragement given them by Secreting their Names, I have small 
hopes of a speedy and cordial accommodation. If any Person here give 
true Information of what ought to be known by Governm't, it cannot be 
to their Dishonor. If otherwise, they ought to be expos' d, what chance 
have we, in our present critical situation, if men disaffected to the Coun- 
try in general may accuse us, and give a Malevolent Turn to ev'ry Inci- 
dent, while we can neither know the Authors, nor the Matter of the accu- 
sation. I expect from what has already happen' d, that before this reaches 
you, you will hear inflam'd accounts of the Treatment the Population 
have given to the Importers and to the Informers, and of Commissioner 
Hulton's windows being broke at Brookline. The Town at their Meet- 
ing yesterday chose a committee to state these Facts. But not knowing 
in what Light they will be held up, it is difficult to state circumstances so 
minutely, as to obviate any Misrepresentation. Thus had we been aware 
of the shockingly false Idea that would have been given of the Military 
Execution, The Captains [Captions ?] tho sufficient as they now stand to 
disprove it might have been more clear and ample to this particular Pur- 
pose. You will see perhaps Proclamations from the L! Governor and 
council upon some of these Disorders, Tho no Proclamation has ap- 
pear' d at N. York upon Several Occasions at least as important, particu- 
larly when M r Rogers was drove out of that City, as an Importer and 
oblig'd to fly in the night. I am an enemy to all Disorders, and wish 
they c'd be prevented. But circumstances are candidly to be consid- 
er'd. — and a country distinguis'd from a few obscure Persons in it. 
When Governm't would enforce Measures that People of all orders ap- 
prehend to be unconstitutional, there it will and there perhaps it ought 
to be weak. The commissioners you know having Tarried some Time 
in Town after Preston's affair, without the le[a]st affront, retir'd into 
the Country and held no Board since the Breaking of Hulton's Windows, 
which notwithstanding the reward offer'd, still remains a Mystery, they 
have gone to the Castle. — attended by Officers of the Revenue Importers 
etc. The Castle is no disagreable situation in the Summer Season, and 
they expect great things Perhaps from the Retirement. But the Plot 
will not bear a second Acting. Notwithstanding the Infidelity of a few 
— the Non- Importation Agreement [?] still Continues. It is got in a 
great Measure under the controul of the Body of the People thro the 
Continent. The Importers here, wish'd to be restor'd to the Esteem of 
their country upon any Terms. Mf Rogers particularly have made the 

1 Printed in Griffin, /. c, 269. 






320 Documents 

most pressing applications : and Individuals I believe will be less in- 
clin'd than ever to act secretly and separately from the Body — and 
Bills of Exchange go a begging greatly under Par. Commodore Hood ' 
unable to dispose of Bills, has borrow'd ^"5000 sterl. of the Revenue 
chest, to pay for the King's works at Hallifax. Instead of being, we are 
becoming, creditors to your Merchants ; and some of us have order' d 
Money, instead of goods to be remitted. 

If you knew all the circumstances you w'd admire the Candor of the 
People to Capt. Preston. The Town order' d the account of his affair, 
and the Affidavits to be kept secret here, lest they s'd operate to his 
Prejudice on his Trial, and tho his false Acc't in the London Papers have 
been reprinted in ours and may be suppos'd to have some effect in the 
country and in other Provinces, as a Ballance to w'ch it was mov'd in 
the late Town Meeting, that our own acc't s'd be despers'd, yet this 
Motion was negativ'd from Tenderness to him. People seem universally 
to wish him a fair Trial — Tho a Tendency prevails that from Court 
Favor the Law will be eluded — and indeed the confidence of the People 
in the Executive Pow'r is greatly awak'ned in all cases that have a Polit- 
ical Connection. 
To Gov r P. 

ix. Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall. 

12 Oct! 70. and Nov 5'. 11 
Dear Sir 

1 am the more obliged to you for the repeated Favors you have done 
me in Writing this Summer, as my state of Health and visits into the 
Country have prevented my Letters. Upon my return f 'm a late excur- 
sion I received y'r Letters 2 by Capt. White, w'ch I found to be Dupli- 
cates of w't Commodore Gambier, 3 who arriv'd in our Harbor 2 days 
ago did me the Honor to convey to me last evening immediately upon 
his coming to Town. As you have very kindly introduc'd me to this 
Gentleman, I shall take the first opp.y to pay my respects to him in 
company with M.' Bawdoin, and s'd be glad to have it in my Pow'r to 
promote in any measure the ease and agreableness of his Service here. I 
find you are unwearied in y'r exertions to serve America, and particu- 
larly the Province you once so happily Govern'd You will at le[a]st 
have the homefelt satisfaction that must attend such generous efforts. A 
Speech said to have been deliver' d the last sessions of Parliam't doing gt 
Honor to the Massachusetts, f 'm our past Services to the Crown, and 
Strongly pleading that the supreme Military s'd not be separated from 

' Samuel Hood, a distinguished British naval commander. For his services during 
the wars of the French Revolution he was made an admiral and created Viscount Hood. 

2 Refers to the July letters, of which there are three in the King's Library, one with 
a duplicate. They are printed in Uriffin, loc. cit., 274-287. 

'James Gambier, afterwards vice admiral, from 1770 to 1773 commander-in-chief of 
the fleet on the North American station. He subsequently served at New York and 
thence was transferred to Jamaica. His son James was raised to the peerage as Baron 
Gambier, 



Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall 



321 



the Supreme Civil Command, wch I take to be yours has found its 
way here, been reprinted, and read with much attention and Pleasure. 
It will do g't service, as it points out very clearly in some important 
Instances, the Ground we ought to take : And I could wish with you that 
we were at all' Times wise eno to distinguish Things f ' m Persons, and to 
place ourselves on the broadest and most constitutional Bottom. It 
appears to me of no small Importance that we s'd commit our affairs on 
yr side the Water to the Conduct of some capable trusty Agents : But 
w't will be done on this Head is at present quite uncertain — M'. Bau 
doin will never accept this Trust, M. r Bollan has the Interest of a great 
Part of the Council : The House on the other hand notwithstanding his 
exertions against S' Fr. do not confide in him upon Acc't of his personal 
connections here, w'ch I need not particularly mention to you. Some 
of considerable Influence seem not Sollicitous for any Agent. They say 
it is alledg'd that one who can do effectual Service must be chosen by the 
whole Legislature, and this is giving the Governor great Influence in this 
important Matter, and for this very reason S! Francis Bernard hinted to 
ministry an objection to the late Agent of the House, wch objection 
ought to have operated ag'st the Agent for N. York and others, had there 
been any Weight in it, and yt they who refuse the negociations of an Agent 
for the House only would do the same by one chosen by the whole Leg- 
islature w'n the nature of the Business was not agreable to you, and that 
such an Agent, with Pow'rs equal to w't were formerly given, might 
make such concessions on the Part of the Province at this Juncture that 
would be irritrieveable : They say further, that Experience has shown in 
the present Disposition of Men the inutility of all remonstrances and 
negociation. They therefore seem inclin'd to expect their fate with a 
Sullen Silence : and almost dispairing of the Mildness, they w'd found 
some Hopes in the extremity of Measures. I think however that we 
ought to do ev'ry thing in our Pow'r to allay the Storm, and scatter the 
Cloud of Misrepresentation, f 'm w'ch we are so severely Threatn'd, and 
accordingly I agree with My Bawdoin in wishing, that you and D. r Frank- 
lin might be joint agents, and if this c'd not be otherwise effected, that 
Mf Bollan might be added. I s'd be glad if it were in my pow'r to do 
more in this Matter than barely to express my wishes. 

The House pinch' d by the expiration of some important Acts 
relative to Property, and by the apprehension of a heavy Tax falling 
upon the Constituents for the coming year, voted two days ago by a 
considerable Majority, to proceed to Business out of the Town of Bos- 
ton, and at the same Time, chose a committee to frame some resolu- 
tions and as a Protest to save as far as may be, the Privilege for w'ch 
they have contested. I shall give you the earliest notice of these Pro- 
ceedings. 

The Defection of the Merchants in N. York f 'm the non-Importa- 
tion agreement has render'd it impracticable both here and at Philadel- 
phia to maintaining any longer that agreem't. It stood long however 
considering how much it was oppos'd to private Interest and did not fall 



322 Documents 

at last it is suppos'd without a secret exertion of Ministerial Influence : 
The Measure is exhausted, but its effect may long remain. The true 
spirit of it has been a good deal diffus'd thro the Country and there, 
according to an observation of yours it flourishes in its native soil. There 
is a proposal here for forming a society for encouraging Manufactures, and 
at the same Time entring into agreement for discouraging the consump- 
tion of British Goods. — The misfortune of my great Friend Capt. 
Phillips' touches me not a little, who without the least warning is de- 
priv'd of an agreeable Settlem't as he had good reason to suppose for 
Life, by the introduction of regular Troops into the Castle, without any 
appointm't to alleviate his loss. He is a worthy Man, and I heartily 
wish some Provision might be made for him. W't impression this 
Measure makes here, consider'd in a public view, you may easily con- 
jecture. The Commissioners after contributing to this and some other 
Purposes, by their pretended Fears, and retiring to the Castle, tho no 
Insult or Injury was ever offer' d to the Persons or any thing belonging 
to them, in the Town of Boston. After spending their Summer in a 
situation that in the season was always agreable to you, and f 'm whence 
they have freely [illegible] and visited their Friends in the country, now 
talk of passing the winter here. If this were not too serious a Subject. 
Resum teneatis amici. 

Novr 5. I had wrote thus far when I was told the vesel was gone. 
I have now to inform you that the House have chosen D r Franklin 2 for 
their own Agent for one year only. From the Influence of the councils 
and from various particular connections of their own they were much di- 
vided. Some of them have since told me, it was apprehended, that the 
Agency for the House alone, and with such limited Povv'r, as the House 
propos'd would not be acceptable to you. The following Week they 
chose D r Lee/' to act in case of D r Franklin's Sickness or Detention 
f'm Business: they have done little since they Sat, for the Time : and 
their Committee for representing Grievances have not yet reported — 
The Council were astonish'd at seeing an acc't of w't was said at the 
Board on the 6 March etc. printed in London attested by the Secretary 
on oath, and the Seal of the Province, which had been kept a profound 
Secret here, till it was read in the Pamphlet. The Gentlemen present 
upon that occasion, have given an account upon oath of w't was spoken, 
opposite it is said in some material circumstances [to] that of the 
Secretary. The affair was then consider'd by the whole Board, and the 
conduct of the Secretary was unanimously resolv'd a high Breach of 
Trust and Privilege, all wch tho not printed here is transmitted to the 

'John Phillips. In 1772 lie was restored to office, receiving the appointment of 
fort-major of Castle William. 

2 He succeeded Dennis De Berdt, who had been agent in England for the House 
since 1765. See Franklin's Works (ed. Sparks), VII. 493, note. 

3 Arthur Lee, brother of Richard Henry Lee, was successively physician and law- 
yer. He served in various diplomatic capacities in Europe, and on his return to America 
was chosen a delegate to the Continental Congress. He was a fellow of the Royal So- 
ciety. See Sparks, /. c, VIII. 57, note ; and R. H. Lee's Life of Arthur Lee. 



Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall 323 

Council's Agent. This is another infamous specimen of the means em- 
ploy'd ag'st this hated and much abus'd Country. L' 1 Dunmore ' is 
arriv'd at N. York, and has 2000 £ sterl 8 out of the American Reve- 
nue commencing nine Months ago, from the Date of his commission. 
J am Sir with respect and Affection 
Yours Obedt. 
To Gov. Pownall 

x. Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall. 

Boston N. E. 2 Jan y 1771 
Dear Sir 

1 wrote you in Octr and Novr of the state of our affairs here. 
We have a good cause, but I'm afraid it has not been conducted alto- 
gether to that advantage it might have been. I hope however a kind 
Providence will at length bring it to an happy Issue. Capt. Preston, 
and the Soldiers tried for the action of the 5"' March, instead of meeting 
with an unfair or harsh Treatment, have had ev'ry advantage that c'd 
possibly be given them in a court of Justice. In the Dispositions of the 
Judges — the appointment of Jurors, — in the Zeal and ability of Law- 
yers, 2 — in the examination of Witneses, and in the Length of the Trials 
unexampled I believe both in Britain and the Colonies in a Capital case, 
by w'ch the accused had the fairest opportunity several Days after the 
evidence for the Crown had been given in, to produce and arrange their 
own. These Trials must one w'd think wipe off the Imputation of our 
being so violent and Blood Thirsty a People as not to permit Law and 
Justice to take place on the side of unpopular Men, and I hope our 
Friends on your side the Water will make this kind improvem't of 
them — administration has a very favorable opportunity of adopting 
gentle Methods respecting the colonies. 

The agreements of our Merchs are broken, and the grand objection 
of being threatned and drove ceases. The Hostile appearance in Europe 
may perhaps lead men of Influence to embrace such an opp-J and they 
may think it politic to sever the affections as well as the submission of 
the. People here. — I forgot in my last Letter to Mention my Friend M. r 
Temple who is now in England and who I heard repeated speak of you 
with much Regard. He even appear' d to me to wish to do the King's 
Business in the most prudent and faithful Manner, and with the greatest 
ease and Satisfaction to the subject. I know He will highly value your 
Friendship. This will be deliver'd to you by the only son of our Friend 
M r Baudoin 3 a sensible modest young Gentleman, and of a sweet Dis- 
position, who bids fair to support the Honor of his Family. He leaves 

ijohn Murray, fourth Earl of Dunmore. In 1770 he was appointed governor of 
the colony of New York, to which was subsequently added that of Virginia. 

2 Captain Preston was defended by John Adams and Josiah Quincy, Jr., and was 
acquitted. 

3 James Bowdoin, only son of Governor Bowdoin, was graduated at Harvard Col- 
lege in 1771. He was subsequently appointed by Thomas Jetterson United States min- 
ister to the court of Spain. 



324 Documents 

his Studies at Cambridg, and takes this voyage chiefly on account of his 
Health, and would esteem himself greatly honor' d by any notice you 
should be pleas' d to take him. 

I wrote you in my last on the Agency, and shall only say once for 
all, that I did all in my Fow'r for the sake of my Country to bring you 
into a share of that Trouble. I am D'r Sir with the greatest Respect, 
and the most faithful attachment 

Your Obedt. Hum!"" Serv't 

S. Cooper 
To Governor Pownall . 

xi. Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall. 
gj r Boston. N. E. 23 Aug 71 

I cannot let Commodore Gambier return to England without giving 
you my Thanks for Introducing [me] to the acquaintance of so agree- 
able a Gentleman and worthy officer. His behavior upon this station has 
been in ev'ry Respect just as you would wish. Ever attentive to the King's 
Service, He has enter' d into no Parties. He has treated with great 
Humanity and Politeness all who have had any Business to transact with 
him. He has befriended and oblig'd the Trade in ev'ry Point consist- 
ent with his Duty, as a Commander, and the order and Tranquility He 
has preserv'd in the Squadron and Town have been truly remarkable. I 
have heard the most judicious and experienc'd Gentlemen among us and 
those capable of making the longest Recollection affirm they never knew 
an equal Instance. Upon these Acc'ts his early and unexpected De- 
parture is regretted, and he leaves Sentiments of Respect and Gratitude 
in the Breasts of all Parties. The Merchants have given him a public 
Testimony of such sentiments in their address, and the Town w'd have 
done the same, had it not been obstructed by some few, who tho't very 
injudiciously in my opinion that the Service c'd not beseperated f 'm the 
Man, and that such a step must imply some kind of acquiescence in the 
stationing of a Fleet in this Port. From the same Quarter your Letters 
etc. were injudiciously treated, and your Interest for the Agency oppos'd 
because of your conceding the Rights of Parliament etc. Not to men- 
tion the unkind Treatment, which in this and several other Instances I 
have receiv'd from the same Persons. I w'd pride myself however in 
any thing of that kind that may occur to me from a Regard to the cause 
of Justice, Candor, and Friendship. I s'd tire you were I to enter into 
a Detail. Some Things I have mention'd to Commodore Gambier as 
your Friend. It gives me great satisfaction to reflect that I have ever 
endeaver'd to improve the Friendly communications you have been 
pleas' d to make me in these tempestuous Times to your Honor, and the 
Service of my Country, and that I have in no Instance forgot the Confi- 
dence with which you have honor'd me. 

I am sir, with Gt. Esteem and Affection 

Yours ' 
To G. Pownall S. C. 



Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall 325 

xii. Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall. 

Boston N. E. 14'! 1 Novr. 71. 
Dear Sir 

After writing you several Times without hearing from you, or know- 
ing that you re'eeiv'd my Letters, I wrote again by Commodore Gambier : 
since which I receiv'd a Duplicate of yours a long Time after it was 
dated, which came to me by the Southern Post : and a few days ago 
another came to me thro the same channel of July 26'!' ' I know not by 
w't Fatality our Letters have thus miscarried or have been delay'd. Those 
however now Mentioned Made me happy in the assurance of a Friend- 
ship and Correspondence from w'ch I have receiv'd great Pleasure and 
advantage. 

It is not true as you have been inform'd that the Spirit of the assem- 
bly and of the People is totally alter'd, and that they w'd now gladly 
receive as a Favor, and ask and hope upon that Tenure w't they before 
claim'd as a Right. Such Representations tend only to deceive, and 
mislead Governm't. The Tone of the House, on ev'ry Point of Privilege 
is as firm as ever : and tho an high Ferment cannot be expected to con- 
tinue long among the People and the irritation into w'ch they were 
thrown has abated, yet their inward sentiments are not alter'd, but by 
far the greater Part have a settled Persuasion that we are in a state of op- 
pression that our most important Privileges are violated, that our Par- 
Mam' t here ought to come between the Sovereign and the American 
Subject, just in the same Manner that the British Parliament does with 
respect to the British Subject, and that whatever takes place contrary to 
this is (at home an Infringement upon the Prerogative of our Sovereign, 
who has a right to govern his Dominions here uncontroll'd and even un- 
influene'd by either House of Parliam't in Britain) and in America is 
the Meer effect of Pow'r and not the result of reason or [of] the Consti- 
tution. This is the Sentiment w'ch the late Disputes have at length pro- 
due' d, and w'ch by long attention to, and frequent Discussion of our 
Public Grievances does now generally prevail, there being few except 
those who are Influenc'd by Places and Pensions, and ihose who do not 
think at all, but what have adopted it. To convince you that I here 
give a true representation, and that the People, however tir'd they may 
seem of Complaining and Clamoring to no effect have yet at Bottom a 
sense of the Injuries their Rights have receiv'd, and are ready to express 
this sense as occasion may provoke them. 

I will mention to you what has lately taken Place among us, w'ch 
tho it may seem small in itself, and of no great consequence, is sufficient 
to indicate the prevailing Temper. The Governor's Proclamation for an 
Annual Thanks g . was to have been read in our churches last Sunday, in 
w'ch among other things, we are call'd upon to give thanks to Heav'n 
for the Continuance of our Privileges. This was deem'd by the People an 
open Insult upon them, and a prophane Mockery of Heav'n. The gen- 
eral cry was, we have lost our Most essential Rights, and shall be com- 

1 Printed in Griffin, /. c, 290. 






326 Documents 

manded to give Thanks for what does not exist. Our congregations ap- 
plied to the several Ministers in Town praying it might not be read as 
usual, and declaring if we offer'd to do it, they w'd rise up and leave the 
Chh. And tho no little Pains was taken by the Governor's Friends to 
get over this Difficulty and to explain away the sense of the clause by 
saying all were agreed we had some Privileges left, and that no more was 
meant by the Public Act than such Privileges as we in Fact enjoy' d, all 
w'd not avail. Had the Ministers inclined it was not in their Pow'r to 
read it, a circumstance w'ch never before [took] Place among us. It was 
read only in D r Pemberton's Church, of which the Governor is a Mem- 
ber. He did it with confusion, and Numbers turn'd their Backs upon 
him and left the Chh in great indignation. It was I believe thro want 
of attention, and an opportunity of consulting one another, read by a 
Majority of Ministers in the Country Parishes. One Association of the 
Clergy happening however to meet at the Time, agreed to reject it ; and 
it has been read by few Ministers, if any who have not declar'd either 
their Sorrow for so doing, or that they read it as a public Act, without 
adopting the Sentiments : and that it is their intention on the appointed 
day, w'ch is next Thursday, to give Thanks for the Privileges we enjoy, 
and implore of the Almighty God the restoration of w't we have lost. 
It has been said that the Governor's intention in adopting this obnoxious 
Clause, w'ch tho formerly a customary clause, has been omitted ever since 
the Stamp Act was to convey an Idea to your side of the water, an Idea 
that the People were become Sensible that they were really free and 
happy. If this was his intention He was unlucky in the meanes, and I 
believe wishes from His Heart He had never made the experiment. I 
mention these circumstances so particularly in Confidence and because 
nothing has of late occur' d among us from which you may so well Judg 
of the Sentiments of the People. I had almost forgot to mention another 
Clause in the Proclamation w'ch respect [s] the Increase of our Trade, 
which under our present Embarrassments, and the enormous Extention of 
the Pow'r of Admiralty Courts, was almost as offensive as the other. 

You cannot but observe Sir upon the whole how different the Senti- 
ments of the People and the state of things among us are now from what 
they were when you govern'd us: and w't unhappy consequences the 
late Measures of Government have produc'd, what seed of contention are 
sow'd for future Times, when new events in Britain and America will 
arise. I shall take care to inform you of Things as they turn up, and am 

with great Esteem and Attachment , 7 .-., ,. TT ble 

b Your Obedt Hunr' Servt 

To Governor Pownall. S. Cooper. 

xiii. Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall. 
Dear Sir Boston 25 th March 73. 

The first and Second Paragraphs of the Letter to D r Franklin of 15 
March. 73.' transcribed and then proceed as follows. — 

1 The letter is printed in Sparks, VIII. 36. The opening paragraphs to which Dr. 
Cooper alludes, refer to his own health and the recent appointment of Lord Dartmouth as 
secretary of state for the colonies. 



Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall 327 

Whether the Governor will be thanked by administration for his 
Speech ' at the opening of the last Session of the General Court you can 
best tell. It is certain he has gain'd nothing by it here. The Replies 
of both Houses are read with High Approbation in more Colonies than 
one ; and the People are more confirm'd in their sentiments and en- 
courag'd to maintain them. With all his connections and abilities He is 
not able to alter the sentiments of this People ; and reconcile them to 
the Measures of Governm't ; and the more openly and Strenuously He 
exerts himself, his Influence and ability to promote such a Purpose be- 
comes the less. This is obvious from the Una[ni]mity of both Houses 
as well as the Towns. He was obliged, He publicly declares, by the 
Town of Boston to bring on such an open Descussion. But might he 
not have expres'd his Dislike of their Proceedings without putting both 
Houses to the Necessity of declaring as they have done, and giving up 
by their Silence upon such a Challenge, the cause of their country. It 
was precisely this situation that in a great measure led the council I 
imagine to go so far as they did, and bro't them to declare an agree- 
ment with the House in the main Principles. 

The Governor having refus'd for some Time to pass the Grant for 
the Salary of the Judges for last year, tho't proper to sign it, upon which 
the House made another Grant for the year to come, which He did not 
allow ; so that the Matter is not yet com [pleted ?] . 

I have often recollected your predictions and Foresight in wishing 
and endeavoring for a settlement of these unhappy disputes several years 
ago. Time has verify'd the Truth of what you then observed, that the 
longer this was delayed the more difficult it would become. Had a com- 
position been early made, only by anihilating Inovations, and recuring 
to the old course, which Time and Practice had sanctifyed, a veneration 
for the Supreme Authority of Parliament would have been unavoidably 
left upon the minds of the People Sufficient to have Answer' d all the 
Purposes that a wise and moderate administration could desire, which the 
Influence of the Crown, from the great Pow'r reserved by Charter to its 
representatives would have secretly and gradually extended itself within 
this Province. But administration misled by artful and interested men 
here, negotiating for Salaries Perquisites and Pensions has kept up the 
Contention, and instead of diminishing has added to the Grievances 
complain'd of. By this Means, the Matter of Right, which if it had 
slept had been more safe, has been upon the anvill perpetually, both in 
private conversation and printed Discussion. The Subject has been 
attended to for a number of years by an inquisitive and sensible People ; 
It has been turn'd round in ev'ry Circle and view'd on all sides. The 
Effect has been a thoro and almost universal Persuasion that for a People 
to pay Taxes and be govern'd by Law to w'ch they do not consent is 

1 "Upon the convening of the General Assembly, the governor opened it with a 
long speech in defence of the absolute supremacy of Parliament over the colonies, invit- 
ing both Houses to offer what they had to object against this principle." From the same 
letter, /. c, 37. 



328 Documents 

absolute Slavery ; consequently, the British Parliament, according to Bur- 
lamqui's 1 Destinction, whatever external Obligation it may retain among 
us, has lost the internal Obligation. The servants of the Crown ought 
to have foreseen this ; and guarded ag'st it, instead of wch, while it has 
been growing up before their eyes, they have done evry Thing if not 
intentionally, yet in true Tendency to promote it. There has been a 
surprizing coincidence of Measure and events to such an Effect : and I 
should have tho't at the Time you left us, the revolution I now see in 
the Sentiments and Hearts of the People next to impossible. You know 
what has been — I write what is, without pretending to [predict?] what 
will be, only that I shall ever remain, with great esteem and affection 
yours, Obliged and Most Obedt hum 1 '' 1 ' Servt 

S. C. 
I write in Confidence as I have ever done. 
To Governor Pownall. 

xiv. Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall. 

Boston 17 Aug 1774 
Dear Sir 

My Retirement into the Country this Spring and Summer must 
be my apology for no sooner answering your last Favor. 2 Y'r Advice is 
sound and good to preserve a Moderate and pacific Spirit, but under our 
peculiar circumstances accumulated Grievances ha[r]d to be practis'd. 
The Act for blockading the Port of Boston has been executed beyond 
the Rigor of the Act itself. The Fuel and Victuals are allow' d by it to 
be bro't us by water, would you believe that our coasters with wood 
have been not only obliged to stop at Salem for a Clearance, but totally to 
unload and reload in the way hither : and 240 Quintals sent by our Kind 
Friends at Marblehead to the distressed poor of this place were not 
allow'd to be water born not even over Charlestown Ferry, but transported 
round the country thro Roxbury in Waggons ; and yet these are Facts on 
w'ch you may rely. 

We have now a Vice Admiral" and a Fleet in our Harbor, totally 
shutting up not only the entrance at the Light House, but 12 or 13 small 
Ports within that Point, such as Hingham, Weymouth etc., and allowing 
no Intercommunication between any of them. How much this affects 
the whole Province, the other Provinces, and what effect it must have 
on the Trade of Britain, you may easily judg. Even Salem severely 
feels the want of the Port for the Sale of their Cargoes etc. Lord North's 
Coasters, as the common people call the Trucks and Waggons carrying 
Goods between us and that Port, are constantly met on the Road, some- 
times to the amount of 40 or 50 in a day. We have 4 Regiments en- 
camp'd on the Common with a large train of Artillery : one on Fort 

1 Jean Jacques Burlamaqui, the eminent Swiss publicist, author of Principes du Droit 
Naturel, Geneva, 1747, and Principes du Droit Politique, Geneva, 1 75 1 . 

■Printed in Griffin, /. c, 299. 

3 Samuel Graves, afterwards admiral, commander-in-chief on the North American 
station. In 1776 he was superseded. 



Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall 329 

hill: one at the castle, another lately arriv'd f'm N. Scotia is station'd 
at Salem. The People endure all with an astonishing Calmness and 
Resolution; neither dismay'd nor tumultuous ; supported and encourag'd 
by the Sympathy and generous Presents from all Quarters of the Country 
and from our Sister Colonies. These Presents are distributed by a Com- 
mittee for employing the poor as the reward of Labor. Our Streets are 
paving public Works in Projection, and ships to be built and sold as a 
circulating Stock. How long this scene will last, God only knows. Our 
cause is regarded as a common one by all the Colonies. The most dis- 
tant, the Carolinas and Virginia seem the most ardent. Our Delegates 
with those of N. Hampshire sat out a few days ago for the Congress to 
be held at Philadelphia i st Septr. All the Colonies f'm Carolina to N. 
Hampshire will be represented there. All eyes are turn'd towards that 
important Assembly ; and its Decision will [come] with great Weight. 

The long expected Bills for vacating the the ' Charter etc. arriv'd 
about 10 days ago. I will make no reflections upon them. A number 
have refus'd to qualify as Councillors. Whether they will change their 
minds Time will discover. Among these are Capt Erving, Danforth, 
Russell, Noyes, Vassal, Green, and others. I can hear at present of not 
more than 12 that have taken the Oath. But a number live at a Dis- 
tance, and have not yet had an opportunity of discovering their Incli- 
nation. Col. Hancock is dismissed f'm his Command of the Cadets 
upon w'ch the Company sent their Colors to the Governor and dis- 
solv'd. 

I make no Conjectures of Futurity. We are in a critical Situation 
and must wait the event. Perhaps America may yet be sav'd : Heaven 
grant it 

I am etc. yours 

S. Cooper. 2 
To Govr. Pownall 

xv. Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall. 

Boston N. England. 28. March 1777 
Sir, 

Believing it would not be disagreable to you, to hear I am well, 
and have still a respectful and affectionate Remembrance of you, after a 
long Intermission of writing to England, I embrace this opportunity of 
sending you a Line, returning you my Thanks for your last Letter, and 
the Book that accompanied it, tho upon the Subject of both present 
circumstances will not allow me to say a Word. 

If this short acknowledgment ever comes to you it will be delivered 
by Mr Hixon, a Native of Montserrat, and whose Estate lies in that 
Island — He was bound on a Plan of Business to London, by the way of 

1 Sic. 

2 A letter from Cooper to Pownall (King's MSS. 203), dated Boston, 9 September 
1774, is here omitted, being a duplicate of one of the same date sent to Franklin, and 
printed in Sparks, /. c, VIII. 132. 



330 Documents 

Cork, and taken by an American Vessel of War, and brought to this 
Port, where he has resided ever since last October : In the mean Time 
he has married my only Daughter and Child. I should not have con- 
sented to this Alliance had I not found good Reason to esteem him a 
Gentleman of Probity and Worth. Your advice, in any Circumstance 
in which he may need it will particularly oblige me : He can give you a 
general account of the present Situation of Affairs in America. It will 
give me great Pleasure to hear of your Welfare. May Heaven grant you 
all good Things ! 

I am Sir, with much Esteem, 

Your obedient hum' Servant 
Governor Pownall. S. C. 



REVIEWS OF BOOKS 

The Oldest Civilization of Greece. By H. R. Hall. (London : 

David Nutt ; Philadelphia: Lippincott. 1901. Pp. xxxv 

346.) 

This is a series of " Studies of the Mycenaean Age," expanded from 
the notes of a scholar who as assistant in the British Museum has had 
exceptional control of the literature and monuments pertaining to the 
" Mycenaean Question." It is intended to be of use " both to the scien- 
tific archaeological student and to the layman who interests himself in the 
most fascinating search which ever yet allured the seeker after forgotten 
history — the search for the origins of Greek civilization." It is not 
a comprehensive manual, but presupposes familiarity with Perrot and 
Chipiez's Histoire de V Art, Schuchhardt's Schliemanii s Excavatio?is, 
and Tsountas and Manatt's Mycenczan Age. It has seventy-five carefully 
selected and well-executed illustrations, some twenty of which are new. 

The text forms an admirable guide, either for the tyro or the 
specialist somewhat bewildered by the mass of his evidences, through the 
mazes of this difficult subject. In the purely archaeological parts of the 
book the author is fully alive to the uncertainty of much of the evidence 
adduced, and does not press conclusions beyond the tentative stage. In 
the vexed and vexing questions of ethnography he is fairly conservative, 
but without bigotry. There are "Aryans" still, but the Hellenes are 
not pure Aryans, any more than the Chaldaeans were pure Semites. And 
the " Pelasgians " are neither the " be all and the end all " in Mycenaean 
origins, as Professor Ridgeway would have us think, nor the myth of 
Eduard Meyer. 

Mr. Hall's general conclusions may perhaps be summed up very 
briefly as follows : Greek civilization was as far removed as possible from 
being sui generis, since the ./Egean basin was the natural meeting place 
for Eastern and Western influences. But the " Mycenaean " civilization 
was Greek in origin and general character, in spite of strong Oriental 
influences. It was "chiefly identified" with the Achaean Hellenes, 
though there were " Mycenaean " peoples who were not Achaean, or even 
Greek. The beginnings of the "Mycenaean" culture were probably 
prae-Achaean, or " Pelasgic." But towards the end of the third millen- 
nium B. C. , the various tribes of " Pelasgians " were slowly reduced to 
the position of a subject race by Hellenic tribes from the north. A 
mixed race resulted, and a remarkable increment in culture ; whereas the 
later and similar incursion of Hellenes from the north which we call the 
" Dorian invasion " was followed by a sudden decline in culture. 

33 1 



0J>- 



Reviews of Books 



" All the pne- Hellenic tribes of Asia Minor, the ^Egean, and Greece 
proper seem to have belonged to a single un- Aryan race" (p. 101), and 
to this race the " Pelasgians " are to be assigned. Indeed, for lack of a 
better term to connote this dark-haired, dolichocephalous race of the 
^Egean basin, Mr. Hall would prefer " Pelasgian " to "Iberian" or 
" Mediterranean." Toward such a conclusion as this many a bewildered 
student of Greek origins must have been slowly making his uncertain 
way, and he has been helped forward on that way by the very errors of 
Professor Ridgeway's somewhat erratic book. 

The earlier period of the " Mycenaean Age," when Crete was the 
center of culture and power, is probably pr?e-Aryan, or "Pelasgian" ; 
in the later period, when Argolis was the center of culture and power, 
the Aryan invaders from the north had assumed control. But of course 
this must be merely our working hypothesis until further light from the 
Cretan excavations modifies or confirms it. 

B. Perrin. 

Mediczval and Modern History. By P. V. N. Myers. Part I., The 
Middle Ages. (Boston : Ginn and Co. 1902. Pp. x, 454.) 

This is a very thorough revision of Myers's Adediceval and Modem 
History, Part I., which appeared some sixteen years ago. Much of the 
text has been rewritten, and while the actual increase in length has not 
been great, valuable changes in emphasis have been made, errors cor- 
rected, and important material added ; lists of references have been ap- 
pended to the chapters ; the sections have been numbered and numerous 
cross-references inserted. 

The general impression gained from a comparison of the two books 
is that the author's knowledge of some important portions of his subject 
has increased considerably in the interval, while he displays throughout 
a somewhat more critical and scholarly spirit. In the present work, as 
in the former, he is strongest where he is dealing with the purely narra- 
tive and the cultural sides of history and weakest in whatever has to do 
with the origin and development of institutions. The best thing in the 
present work is the chapter on the Renaissance with its appended bibli- 
ography ; most of it is new and in its fullness is a trifle out of proportion 
to the rest of the work. For a very brief account of the Renaissance 
it is one of the best to be found. On the other hand such state- 
ments as the following are certainly either very misleading or positively 
wrong : that the Germans' love of political freedom led them to " set up " 
feudalism in all the countries of which they took possession (p. 9) ; that 
modern parliaments are probably derived " from the general assemblies 
of the free Teutonic warriors " (pp. 9-10) ; that the transition from private 
vengeance to public authority was made when we first know the Germans 
(p. 67) ; that the " germs of feudalism " lay in Charlemagne's govern- 
mental system (p. 126) ; while in English history the author speaks of 
the Salisbury oath as an entire innovation (p. 195), the impression is 
certainly given that the principle of no taxation without representation is in 



Seebohm : Tribal Custom in Anglo-Saxon Law ^^ 

Article n of Magna Charta, and that knights and burghers sat together 
in Parliament after 1265 (P- 3 6 9> n ote 3 and p. 371 ), and English feudal- 
ism is given its death-blow in the Wars of the Roses (p. 178, note ro). 

The bibliographies at the ends of the chapters are for the most part 
excellently adapted to the purposes of the book, and the comment is en- 
lightening and useful. A few of them are too long, however, some works 
being included, it would seem, rather on the general reputation of the 
authors than on the consideration of their usefulness in this particular 
place and to this class of readers, e. g., Palgrave's History of Normandy 
and England (p. 201) ; and occasionally a little too much deference is 
paid to traditional standard authorities. It is remarkable that a book of 
such great value as Emerton's Mediceval Europe is mentioned but twice, 
and then with no special emphasis. 

It is perhaps unnecessary to add what is so well known of the author, 
that his style is very clear and vigorous, or on the other hand that he is 
prone to give his young readers most of the old catchy stories and say- 
ings that historical criticism has spared and even some few that it has 
not. His new chapter on the universities and the schoolmen is a 
valuable and attractive addition ; there is some confusion, however, in 
his use of the term scholasticism ; in one place it is regarded as a method 
and style of thinking that may appear at any time, in another it is 
applied to all intellectual activity of whatever sort during a certain period. 
The book as a whole is interesting and very usable, and while it lacks 
throughout thoroughly scholarly caution and precision of statement, the 
author has attained a strong grasp of the period in its broader aspects, 
and his work has some very substantial and individual merits. 

A. B. White. 

Tribal Custom in Anglo-Saxon Law. By Frederick Seebohm, 
LL.D., F.S.A. (London and New York : Longmans, Green 
and Co. 1902. Pp. xvi, 538.) 

The question of the structure of Anglo-Saxon society, which he long 
ago approached from the point of view of the manorial system, Mr. See- 
bohm in this volume approaches from the point of view of tribal custom. 
Believing that heretofore Anglo-Saxon institutions have been studied in 
too great isolation, he devotes more than half his work to a brief restate- 
ment of the conclusions reached in his Tribal System in Wales, and to a 
more detailed examination, in the light of the Cymric evidence, of the 
laws of the Irish, of the Burgundians and Visigoths, of the Franks, of 
the tribes conquered by the Merovingians and by Charlemagne, and of 
the Norse. When among all these tribes, except those upon whom 
Roman influences have been especially strong, he finds certain customs 
existing, he believes that it is not unreasonable to look for traces of 
these same customs in the laws of the Anglo-Saxons. 

The study of tribal custom becomes in large part the study of the 
wergeld because the payment of the wergeld involved the principle of 
the solidarity of the kindred, "the strongest instinct which every- 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 22. 



354 Reviews of Books 

where moulded tribal society." Of this solidarity of the kindred in the 
matter of the wergeld (of the right, that is to say, of the slayer to call 
upon his kindred to the fourth or even a more remote generation to aid 
him in the payment, and the corresponding right of the kindred of the 
slain to share in the receipt) Mr. Seebohm finds abundant evidence for 
most of the tribes. He finds, too, that, as in the Cymric group, so 
among the Norse and elsewhere, joint responsibility of the kin for the 
wergeld necessitated solidarity of the kin in landholding. For unless 
everyone in the kin had his " recognized tribal rights in land, unless he 
were possessed of cattle and rights of grazing for their maintenance, 
how could he pay his quota of cattle ... to the wergeld ? ' ' The preser- 
vation of the family group and the family holding became, therefore, the 
most important question of tribal society. In Beowulf, as Mr. Seebohm 
shows in a short commentary on that poem, on the failure of male heirs 
the sister's son is called, even from the chieftainship of his paternal kin- 
dred, to maintain the kindred of his mother. Again, the Salian Franks 
settling between the Loire and the Garonne, were obliged to adopt a 
somewhat similar remedy in order to counteract the disintegrating influ- 
ences of their Gallo-Roman neighbors. When there was danger among 
them of the lapse of terra Sa/ica, between which and folkland as defined 
by Professor Vinogradoff Mr. Seebohm draws an interesting parallel, it 
was made possible for a woman to succeed to the alod, "the whole 
bundle of rights and possessions," real and personal, which passed by 
inheritance. So strong was the principle of the solidarity of the kindred 
that the church, even while striving to break down tribal customs in the 
interest of the Roman ideas of individual responsibility for crime .and 
individual ownership of land, was forced in a number of cases to apply 
the wergeld system to her own ecclesiastical hierarchy. 

Of even greater interest than the study of the solidarity of the kindred 
is Mr. Seebohm' s use of the wergeld as an index to the ranks and grada- 
tions of tribal society. By a searching examination of the currencies in 
which wergelds are stated, an examination not always easy to follow, he 
finds the normal wergeld of the typical freeman of western Europe to be 
the equivalent in money of a " hundred head of cattle," following in this 
Professor Ridgway's suggestion that the ox was the equivalent of the gold 
stater. He finds, too, that the amount of their wergeld throws much light 
on the condition of the classes below the freemen, the Gallo-Romans, for 
example, whose wergeld was only half that of the Frank, the freedmen, 
or "the tribesmen in low position." It is upon these semidependent 
classes that Mr. Seebohm lays most stress, showing that the real explana- 
tion of their lack of freedom lies in the fact that they have not a perfect 
kin to swear for them or be responsible for their wergeld, and that they 
cannot attain to a full wergeld until they hold land and can point to 
four or more generations of landholding kin back of them. 

The discussion of these customs of other tribes has not only much 
interest in itself but it also serves to suggest the lines Mr. Seebohm is 
to follow in his treatment of the Anglo-Saxon evidence and makes one 



SeeboJim : Tribal Custom in A?iglo-Saxon Law 335 

impatient to reach the later chapters of the work. Proceeding by his 
usual method, from the known to the unknown, Mr. Seebohm discusses 
the Anglo-Saxon laws from the Norman point of view, as seen in the so- 
called Laws of Henry I.; from the Danish point of view, as seen in the 
Institutes of London — of Cnut's reign, Mr. Seebohm thinks — , the 
fragment regarding grith and mund, and the Frith of 993 ; from the 
Northmen's point of view, as seen especially in Alfred and Guthrum's 
peace ; from the Anglo-Saxon point of view, as seen in King Alfred's and 
King Ine's laws and the more Romanized laws of the Kentish kings. 
This method enables him easily to study Anglo-Saxon conditions in the 
light of continental evidence. From the prominence of wergeld in the 
Anglo-Saxon laws and the occurrence of " hints " as to other tribal cus- 
toms not unlike the continental he argues that even down to the time of 
the Norman Conquest there was a strong tribal element in Anglo-Saxon 
life. It is impossible here to do more than state briefly some of his 
chief conclusions. 

By a study of the procedure in the payment of the wergeld ; by the 
definition of " manbot " as the payment to the lord of the man slain, 
and of " fightwite " as the payment to the lord on whose land the slay- 
ing takes place; and by a comparison of the evidence regarding grith 
and mund with the statements in the laws of other tribes with regard to 
the sanctity of the precinct, he seeks to show that the principle under- 
lying sac and soc — terms coming in with the Danes, he thinks, — goes 
far back of Cnut's writ to the earliest tribal custom. In line with this 
statement are his conclusions regarding the division of classes among the 
Anglo-Saxons. Back from the so-called Laws of Henry I. to the laws 
of Alfred, with a single recognition of it in the laws of Ine, Mr. Seebohm 
finds a division of society into twelve-hyndemen and twy-hyndemen. 
The twelve-hyndeman is defined as the man with a full kindred of twelve 
hyndens of oath helpers, whose joint oath is valued at 120 hides; the 
twy-hyndeman is the man with only two hyndens of oath helpers, whose 
kindred, that is to say, is incomplete. By identifying the wergeld of the 
twelve-hyndeman with the ancient Wessex wergeld of the ordinary free- 
man and by showing that this is the wergeld of the Englishman who is 
put on an equality with the Norse freeman in Alfred and Guthrum's 
peace, and may be related directly with the typical wergeld of a " hun- 
dred head of cattle," Mr. Seebohm endeavors to show that the twelve- 
hyndeman, or thane, is the typical Anglo-Saxon freeman ; and that the 
twy-hyndeman, whose wergeld is one-sixth of the twelve-hyndeman's, 
is the " ceorl who sits on gafol land," put on an equality for the wergeld 
in Alfred and Guthrum's peace with the Danish "leysing," or freed- 
man. That all ceorls are ceorls sitting on gafol-land Mr. Seebohm finds 
nothing in Alfred's laws to disprove ; more than this, by an argument 
which does not seem to be conclusive, based in part on passages in which 
the fine for breaking the ceorl's precinct is stated to be one-sixth that for 
breaking the twelve-hyndeman's, he decides not only that the ceorlisc and 
twy-hynde classes are for general purposes "convertible terms," but 



336 Reviews of Books 

also that both were gafol-geldas, and that "by Alfred's time the chief 
practical division of classes had already resolved itself into that between 
the landed classes on one hand and their gafol-paying tenants on the 
other." The six-hynde class, the strangers in blood, Mr. Seebohm sug- 
gests, whose vvergeld, like that of the Gallo-Roman, is fixed at half the 
freeman's, is "a rung in the ladder" by which the dependent classes 
once climbed into the possession of land and kindred, a rung which later 
dropped out. 

Back of Alfred, Mr. Seebohm finds that the division into twelve- 
hynde and tvvy-hynde men practically disappears and a new division into 
gesithcund and ceorlisc men becomes prominent. These earlier and later 
divisions, however, he believes come to mean practically the same thing. 
From the value of the gesithcundman's oath, from King Ine's law regard- 
ing the 10 hides " to foster," and from the relation of the gesithcund- 
man to the king, the interesting conclusion is drawn, but not proved, 
that the gesithcundman may have been given a ten-hide unit of land 
from which he was to pay the king's gafol, that is, the firma unius noctis, 
making for this purpose a part of his land gesetland held by gafol-payers 
in much the same position towards him that he is in towards the king. 
This dependence of one class upon another is not the result of degrada- 
tion, but may be explained by the conditions of the original conquest. 
Thus proceeding along tribal lines alone, Mr. Seebohm would find early 
in English history something very like Professor Maitland's technical 
definition of a manor. The " free lordless villages " of Professor Mait- 
land, which are, of course, a stumbling-block in the way of such early 
and wholesale manorialization, are ascribed to Danish influences. 

However far one can go with Mr. Seebohm in some of these conclu- 
sions, — and he himself admits that approaching "a subject which has 
many sides from one side only necessarily results in the restatement 
rather than the solution of some problems " — it must be agreed that he 
has succeeded in elucidating some of the dark passages in Anglo-Saxon 
law, in giving new and very interesting meaning to many terms in that 
law, and in establishing his point that tribal custom must not be disre- 
garded as one factor in Anglo-Saxon economic development. 

N. Neilson. 
L Empire Carolingien : ses Origincs et ses Transformations. Par 

Arthur Kxeinclausz. (Paris : Hachette. 1902. Pp. xvi, 

611.) 
Quomodo Primi Duces Capetiance Stirpis Burgundies Res gesserint, 

10^2-1 162. Thesim Facultati Litterarum Parisiensi proponebat 

A. Kleinclausz. (Dijon: Barbier-Marilier. 1902. Pp. viii, 

116.) 

It is doubtless to the French custom of requiring for the doctorate 
two theses, one in Latin and one in the vernacular, that we owe the 
simultaneous appearance of these two works. That this does not argue 
the youth of their author need not be pointed out to any who know what 



Kleinclausz: L 1 Empire Carolingien m 

goes to the making of a French thesis and how many of the maturest 
products of French scholarship have thus seen the light. Dr. Klein- 
clausz, for some years a Charge de Coins at the University of Dijon, is 
even on this side of the Atlantic already known by name as the scholar 
to whom, with Professor Bayet, has been assigned the Meroving-Caro- 
ling portion of the magistral co-operative history of France now appearing 
under the editorship of Lavisse. 

That even a French doctorandus, however, should in this day of 
specialization attack such a theme as the Carolingian Empire is a notable 
thing. True, Mr. Bryce's Holy Roman Empire was originally but an 
Oxford prize essay ; but there have not been wanting those who have 
cited precisely this classic of Mr. Bryce as the sort of thing we might 
never hope for again from the universities. M. Kleinclausz has under- 
taken — he has even borrowed Mr. Bryce's words to state his purpose — 
to do for the Carolingian Empire what Mr. Bryce has done for the 
Empire as a whole. If his task is narrower, it is yet vast ; and to a much 
larger degree it rests on first-hand research ; for the Carolingian Empire, 
as such, has thus far lacked a monograph. Even the noble study of 
Dollinger, to which all later scholars (and not least M. Kleinclausz) owe 
so much, breaks off its narrative with the crowning of Charles the Great ; 
what further interests it is only the survival of that event in the tradition 
of the Germanic Empire. 

To the origins of the medieval Empire, from the fall of Rome to the 
coronation of Charles, M. Kleinclausz, too, gives much space — a third 
of his book ; and if in this much-worked field he has given us nothing 
new, he has shown everywhere a sane and independent judgment. Even 
those of us who are still fain, with Dollinger, to attribute the Donation 
of Constantine to an earlier day than Pope Hadrian's, or who are ready, 
with Einhard and with Hauck, to believe the great Frank an unwilling 
emperor, must admit the fairness with which his lucid narrative, while 
accepting views now more current, leaves room for free interpretation. 
He maintains, indeed, that the Carolingian Empire was the creation less 
of men than of circumstances ; and not Hauck himself has so clearly 
shown how slow was Charles to take up the new function, or how essen- 
tially ecclesiastical he counted it. 

But to M. Kleinclausz all this is introduction. The heart of his book 
is the story of that neglected century following the death of Charles, to 
which Mr. Bryce, even in his latest edition, gives less than three pages. 
To show that throughout this period the idea of the empire remained 
potent, — that the struggle of great statesmen to realize and maintain it 
explains the tangled politics of the reign of Eouis the Pious, — that 
even after the partition of Verdun had dealt it a death-blow the " regime 
de la eo/ieorde" inherited the moral ideals of the older " systeme de /' 
unite,'" — that the princes who still grasped at the imperial title — a 
Louis IE, a Charles the Bald, a Charles the Fat — were men of sounder 
abilities and loftier aims than is commonly supposed, — that even when 
its effective territory had shrunk to the mere realm of Italy and less the 






338 Reviews of Books 

Empire still lived its larger life in European thought, and had not faded 
from the dreams of men before the Ottos gave it new reality : this is his 
central theme. Suggestion he owes to Himly and to Lapotre, and much of 
pioneer work to those German scholars whose views it gives him so keen 
a satisfaction to oppose ; but the results of his own research are large and 
fresh and important. One important document accepted by earlier 
scholars — the letter of Eouis II. to the Greek Emperor Basil — he re- 
jects as a forgery ; and a chapter is devoted to proving it so. Its inspirer, 
thinks M. Kleinclausz, was Pope John VIII. himself, its probable author 
the librarian Anastasius, its true date the year 879. 

The Latin thesis of Dr. Kleinclausz is a less ambitious essay. The 
first five Capetian Dukes of Burgundy have been sadly eclipsed by their 
more self-willed and aggressive successors ; but from the scanty records 
left us M. Kleinclausz is able to show how it was their tact, their loyalty, 
their piety, their patience under royal assumption and feudal turbulence, 
that made possible under changed conditions the duchy's later promi- 
nence. These showings in no wise contravene, but happily supplement 
the results of such other modern workers in Burgundian history as Petit 
and Seignobos. 

George L. Burr. 

The Growth mid Decline of the French Monarchy. By James Mac- 
Kinnon, Ph.D. (London: Longmans, Green and Co. 1902. 
xx, 840.) 

Dr. Mackinnon tells us that his book "has grown out of a desire 
to investigate the origins of the French Revolution." Since these 
"causes were indirect as well as direct, remote as well as immediate," 
he found it necessary to review " the history of monarchic France from 
the Middle Ages onward." But becoming "engrossed" in his subject he 
studied it "apart from its direct bearing on the Revolution." Looking 
" at each successive reign from the standpoint of its effects on its period 
rather than on the future" and regarding the growth of the monarchy 
as " a process of evolution," he has written " as much a succinct history 
of the French people as of the French kings." Unfortunately, however, 
in working out this rather ambitious and inclusive plan he has fallen into 
several grievous errors. 

In his desire to wear a new path through an old field he has been too 
negligent of critical monographic writing. He has therefore, in view 
of the pretentious character of his work, incorporated into the details of 
his narrative an inexcusably large number of mistakes: e.g., the un- 
qualified statement (p. 23) that Colonna subjected Boniface to personal 
violence; (p. 25 ff. ) the prominence given to the Salic law in deter- 
mining the succession from Philip V. to Philip VI.; (p. 31) Charles of 
Evreux could have no " prior claim " over Edward as the nearest male 
descendant of Philip IV., — Charles, by the way, was not born till 1332 ; 
(p. 38) the Hundred Years' War was much more than "a mere genea- 
logical contention," and at least part of the blame for it (p. 85) must 



Mackinnon: The French Monarchy 339 

be laid on others than the English King ; (p. 116) the assembly which 
Louis XII. consulted concerning the marriage of his daughter was not a 
"States-General" in the strict meaning of that term ; (p. 652) the 
"complimentary, nay, even affectionate epistles" from Maria Theresa 
to Madame de Pompadour have been discredited. 

In the second place Dr. Mackinnon is unfortunate in his point of 
view. He interprets everything too much from the vantage-ground of 
achieved fact, and hears in almost every disturbance in French history 
the early rumblings of the Revolution. He is, moreover, too intensely 
modern (p. 347) to enter sympathetically into the spirit of the times he 
is attempting to portray : e. ,«, r . , (p. 58) he cannot conceal his disgust at 
the "mad fourteenth century," that age of the " fighting maniac"; and 
(p. 111) he is far less just than Adams in his comments on Charles VIII. 
and his Italian venture. His " grand test of the value of any govern- 
ment is contained in the question, What did it do for the people?" As 
a modern standard this will do, but to push it back into the period when 
monarchy was fighting for its life against feudalism, or to make it the 
only standard before France attained to some small sense of nationality 
must necessarily result in perversion of judgment and undue harshness in 
estimating men and events. 

To insist too strenuously that the structure of government is of minor 
importance " compared with the question whether its acts affected 
France, for the time being, for good or evil," is to run the danger of 
losing the idea of " evolution " for that of mere chronicle. This is ap- 
parent, for example, in the chapter on the Capetians, which one could 
read and not easily discover what has been called the ' ' debt of gratitude ' ' 
which France owes to this line of kings, or see, as Funck-Brentano 
points out, that this dynasty was not so much a self-creation as the product 
of the conditions which then prevailed. 

In striving to maintain the " dramatic " style of his Edward III., Dr. 
Mackinnon often falls into exaggeration and overstatement ; but this is 
more easily condoned than the vulgarity which too frequently appears : 
e - S-i (P- 77) " the priest gets drunk . . . abducts by night some hussy 
of a nun to his presbytery " ; (p. 204) Catherine de Medici is described 
as " the worthy dam of such a brood as Charles IX. and Henry III."; 
(p. 594 ff. ) the chapter on Louis XV. and his mistresses could undergo 
a thorough expurgation and yet convey an adequate idea of the influence 
of the King's secret sins and public debaucheries on the undoing of 
the monarchy. 

The book as a whole is of the nature of a philippic against absolute 
monarchy, that "